Friday 1 August 2014

Wole Soyinka: 80 Years Of Genius & Prophetic Outrage By Matthew Hassan Kukah

I want to thank the members of the Pyrates Confraternity for their doggedness in pursuing me all these years to speak at one of these events.
Having failed to deliver this lecture on two different occasions, I am pleased that the doggedness of Mr. Chiemeka Ozumba and his friends has paid off and I have the last laugh. I feel quite honoured to be here especially given that this is the nearest we will come to a Church celebration of this great man even if St. Jero’s Church were open. Having just presided over the funeral of the distinguished jurist, Justice Chukwudifu Oputa a week ago, I feel quite honoured to be part of this historic celebration and at this stage.
Like the rest of us, my introduction to Wole Soyinka was motivated more by the need to massage my ego and feel a sense of being educated too. I do not recall how I first heard of Professor Wole Soyinka as a great writer. However, the publication of The Man Died was my introduction to the man. One of my teachers in the Seminary spoke about the book in class and immediately after, I asked if I could read it. He said he still had the last ten pages to finish and could I remind him after supper. I did and he handed the book to me. I took it, spent most of the night reading and finished it the next day. When I returned it to my teacher, he smiled and asked how I had found the book. I think he suspected my response so, I simply said, Fine. He saw from my face that I was not exactly excited and took back the book. It was the first time I would finish a book and not be able to tell anyone exactly what the book was all about.
I was determined to read a Wole Soyinka book and so I went in search and found, one, titled, The Interpreters. I felt as if this would interprete whatever I had missed in The Man Died. I plunged into it immediately. I read the first 10, then 20 and 30 pages and made no headway. None of my mates in the Seminary was reading Wole Soyinka nor were there colleagues whom I could turn to for help. I gave up and did not finish the book. My ego was rather bruised especially as I had taken up the challenge of reading Soyinka so I could also count myself educated enough to contribute to any discussion on the man if the need arose.
After these two books, I thought I would rather abandon this and go back to reading people like Chinua Achebe. Then I went to the bookshop in Jos and tried again. This time, I asked one of the staff if he could recommend a Wole Soyinka book to me. I think you should read, The Trial of Brother Jero especially as you are in the Seminary. You will like it. I paid for it and was happy that it did not look big. I read it at one sitting, intrigued by the story line. I was even happier over the fact that I realized that perhaps I was not as uneducated as I had thought. I did not become a serious Wole Soyinka reader as such, but I became interested in his works.
Our paths did not cross and like millions of other Nigerians, I was just content with knowing that he was a famous man from my country. A first meeting took place much later in far away Ohio, in the United States. I had been invited to present a paper at a Conference on Constitutionalism. My flight had arrived a bit late and I got to the venue of the meeting around 7pm. I had barely put my bags down when my host said to me, You must meet Professor Soyinka because he will leave immediately after his keynote address. I had jumped at the thought that I would finally meet the man, but was disappointed that it was not going to be a long meeting but I was delighted to take advantage of this rare opportunity. It was my first meeting, but it was memorable because Professor Soyinka cheated me. I forgave but have not forgotten and he himself might not even remember. This was what happened.
When we got to where he was seated, he was alone with only a bottle of red wine for company. He had already drunk nearly half of it. When he offered me a glass, I was quite pleased to accept the offer. He then poured me a glass. We toasted. He finished his glass and filled it up again. I had just had my first sip. Then he filled his glass again. We drank and chatted, but he made greater progress than myself. Next, he emptied the bottle into his glass again and that was it. I could not challenge him for obvious reasons but I felt rather cheated. But that was not the end because this serial offender was soon to repeat his offence again.
The second instance was in Benin when Comrade Adams Oshiomohle invited us to the One Man, One Vote march in Benin.  I arrived Government House at about 8.15am and the sitting room was full of many other colleagues of the Comrade Governor. There was Professor Soyinka sitting down with a bottle of red wine planted right in front of him. I went straight to greet him. After the pleasantries, I decided to appeal to my moral authority to denounce his action. Prof, it is barely 8am and you are already drinking wine so early? Now, come on, he said with that baritone of his as if ignoring my clerical authority: Is it not you Catholics who encourage us to have communion? That is exactly what I am doing. As if to let me know that I was wasting my time, he lifted up his half empty bottle, made no attempt to ask if I was interested and poured himself another long glass. My mind went back to Ohio, I made a mental note but I was too polite to complain. I know one day he will pay for his many sins. Today is a good a chance as any for him to redeem himself.
I will like to do three things in the course of this lecture. First, I will like to briefly look at the celebrant and appreciate his exceptional gifts and expressions of his genius by way of his troublesomeness and daring rascality. Secondly, I will look at the theme of rebellion and revolt as a metaphor for prophesy and argue for its nobility in nation building. Thirdly, I will address the theme of religion in society, a theme that has often appeared in the intellectual universe of the celebrant. By way of conclusion, I will look at the future of the vision for a new form of literature in which art imitates life.
1: Wole Soyinka and the birth of a Genius:
I want to thank God for sending this great son of Africa to this great country called, Nigeria. Whatever may be Wole Soyinka’s claims as to how he got to be where he is, whether he believes God has brought him here or not, whether he wishes to celebrate or attribute his profound contributions to chance, intelligence, or Ifa divination, I am far from being concerned. All I know is that I am personally eternally grateful to God that he was born here and not there.
As usual, many people will ask, what is Bishop Kukah doing with these people? Has he joined them? I often feel quite glad and vindicated when partisans who believe they own you raise these questions feeling that you are sleeping with the enemy. Some two weeks ago, I was at a lecture in Lagos organized I think by Asiwaju Tinubu’s office. Most of the members were APC partisans and I knew that. I had quietly taken my seat when someone came to say that my friend Governor Amaechi whom I did not even know was in the hall insisted that I should come and sit beside him. I did and I had barely sat down when he said to me; I had told them that you are a PDP sympathizer. I told him that it made me feel quite glad because I had heard some of my PDP friends say that I am an APC sympathizer. In any case, I said, he had been a PDP stalwart.
Three weeks ago, I was at the mosque in Sokoto for the wedding of the Governor’s daughter. In shock, one or two of my friends asked what I had gone to do in a mosque Someone called me to ask what I was going to do at Wole Soyinka’s birthday when the man is supposed to be an unbeliever. I told my friend I was going to baptize him as part of his birthday celebration. He seemed to have believed me, but that ended our conversation. I am quite pleased that God has offered me these very rare opportunities and I do thank those individuals, groups and communities who keep opening their doors and letting me into their world. I do not take this honour lightly.
Our African cultures are not favourably disposed to the notion of protest. Obedience and compliance have always been presented as noble ideals required for forging a collective sense of family and community. At meetings, the young are supposed to be seen and not heard. Younger people can often be scolded for daring to speak while elders are speaking. Consequently, obeisance has been built into the thread of African life. A parent who concedes to a young person the right to contribute to public discussion in the presence of elders would often be considered to be encouraging irresponsibility and disobedience.
This applies to the women in African society. Men who give their wives license to speak are equally considered to be effeminate. How often for example do we hear the expression; Imagine her, men are talking and she is also talking. This is in spite of the fact that the woman in question may be a Professor and the man a driver or a cook. I make this point merely to underscore the fact that we need to thank the parents of our celebrant for coping with this young man whose troubles started too early in his life.
I am sure that perhaps more than any other work, Wole Soyinka’s Memoir, You Must Set Forth at Dawn offers the reader the most penetrating insight into the life of this great man. Not only do I consider it his greatest work, but I believe it should stand shoulder to shoulder with such phenomenal biographies as Mandela’s, Long Walk to Freedom. What is most interesting for me is not so much how it illuminates the man, but the fact that in the book, one sees clearly the biography of a man who had revolt in his DNA. Having ascended to such heights, only very few admirers of the man know how much has been packed into his life or the many things he tried to do in life and rebelled against himself. Sending this young man to the University of Leeds was a risk that only a man of the faith of his parents could have undertaken. Not unexpectedly, Leeds proved to be both a laboratory for his literary experiments and an incubator encasing the seeds of his genius.
His memoir presents the reader with literally every angle of the celebrant’s middle and adult life. You encounter the early stirrings of anger, revolt and outright defiance in his years in Leeds. The language in the poem, Telephone Conversation is dripping with veiled contempt and seething anger but it is also a warning of the lurking genius looking for an escape route. There is evidence in this poem that here was a rough diamond waiting to be polished and that if only he could stand still, sooner than later, the world would definitely stop and take notice.
His experiments with his literary talent showed a young man who was not afraid to sail so close to the wind. In 1959 he wrote a play titled, The Invention. It was supposed to climax with an explosion killing white scientists who were conducting research to determine racial types in South Africa. Strange enough, when the play was finally staged at the Royal Court Theatre, he state that the explosion refused to come on cue! Here was already a clear lesson, but WS did not learn that perhaps, contemplating wiping out white people even if in a play will not be such a good idea to be pursued. His sights were set on a project not far from the idea of the play.
For WS, white oppression, injustice, the conquest and occupation of African lands and resources was an unforgivable crime. He was determined to play a role in ridding the continent of these usurpers. He and his colleagues believed that the liberation of Africa was a project that was within their reach. In his words he believed that he and his friends:….would be the transforming auxiliaries of an inchoate substance, a yet undefined entity of space that just happened to be called Nigeria, Gold Coast, the Rhodesias, Ivory Coast, Senegal, Cameroon, etc. The future spread itself before us, a vision of the re-assemblage of a much abused, much violated people on whose head the ultimate insult had been heaped-broken in pieces and then glued together like the shell of the tortoise in folk mythology. We were unstoppable.
While in the University, he was really in search for a platform to realize his dreams. His education was also important only to the extent that it served as a platform for learning and acquiring the skills to embark on this mission of liberation of Africa. He took a bold step in order to actualize this dream. He went on to enroll in the officer training corps of the University of Leeds in 1955, opting, in his words, for Infantry corps. He apparently had not prepared himself for the implications of his foolhardiness. For, barely a year later, he was summoned to go to fight his fellow Africans in Egypt in the Suez war in 1956. He thought he had joined the training corps to exploit the British system so as to prepare himself for the liberation of South Africa. He wrote to decline the call up, only to realize that he was liable for court martial. Getting out of this impending court martial shows the celebrant’s ultimate rascality as genius. He devised a get away plan that only his kind of mind could conjure.
First, realizing that he was bound by the oath since he had appended his signature (and that meant he had no reason not to answer his call up to go and fight in Egypt), he came up with a most bizarre plot. He convinced himself that he had actually recited the oath in Yoruba and not English and therefore, the oath had lost its potency and efficacy. Again, he reasoned, even if these words had passed his tongue, he would cleanse his tongue so as to eradicate any further feeling of guilt.  He went straight into the Mess and bought a glass of sherry to wash down and cleanse his tongue. He then hid his kit somewhere and fled! Last time I checked, AWOL, desertion is still a crime. Getting off one AWOL was not enough and he was still not done with wanting to save the world.
He signed up again, this time, it was to go to Hungary to help ward off the Soviets who had invaded that country. Again, his real intentions lay elsewhere, namely, to acquire enough skills to help liberate South Africa. Again, just when it mattered, he chickened out. In his words: I could not really see how a black face could be justified in slinging Molotov cocktails in the streets of Budapest. The prospect of getting killed in such a strange land struck me as grotesque- a black festering corpse alone in a snow-clad street, all other casualties vanishing into the protective colouring of their natural environment. So, our celebrant is still on AWOL and awaiting court marshal in two different British Military Barracks. General Gowon, Chairman should take note.
This is not a book review. I have made these references just to illustrate a combination of the genius of the celebrant and his penchant for trouble. By the time he returned to Nigeria, his seeds of trouble had fully blossomed. Thus, anyone looking for the reasons why the celebrant would later emerge in Ibadan as the mystery gunman, as the founder of the Sea Dogs Confraternity and other allied organisations, a messenger for both sides in the civil war, moving between Ojukwu, Victor Banjo, Awolowo and Obasanjo and many other key actors so as to change the course of events leading to the civil war, planting a secret telephone in Obasanjo’s room, etc, are just a few snap shots into the troubles of the celebrant. Little wonder, prison and solidary confinement became merely period of meditation and reflections. His defiance did not change. Little wonder, he would admit that the Secret Service agents were his eternal chaperons.
2: Prophesy, Vision and Nation building.
In the little book titled, Night, Elie Wiesel the hero of the Holocaust narratives and memorials, tells a very powerful story of a woman, Mrs. Schachter who, along with Jews in her neighbourhood had been rounded up and thrown into a train to a destination they did not know. As those journeys to unknown destinations are wont to be, they all travelled in silence. Midway through a voice pierced the silence with shouts of; Fire! I see a Fire, I see a Fire! The startled passengers looked at her and, in the words of Wiesel, she looked like a withered tree in a field of wheat. She continued howling: Look! Look at this fire! This terrible fire! Have mercy on me! Frustrated and unable to calm her down, her fellow passenger rained heavy blows to her head and body.
Gradually, since no one had seen any fire, other passengers began to move away from her, believing that she was out of her mind.  Her ten-year-old son with no choice, stuck with her in confusion since he too had seen no fire. Through the journey, she remained mute, absent, and alone. Then again, she suddenly stirred and began the shouts: The fire, over there! This time, she was pointing at somewhere in the distance. But no one felt like beating her anymore. Even the passengers had become tired of beating her. Mr. Wiesel stated that the heat, the thirst and the stench were nothing compared to the screams of Mrs. Schachter which psychologically tore the group apart. A few days later, with all passengers hungry and tired their train pulled up at a station. Everyone peered out in curiosity and anxiety. There, before them was written boldly, the name of the station:Auschwitz!
What does this tell us about prophets and prophesy? It is important to interrogate the notion of prophecy, expressed through protest as a vocation.  I will argue that indeed, protesters or rebels have often been the prophets every society requires to grow. They are often despised and vilified in their societies. Very often, for they suffer, harassment, imprisonment, banishment/exile, torture and even gruesome death is often their lot. They are often considered enemies of state, traitors of a cause, turncoats, villains, or saboteurs. Most prophets often die in ignominy and often, the fruits of their prophecy ripen years or even centuries after they are gone. Damned is the society that neglects the voice of the prophet or does not possess the capacity to discern the seeds of prophesy. Prophets sail against the wind.  Lofty as we may sound, not everyone who stands against the order of the day is necessarily a prophet. By their deeds, we will know them. As we know, like everything else in life, it is also the domain of scoundrels.
What this says to us is that prophets often see what those around them do not see. Writing or other forms of artistic expressions, songs, music, dance, sculpture and so on are merely outlets for this gift. As with Mrs. Schachter, the challenge is not so much that of the prophet, but whether those who listen can discern what is being said. Whatever their weaknesses, the world today would be different without the vision of prophets.
I use the word prophet for want of a better word and it is important to state that religious prophets are not necessarily cast in the same mould with other forms of secular prophesy to which I refer. Here, I speak of many prophets to the extent that they like Mrs. Schacthter point at fires that we do not see. In various ways, people like Nelson Mandela, Mahatma Gandhi, Che Guevera, Fidel Castro, Solinitsyin, Sharansky, Vaclav Havel, Malcolm X, Chris Hani, Lech Walesa, Rosa Parks, Steve Biko, Ruth First, would be classified as prophets in their protests against injustice though they applied non religious means of fighting for their society. Our celebrant would fall within this category of those who used their skills and lend their voices to the quest for a better society. The likes of the Rev. Martin Luther King, Mother Theresa, Pope John Paul 11, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Oscar Romero or Helder Camara would be prophets based on a theological platform different and distinct from that used by what I call secular prophets because they derived their inspiration from the material conditions of their people while the second set of prophets drew from divine sources of inspiration. There is of course a convergence in their quest for justice, equity and the quest for a new order. There might be differences in orientation, goals and visions of what a just order might be, but that is not really the issue here. These terms are imprecise but they are important in our appreciation of the works of our celebrant in this light.
3: Religion and the Trial of Brother Jero:
Perhaps one area that stands out in the works of our celebrant has been his views about religion and its place, if any, in society. The Trial of Brother Jero is a timeless and priceless piece of writing and perhaps it really highlighted our celebrant’s deep insights into religion and the power of manipulation. If we are looking for evidence of the author’s genius right from the beginning, it is hard to surpass this piece of work given the time of its writing, fifty years ago. Perhaps what is most significant is the fact that the work itself was prophetic in a sense. However, beyond that, we must address the issues of the resilience of religion, given how Brother Jeroboam has re-invented himself and almost literally now taunts his creator today.
Did the celebrant imagine that the descendants of Brother Jero would go beyond Bar Beach and take over most of our express high ways across the nation as they do today? Did the writer imagine that the descendants of Brother Jero would be the centre of political gravity around which all office holders from top to bottom would hover and grovel in search of blessings and anointing? Did he imagine that the descendants of Brother Jero would own choice private jets, choice real estates, banks, business and so on. Did he imagine that their empires would stretch from state to state, coast to coast and sea to sea? This is the dilemma of those who studied religion purely and simply in materialistic terms, believing that believers were the subject of mere manipulation and craft. Clearly, Brother Jero has done far better than the Confraternities which set out to denounce them. Surely, Brother Jero has spiraled while the Confraternities have descended from the ignominy of cultism to mere whispers in the scheme of things.
Cast your mind back and recall Brother Jero on Bar beach very early in the morning. He  has actually set forth at dawn to face his business of the day. He says to himself: I am glad I got here before any customers- I mean worshipers…l always get a feeling every morning that I am a shopkeeper waiting for customers. He justifies his ministry’s strategy, saying: I keep my followers dissatisfied because if they are satisfied, they won’t come again. And, boy, have they come back over, and over and over, in all colours, shapes, classes, genders, faiths, all with single intentions of arm-twisting God to their cause. They include politicians troubled by impending election losses, Presidents, Governors, Ministers, Chief Executives of Banks and corporations, ex convicts, Chief Executives fleeing the long arm of the law, those seeking public offices, businessmen facing ruination and so on. So, is this religion or are we faced with evidence of a state in the throes of renal failure? This is the place to look, not religion.
We are therefore compelled to address a more fundamental question as to what the role and place of religion are in shaping society. For us in Africa, the popular thinking among popular social theorists is that religion has become the problem in Africa. Nowhere is this more visibly demonstrated than in our dear country Nigeria. Those who hold these views cite the endless spates of violence, upsurge of intolerance and divisiveness in the name of religion. They blame religion for sheltering criminals and corrupt people as if the Church or the mosque is a replacement for the Police and the Courts. Rather than examine more closely the real role of religion in society, African social theorists have caricatured and uncritically applied Karl Marx’s rather weak materialistic tools of analysis and concluded that first, religion is the opium of the people and the preoccupation of the poor and ignorant. Now, religion has come back with a vengeance to taunt and discount these shallow claims. Indeed, as Napoleon said, rather than blaming Religion, we should be thankful because, It is religion that stops the poor from killing the rich!
Across the universities, various kinds of Student movements and associations emerged to fill what their teachers claimed was a moral vacuum. The stories of the emergence of a deluge of Fraternities such as the Pirates, Sea Dogs, Buccaneers, Skulls and Bones, Palm Wine Drinkers and among many others are well known. The celebrant’s role in this phase of our history is well known. The counter narratives have not wiped away the perception. It was interesting that when the Pirates came to invite me in 1996 or so to deliver the inaugural lecture, they dangled their Catholic credentials as a means of convincing me that they were not cultists. Whatever the case, the point I am making here is that perhaps with hindsight, I hope that the critics of religion are now better informed and disposed to conversion. Perhaps that is why I am here, who knows?
The critics of religion often do not have problems with religion per se. Often their problems lie in the perceived manipulation by those they see as the oppressors. Yet, in the end, what we have come to see is that from Latin America (Liberation Theology), the anti apartheid movement, Ayatollah Khomeini’s revolution in Iran to the collapse of the Berlin wall and the end of Communism, prophetic religion has always been deployed to rescue a society weighed down by injustice.
It is often tempting to think that what we need to struggle against is the removal of the structures of power such. Religious leaders are often summoned to speak out, to speak truth to power. Often the Opposition wants to court the religious leaders and they believe that the good religious leader is the one who is on their side, the one in opposition to the government of the day. So, they see religion and religious leaders as players on the reserve bench who can be called upon to change the course of the game to their own advantage. This is where religion and religious leaders need wisdom and counsel. This is where we must realize that religion has an overarching reach beyond the confines of other fault lines in the society. Indeed, this is at the heart of why the Catholic Church in her wisdom insists that her clergy can be political, but not politicians. I am often accused of being a politician, but I ask the same people to tell me why my liking music has not made me a musician!
As history has shown us, the mere removal of structures of corruption or injustice do not by itself (whether through elections, coup or protests) justify and end to oppression or corruption. We are seeing all of this across the world but especially in Africa and the developing world. More often than not, the same human beings replicate the same contradictions and re-enact the same injustices and corruption, merely using the same weapons of torture, only with a splash of new brushes, paint and actors. This is what the Catholic Church experienced in most parts of Latin America where Liberation theology had served as a mobilizing tool, the same problems it had to face in Poland or the Philippines, etc. It is also the same battle that Archbishop Desmond Tutu has had to wage with the upper crust of the ANC who have almost so quickly forgotten their history. His near isolation by the ANC in the burial of Mandela was the telling lesson.
4: What Next Africa, What Next After WS?
What next for Africa? It seems rather curious that Europe has always seen in Africa what Africans themselves seem unable to see. First, despite labeling it, in the words of Conrad, the heart of darkness, it still went on to invest thousands of the precious lives of its young citizens who fought and died in wars so as to occupy this house of darkness. By conquest, despoliation and death, Europeans went on to invest rather heavily in both the enslavement of Africans and the dispossession of the continent’s resources. Despite the scorching heat in Africa, Europeans were still glad to carry this very heavy white man’s burden as Rudyard Kipling called the colonial project. This is neither the place nor the time to investigate this phase of our history. But this notion of investing in darkness and willingly going to war to carry a burden it must be a telling metaphor of the conflict between danger and opportunity in Africa. Going forward, we must ask why Africans have refused to shine their eyes and whether the future lies in continuing on this path. Why does the prospect of a good life for Africa remain only an emblem of possibilities and promise? Why does the good life remain a shifting kaleidoscope? Why is our narrative constantly a movement of possibilities never really embraced, just an endless burst of conflict of lights and shadows.
At the end of the last century, Afro pessimists and Afro optimists both contested for the best projections of the continent’s future. In March 2000, the very influential UK Economist Magazine ran a cover story titled, Africa the Hopeless Continent. Barely ten years later, precisely in December 2011, it did another cover story. This time, it made a complete turn around and captioned it: The Hopeful Continent: Africa Rising. Where exactly Africa was rising from and how long the continent had been dead, what killed it and what might a resurrected Africa look like, the magazine did not exactly say. But these conflicting signals and dominance of our narrative should worry us as Africans.
Our celebrant has committed most of his adult life exhibiting genius and making trouble by banging on the doors of African leaders. But at best, he might have been blowing a muted trumpet. Of course, at another level, we could ask why, beyond the entertainment and artistic value, what is the value of writing? Who exactly are we writing for and for what purpose? Why has writing not effected any change in our societies? What is the scope of our narratives?
We blame our politicians but in reality are they not doing much better than us? Are there no lessons we can learn from the distances they cover to sell their messages? How is it that members of political parties crisscross the country in a way and manner that writers do not? I know very little of the Association of Nigerian Authors, ANA, but without seeking to cause offence, what do other Nigerians know about them apart from their meetings, Awards and so on? Can ANA make literature cross boundaries, cultures, region and religion? How can ANA and Nollywood recreate a new Nigerian persona, away from the villainous role we have been conscripted to play by our enemies? Most of the negativity we imbibed has remained with us and threatens to continue to define us. This must be carefully thought through and reversed. Are we going to continue to choose between ethnicities in Nollywood or will there ever be something bigger?
We hear that the works of the celebrant, those of Chinua Achebe have been translated into 50, 80 or 100 languages. Yet, how many of these works have been translated into Nigerian languages, such as Angas, Fulfulde, Nupe, Hausa, ijaw, Efik, Tiv, Igala, Idoma, Jukun, or Ikulu? (I have added the last because the ethnographers do not know we exist and this is the only chance I have to mention us!). But seriously, what is the relationship between the celebrant’s works and the works of other artists in Nigeria outside Yorubaland? The works of Amos Tutuola for example, have been taken, raw as they were and turned into an art form. How come, we have not been able to find a place for the poetry of the likes of Mudi Sipikin, or the works of Mamman Shata, Dankwairo, or Danmaraya? Where do all these fit in the national narrative?
Despite a much coveted Nobel Prize, how come that only very few Nigerians across the length and breathe of this country can speak about the celebrant? How come that young Eskimo children in schools as far as the North Pole know about Chinua Achebe or Wole Soyinka but young children in Nigerian schools know almost nothing?
Nigerians love to criticize their country perhaps far more than any nation I know of in the world. Yes, we have all earned the right to be cynical and even contemptible about the way we have been governed, and about how the resources of our nation have been frittered away mindlessly. I am even more amused by the criticisms of some of our brethren in the Diaspora especially those who think that simply being abroad has set them apart from their fellow countrymen and women, those who believe that those of us who are here are so because we are not good enough to be abroad.
To be sure, there are many who are struggling to see what they can contribute to building a new nation, but I often resent the condescending attitude and outright smugness of some Diaspora Nigerians who believe in their superiority simply because they have a second passport. Yet, when some of them have had the chance, they have done far worse than those of us they have left behind. However, nothing excuses the degree of self-deprecation and flagellation that one often reads in the essays and commentaries about this country. It is about time we took off the gloves and speak honestly to ourselves about our future as a country, our mistakes, our fears, anxieties and deep hope. We are not the worst people on earth nor is our country the worst piece of God’s real estate. We have to seize this narrative and re-define ourselves.
The measure of the greatness of a people or even individuals is based on how or where they stand in moments of trials and tribulations. Nigeria is going through such a phase now. Since the outbreak of the tragedy that is Boko Haram, one has seen another side of our citizens that is quite tragic. Rather than trying to stand together to rise beyond this in hope together, I find some of my fellow citizens creating more confusion and using the insurgency as weapons of politics. The President and the security agencies have become the objects of attacks and vilification and yet, there is very little that is being done to point at the way forward. I know that as day follows night, we shall pull out of this tragedy that we face as a nation. But the least we can do is to stand in the comforts of highways and homes that someone else constructed and thrown stones at ourselves and our people simply because we are living off someone else’s sweat.
In a recent piece, Okey Ndibe literally overreaches himself and engages in what is at best a verbal overkill in his Naija pessimism. He says he regrets writing and calling Nigerians chickens. Now, he realizes that chickens are better off than Nigerians. Rather, he says, Nigeria has become the federal republic of ants. Does Ndibe now imagine that he has ceased to be an ant because he resides in the comforts of the United States, a country that was constructed on the back of the same ants hundreds of years ago? This is most pathetic, despicable and grotesque to say the least.
Can anyone in all honesty call a nation of 170 million people, doing their best despite the difficulties, a nation which has produced and parades some of the most brilliant and gifted people in the world, a nation with perhaps the most vibrant and informed media outlets in the developing world a nation of ants? If Ndibe were a Ugandan, Rwandan, Zimbabwean or indeed, from most African countries, would he write this and still come back to his country? Indeed, the answer is that there is hardly any other African that can write this rubbish about their own country, even if they had no family in the country. How much further can you overstretch logic and common sense? Do ants win Nobel Prizes or has Mr. Ndibe lost his own anthood by sojourning in America? This is my dilemma, how to recreate our new narrative.
What we require now are new visionaries to set higher standards. What we need now are new dreamers with the necessary imagination to summon our people to a greater tomorrow. Yes, we Set forth at dawn and are still on The Road. Yes, we have beatified many area boys. Yes, we were the running sore of a continent. Yes, we all stood by when the man died. Yes, we have lived through the Penkelemes years. Yes, we have witnessed the Trial of brother Jero, but, where are the Interpreters today?
Finally, the challenge now is not so much what the celebrant’s legacy should be. His place is already assured among in the pantheon of the great men and women of letters. The next generation of writers must address the questions of the relationship between Life and Art. Perhaps we are can argue that the writings of the celebrant have attempted to useart to imitate life, drawing inspiration from the realities of the society, warts and all. What we now need is new generations of Nigerian artists who will make Life imitate Art. By doing this, they can hold before us a world that is not here, but is possible. They can offer us a vision of a society that is not here yet but one to which we can align our politics, religion and culture as a people. They can summon to bear our burden with joy, to conquer our darkness with courage. That is the only spirit that can summon us to say,Yes, we can and Yes, we Must. It is the only spirit that can bend the arc of justice in our direction.
This is the spirit that rallied the Chinese to undertake the long trek. It is the spirit that summoned the Mau Mau to defend their land. It is the spirit that flowed in the veins of Nelson Mandela. Let me illustrate with the late President John F Kennedy.
John Kennedy’s Presidency was short but historic for due to his application of an incredible vision and imagination of possibilities. When he promised Americans that  they would land a man on the moon, it sounded like madness. We now know better. He imagined the creation of a non-racial and equal society. In a national broadcast on June 3, 1963, he proposed legislation to end discrimination and hasten integration and equality. Five months later, he was dead, but the project was irreversible. On July 3, 1964, his successor, Lyndon Johnson saw to it by signing the Civil Rights Act into Law. Lofty as this idea was, law by itself is not self-actualizing or self enforcing. While the struggle went on by other means, Hollywood stepped in. Hollywood chose the theme of inter-racial marriage to make the point.
The aspirations, ideals and visions encapsulated in the Civil Rights Act found expression in the historic film, Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner which was made in 1967. In an unforgettable performance, Spencer Tracy, Sidney Poitier combine with Catherine Hepburn and Catherine Houghton to offer the life changing performance of a lifetime. Cecil Kellaway’s brilliant performance cast him as Catholic priest, Msgr Ryan, Tracy’s Golf mate and friend who served as a mediator and moderator on his friend’s excesses. That film had tremendous impact on the world.
Even as an outsider, it had a great impact on me. Think for example if some Nigerian dreamer, artist, writer, film maker had the imagination to craft such a powerful story in this our thoroughly divided society where in some parts of Nigeria, as the one I come from, some Muslims believe it is haram for a Muslim woman to marry a non-Muslim! Human beings, as we see from childhood and through life, live by imitation. Imagine what so many young people dream of becoming in life. This is what I mean by life imitating art.
There are as different views, opinions, and perceptions of the celebrant as there are Nigerians. This is how it should be. Fame breeds controversy. Unfortunately, I personally do wish I had known him more and that his works had been more accessible even in our Seminaries. What impact or what influence has the celebrant had on Nigerians? This is hard to gauge and I am not so sure whether it matters. However, it does seem clearly that as we have tried to show, controversy and trouble have been his middle names.
Whereas most Nigerians knew his vile hatred for Abacha, few including myself believed that he did not get on with some of the people or institutions we thought he was close to. For example, he found Abacha so detestable and disgusting that he did not wish to be buried in Nigeria as long the General was Head of State. His note or warning to his friends: Let no well meaning relation even think of bringing my body home as long as that monstrosity holds power over a portion of earth that I consider my own. Even in exile one would have thought he was the brain box of NADECO. Here, again the reader is shocked because of NADECO, he said: I was temperamentally ill suited to that company.
The celebrant and Tony Enahoro were the only twosome who opted out of the Obasanjo Political Reform Conference with fanfare. Like millions of Nigerians, I believed that both of them were birds of the same feather and that they were busy working out a new Constitution for the country based on their radical ideological convictions. But, no, for, on Tony Enahoro, he said: He thrived in endless meetings, corpious minutes, points of order, standing orders and moving and seconding motions….he galvanized the already simmering rivalries within the movement, causing them to burst open.
More interesting is his comment on Gani Fawehinmi. Of him, he said: Nearly every colleague, collaborator or beneficiary of Gani, virtually without exception, has gone through a phase of temporary derangement when they wondered whether it would not be much better, for the sake of the very cause that he advocated, if Gani were to be heavily sedated, kidnapped and hidden away, then revived and released only when the challenge had been resolved.
My intention has not been to assess the celebrant and his works. Professor Abiola Irele who knows him and his works will be doing that on Sunday. My job has been to use the platform I have been offered to celebrate a very complicated man of genius. My view is to see him as an extra ordinarily talented man whom God has endowed with incredible gifts of dreams and imagination and equipped him with the tools to express himself. As for his politics, his abilities to play football or tennis, his place of worship and so on, I have no idea. I have simply come to celebrate one of the greatest writers to come out of our country and continent.
One last word: Prof, had you listened to your mother, life would have been easier for you. Remember she warned you: Wole, Itirayi ni gbobo nkan. Perhaps it is just as well that you did not believe in merely trying for then, you would not have had a Nobel Prize. For a failed trader, failed farmer, a soldier on AWOL, you did well by choosing Literature and Art. Unless the British come to arrest you for court martial, I wish you many more years of good health, joy and peace. As you walk towards the sunset, turn to the Lord and may He let His face shine upon you and bless you. Thank you very much for the rare opportunity to be here. God bless you. God bless our dear country.

Presidency is terrorising APC, Nigeria – Galadima

■ Tells how FG planned to kill Nyako
Chieftain of All Progressives Congress (APC), Engr Buba Galadima has dismissed claims that the party has any link with terrorists, insisting that the Federal Government is the terrorist.Engr Galadima, a delegate to the National Conference, in an interview with IHEANACHO NWOSU, also spoke on other issues including decisions taken at the national conference and impeachment of former Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako.It is argued that the National Conference, to which you were a delegate, failed given the way it ended, what is your position on this?
In the first place, let me say that we have not gone on a long recess; we have only gone on two weeks recess. The recess is to enable the secretariat to compile our thinking as reflected in our recommendations or resolutions at the plenary sessions. Once these things are compiled and properly documented, we will resume on August 4 to look at them and decide whether they were true reflection of our decisions. As soon as that is accepted, the recommendations will be passed to the convening authority, that is, the government that set up the conference. They will now know what to do with the resolutions so far adopted by the conference.
But the inability of the delegates to agree on key issues like the derivation formula has led to the argument that the conference was a failure?
A lot of people are not conversant with parliamentary procedures and they are not in a position to understand what it was that we agreed upon.  Everything accepted by a group of people in a parliamentary debate becomes the position of the parliament. As far as we were concerned, we adopted a position. This means that we agreed on that position, whether it is for or against is immaterial. We had a recommendation by the committee on Devolution of Power and Resource Control. We agreed that the status quo should be maintained. And that position of the committee was adopted at the plenary.
By arriving at that decision, we advised government to set up a technical committee of experts to advise it on the nitty-gritty of revenue sharing. It means that the status quo will continue to operate until that committee brings up a contrary position. The National Assembly will adopt this before it becomes law.
If you say that there was no disagreement on the derivation, how about the five per cent recommendation for rehabilitation and reconstruction of North East?
The five per cent was not part of our committee’s recommendation. An ad hoc committee set up by the conference recommended it. It came up when some people wanted to change the status quo which was adopted at the committee level. They failed to achieve that.
At the beginning of the conference, you accused the President of habouring a hidden agenda. Now that the conference is about to end, do you still hold such opinion?
Of course, yes. Whoever sets up such advisory body like the National Conference must have an agenda, which may be open or hidden. As far as the open agenda is concerned, everything was treated. As for insinuations of hidden agenda, yes I held strongly that there were. Some of the hidden agenda, which were under the table, were at a point brought up but were defeated at the plenary.
They include new constitution, tenure extension, referendum, etc. They were hidden agenda intended to promote certain things for certain people but they were roundly defeated by majority of the delegates.
At what point did the tenure elongation come up?
Of course, there was issue like that. Some people projected and tabled a motion that they wanted the tenure of Mr. President and the governors to be extended from four years to six. Even some people suggested that the President should be given a two-year extension over and above what he is enjoying now. All these things were openly debated and roundly defeated at the plenary. This could be some of the things that I referred to as hidden agenda.
Of course, parts of the hidden agenda were moved by some people to secure a large chunk of our revenues. This was also defeated. We agreed that the status quo should be maintained.
Outside these issues you mentioned, are you satisfied with other decisions reached by the conference?
I am satisfied with some of them. We are in a democracy, I may have my different opinion on certain issues but the majority will definitely have their way. I objected to the issue of the dissolution of local governments. I don’t believe that it is in the interest of Nigeria that we dissolve the local governments. We should rather maintain the local governments as a third tier of government. I will continue to say and defend at any level that we need the local governments as presently constituted. If there are inequities in the distribution of local governments, we must find a way of addressing these inequities and inequality in the number and size of councils.
Some people out of hate and spite tried to compare Lagos and Kano without looking at the parameters that were used in creating local government areas in these two states. Kano has 44 councils while Lagos with nearly an equal population to Kano has 20 LGs. Because some people are promoting hate,z they only questioned why the two states with almost equal population have disparity in the number councils. They argued that Kano has 44 because those who created the councils were from the North; they were from Kano. They have never extended the argument to say that in creating local governments, a number of factors and parameters were taken into consideration. One of the factors is population. Other factors are landmass, contingent parts like the environment.
All these issues were considered. When you look at these factors, Kano is 10 times the size of Lagos. Lagos is a city state. If people who say some of these things were not mischievous, they should have compared Lagos to Osun.  The former with a population of 10 million, according to the census, has 20 LGs and the latter with a population of less than three million people has 30 LGs. If it is also not out of mischief the same people talking about Kano should also talk about Rivers that has less than four million population, yet it has less local governments than Osun. Whether we accept it or not, we are using the census figure for all the things we do.
Akwa Ibom, which has less than 10 per cent of the size of Kano with a population of less than three million people, has 32 LGs. Nobody is talking about that. Rivers, which has more population than Akwa Ibom, bigger landmass, has less LGS than Akwa Ibom.
If the comparison of Kano with Lagos was not out of mischief or hate, the same people making the criticism should have compared Rivers with Akwa Ibom or Lagos with Osun. It does not matter what parameters you use, there is no way anybody can defend that the criticism of Kano, which was not done out of hate and mischief. No matter the parameters used as criteria for creation of LGs, Kano would always have more councils. The state has bigger landmass, large population, etc.
I suggested at the national conference what we should do but people because of primordial sentiment refused to listen. What I said is that we should allow local governments to be a third tier of government but make a recommendation to authorities like the Presidency to set up a national commission as was done by Gen. Murtala Mohammed under Justice Irikife to draw criteria for creating local governments and address all inequities and inequalities. The commission should arrive at the number of local governments that would be acceptable based on laid down criteria, not sentiments.
You cannot dissolve local governments because the reason for creating them was on account of the fact that there are certain communities in certain states that would never have the opportunity to have a say on who becomes governor of a state or what happens at the state level.  But if you give these people their small autonomy, authority and enclave, they will manage themselves as they wished.
They can use the local government, when we go into strict constitutional requirement for councils, to manage their primary school education, bursary, scholarship, agriculture, health, environmental challenges . Allow them to do that at the level of their communities. It is wrong to say you are throwing away these councils because you believe certain states or certain parts of the country have more councils, therefore they have more access to national revenues. That is why they want LGs taken out of the federation units.
The other issue, which I also do not agree with, is that of state police. You saw Abia State recently registering northerners in the state because it has the support of Federal Government. Kano immediately resolved to do that also. Imo also moved in that line. That is not healthy for the country. We have the constitution, which provides that every Nigerian is free to live in any part of the country and carries out his or her legitimate business and cannot be discriminated against.
But suddenly Kano people woke up and said every non-indigene in the state should be registered. Is that healthy for us? Is that healthy for the polity? Is that healthy for the unity of this country? It is not. And if Kano has its own police, it may not use the federal police to effect the registration exercise. Abia was using federal police to do that because they belong to the same basket. Is that good for the Igbos, Yorubas, Nupes,Tivs, etc in Kano to be registered because they are not indigenes? When we know that Kano people have got the largest heart among Nigerians. They made a Nupe man become governor of Kano, Borno man was made governor of Kano, Edo man was crowned governor of Kano, an Igbo man was made governor of Kano. Which other tribe or states in Nigeria have shown such large heart to not only accommodate other people but made them governors of their states.
Those, who do not know the implication of what they are clamouring for, promoted the issue of state police. This issue was fought and won by Mallam Aminu Kano because he and those that worked with him knew what the native authorities were doing to the opposition. Adoption of the local authorities police or state police means that you are killing democracy. If Kwankwaso had a state police during the appointment of Emir of Kano, Mallam Sanusi, there would have been war in this country by now. We should promote those things that would unite us and do away with those that would divide us.
There were media reports that some vocal northern delegates, including you, are lobbying northern legislators at the National Assembly to kill some of these issues you outlined ahead of the formal presentation of the conference’s report. What informed your move?
I hope those who are accusing the vocal delegates from the North who have gone to the National Assembly do believe that the National Assembly is a structure of government in Nigeria. We have the judiciary, the executive and the legislature. The National Assembly has a role to play in any constitutional amendment. In a democracy, whether vocal or passive, if a person feels shortchanged, he can run to every section of Nigeria. So, why is anybody afraid of people going to the National Assembly?
Having said so, however, I don’t know those vocal delegates who have gone to the National Assembly. I may be termed one of the vocal delegates but have never gone to the National Assembly to speak to anybody. But people should also agree that I have some rights in a democracy. They tell us that is the best practice in America, Europe, etc. If it were so, then why would anybody raise eyebrow if anybody decides to approach the National Assembly to promote a cause that he believes in. It means that these people shouting democracy are not sincere. Are there hidden motives that they are trying to keep away from the public? Let the same people making the allegation also go to the National Assembly to promote their views and ideas. It is the superiority of ideas and arguments that would always prevail.
You accused Federal Government of trying to destabilise the polity, why such allegation?
Are you not a Nigerian? Are you comfortable with what the Federal Government is doing? Removing governors because they disagree with the Presidency. We have intelligence report showing that the presidency wants to remove six governors who belong to the opposition. The presidency is afraid that if APC continues to control the number of states they are controlling, Jonathan will lose the 2015 election.
Even in the PDP states, I want to assure you that Jonathan will not win those states in the general election if we play our cards well. They intend to remove the Governor of Edo who they consider too stubborn for them. We don’t know the type of troops they will deploy there -whether Army, Air force or Navy to get him off. They had wanted to remove Nyako by force. They did not want him out because he embezzled the money they are accusing him of. If the issue is about embezzlement of money, then those who sent troops to remove him would be the first people to be hanged, not even impeached.
They removed Nyako because they are claiming and suspecting that he has a compendium of what have been happening and want to send it to the International Court of Justice at the Hague. They resolved to remove him and poison or kill him so as to destroy every evidence. Unfortunately for them, they didn’t know that God is greater than man. They intended to catch Nyako as a common criminal; he left his house 15 minutes before soldiers arrived at his home in Abuja and Yola. They combed his house thoroughly, including climbing the ceiling, trying to find those evidences. They didn’t know how Nyako escaped.
Nyako, as Vice Admiral in the Nigerian Navy, couldn’t have left such evidences in his house.
But there were claims that he ran away to avoid being probed?
Who deserves probe more? I am telling you the reason they are after Nyako. If that is the propaganda they are doing, they are merely feeding you with falsehood. For instance, Gov Al-Makura of Nasarawa State is the most thrift governor, yet they want him impeached.  They do not like his face and they want him out. They know that they cannot take the state through the ballot box, they want to impeach him and take over the state.
Nyako has been removed, Al-Makura is on the cue, and also Borno governor. They are among the six governors that they want to remove before the 2015 elections.
However, even if they remove all the governors of the APC, they will still not succeed in coming back.
There is the general feeling that APC is in disarray and that the party has a close link with Boko Haram. Are you not disturbed over that?
Of course, they are saying that. Why won’t the party be in disarray when they are using military police, EFCC and ICPC to hunt APC. We have only one life. If you are not worried over what is happening, let me confess to you that I am worried. So, only APC people are thieves? Our $20bn that was stolen is not money? All the things that were done in the Ministry of Aviation and yet the person who did that has never been chased by EFCC. That does not make any meaning to Nigerians. God is the best planner. They are giving APC different names including having a link with terrorists when they are the real terrorists, terrorizing Nigeria on all fronts. Anybody can do whatever he likes but only God knows His plans for everybody. We are not worried about their lies and propaganda; Nigerians and God know the truth. They are discrediting us because they know that we have both the number and capacity to oust them in 2015, but their campaign cannot work. They are the real terrorists; they have stolen resources that belong to the people of this country, causing death here and there. They are using state apparatus to hunt opposition.
Some APC leaders are leaving the party on the ground that the party has lost focus that Buhari and Tinubu are overbearing. Do you trace that also to the ruling party?
Why can’t they promote themselves to become a Buhari or Tinubu ? They are afraid of competition, they just want to be given leadership on a platter. Where they are going now, will they be alpha and omega there? They think people are fools. Do we look like fools? We cannot take their cheap propaganda and misinformation. Anybody that looks and speaks to us would know that we are intelligent and forward looking like several other Nigerians. We know how to differentiate the chaff from the grain. They are leaving because they have been planted right from the beginning to destroy the party.
Are you talking about ex-governor Sheriff or who?
All of them, they were planted. They have seen that there is no way for them to do that job they have been asked to do. So, they have to go back to where they belong. We have bid them goodbye and wish them best of luck where they are going now. We are good hearted people and that is why we are wishing them well.
What are you foreseeing for the country between now and 2015?
A very bad omen for all of us. The rate these people are going, nobody is sure who they will come after. Maybe, when they finish with those holding office, they are likely to descend on some of us who disagree with them on a number of issues. They can arrest us and lock us up or kill us outright.
Is that part of the intelligence available to you and APC leaders or you are merely predicting ?
Am I the first person to say that? Have you forgotten about Gen Olusegun Obasanjo’s letter to Jonathan? Why are some Nigerians forgetful?
Time will tell. Time is already telling going by what is happening.
What is APC’s plan B?
You mean I should reveal our war strategy for our enemies to know. They will lose the 2015 no matter what they do. That, I can assure you. Even if they kill all the people they think are their problem, they will still lose the election.
Are you saying that Jonathan has no chance in 2015 poll?
Nothing will make him to return. Honestly, I can’t see that happening.

Dear God, Buhari Must Not Die

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By Simon Kolawole
We have many reasons to be thankful that Gen. Muhammadu Buhari survived the bomb attack in Kaduna on Wednesday. I’m not trying to suggest that the lives of those who died are worthless - or that we should be less thankful for several other lives that were saved. Personally, Kaduna means a lot to me. That is where I have the largest concentration of my relatives. My elder sister, my nieces and nephews, my uncles and aunties - plenty of them - live in Kaduna. Many of them were born there. Kaduna is where they see as home. To cap it all, my dear grandma, on whose palms I grew up, currently lives in Kaduna. I, therefore, have a lot of stake in Kaduna.

The peace of Kaduna means much to me. Anytime there is violence in the state, I am always in panic. It’s been like that since the Kafanchan riots of March 1987. My mum used to live in Zaria, with two of my siblings. It was no fun trying to find out if they were safe in those days when there was no SMS or Whatsapp. Last Wednesday, I went into the panic mode again immediately I heard of the blasts. I started working my phone like a mad man to be sure my people were safe. So, there is every reason for me to be thankful for those who escaped the attack  - and to be sorry for the unfortunate victims.

But Buhari stands out for a reason. If he had died in that attack - which he described as a “clear assassination attempt” - I shiver to think of the consequences. I don’t know of any Nigerian politician today who has a genuine following like Buhari, even if this emotion is not shared nationally. Buhari’s following, in my opinion, ranks next to that enjoyed by politicians such as Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Sir Ahmadu Bello and Chief Obafemi Awolowo. These guys were demi-gods. They enjoyed natural following - devoid of bags of rice and gallons of kerosene.

I grew up thinking Awo was next to God. I remember the 1983 elections. According to the fable that we were being fed with, Awo had promised to relocate to the moon if he lost the presidential election. And so, as innocent children, we usually gathered in the evening to look at Awo in the moon. We convinced ourselves that we actually saw him. That is the stuff fanatical following is made of. It has nothing to do with naira and kobo. I don’t know of any Nigerian politician today who enjoys anything close to this devotion and affection  - apart from Buhari.

Who wants Buhari dead? Five possibilities are being bandied around. One, perhaps he just accidentally ran into a situation. Two, perhaps Boko Haram has decided to take him out. Three, maybe people within his party are trying to uproot him - because of 2015. Four, maybe it is people outside party - also because of 2015. Five, maybe it is some agent provocateur out to plunge Nigeria into Rwanda-like ethnic crisis. In a country where no single assassination case has been resolved, we would have been left to work with permutations and theories for the rest of our lives if Buhari had been killed.

The first possibility is ruled out because this is clearly not an accident. The bombers chased him, tried to block him and eventually denoted a bomb around his convoy. I saw what would pass for bullet marks on his car. If this was accidental, then we can only say maybe it’s a case of mistaken identity. Perhaps, it was someone else they thought was in the car. But from all descriptions, the assailants knew what they were doing. They came for Buhari. For someone who was a soldier all his life and had been a military head of state, I would rather believe his words that it was a clear assassination attempt. He knew what he saw.

The second possibility - that it could be Boko Haram  - also baffles me a bit. I have never seen Buhari as someone to be targeted by Boko Haram. And my reasoning is not complicated. The people Boko Haram has gone after are those they perceive to be exploiters and enemies of the people. I said “perceive”. Buhari, in the North today, does not represent an oppressor or a sell-out. Maybe the insurgents were offended by his criticism of them in recent times. It could be that since terrorism’s biggest fuel is embarrassing the government and enjoying publicity from it, taking out a big fish Buhari would add a huge feather to their cap.

There is a third possibility - that it is politicians within his party who want to take him out before the presidential primaries. According to the theorists, Buhari has become a problem for the APC big boys  - they cannot live with him, yet they cannot live without him. Clearly, it would be very difficult for APC to justify not giving its presidential ticket to this immensely popular politician who got 12 million votes in 2011 without inducing any voter. Killing Buhari, according to these theorists, would solve the dilemma and whip up sympathy for APC ahead of the 2015 elections. But Buhari is a massive asset - whether or not he gets the party’s ticket - so why would they kill him?

The fourth possibility: could it be the PDP that is trying to snuff life out of Buhari? A theory says this could be PDP’s way of making re-election a smooth ride for President Goodluck Jonathan.  Buhari has not only been a formidable opposition candidate since 2003, he has also been a vocal figure in criticising the PDP-led governments. So, maybe they want to silence him for good. However, PDP stalwarts would tell you Buhari is a very beatable opponent for Jonathan because they have perfected a way of de-marketing the retired general. They think Buhari is Jonathan’s favourite opponent that they know how to handle.

Finally, could an agent provocateur be on the prowl - neither APC nor PDP? Someone trying every means possible to set Nigeria on fire? Maybe they are trying to go for targets that can inflame passions and make the people pour into the streets and start killing one another and destroying property. Imagine if Buhari had been killed and it was interpreted as a North/South, Muslim/Christian issue. With the kind of fanatical support Buhari enjoys in the North, we would still be dealing with reprisals and counter-reprisals across the country today. Ethno-religious passions are so inflamed in Nigeria right now that a little spark can lead to months of untold crisis.

So many theories. So many possibilities. To be honest, I don’t even know what to believe. But I know one thing: God has done innocent Nigerians a big favour by sparing Buhari’s life.
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

And Four 
Other Things...
EBOLA ALERT
Ladies and gentlemen, an Ebola case has finally been confirmed in Nigeria. We can choose to live in denial and say it is a lie  or we can choose to admit the reality and begin to take measures to avoid being afflicted. It is one disease that kills without mercy. Nine out of 10 victims don’t survive it. There is yet no cure for it. There is no vaccine for it. Ebola kills as quickly as possible. Fatality takes days, not weeks or months or years. Let us take all care to avoid this plague. Caution. 

THE RIGHT THING
Of the many factors that I listed as contributing to building collapse in my article last week, was I surprised that cement generated the most interest? As I said, countries such as China and India have upgraded to 42.5mpa - unquestionably the world’s most potent cement because of its setting strength, yield and adherence capability. I’m yet to hear any sane person argue that 32.5mpa is equal to or better than 42.5mpa. But human beings, by nature, must resist any attempt to raise the bar. Luckily, industry players are only asking for more time to upgrade. However, I insist this is just a start. Government must henceforth ENFORCE construction standards. Indisputable.

SACKING ZAKZAKY
Friday’s tragic incident involving members of the Shi’a sect in Zaria, Kaduna State, is one we can do without. The sect, led by Sheikh Ibraheem El Zakzaky, was on its annual Quds rally - to protest the Israeli bombardment of Gaza which has claimed close to 1,000 lives so far. The face-off with Nigerian security forces consumed at least 10 sect members, reportedly including three sons of El Zakzaky. How can this bloodshed be avoided in the future? People have a right to protest, so we need to know what actually went wrong. And we can’t afford to open another battle front now, with Boko Haram still on the rampage. Baffling.

KESHI QUANDARY
Now that we have beaten FIFA to its game by following legitimate procedures in removing the NFF chairman, Alhaji Aminu Maigari, I hope the authorities will not deceive themselves into believing they can ever pacify former Super Eagles’ coach, Stephen Keshi, by re-engaging his services. Keshi, both as player and coach, has never been the darling of authorities, not in Africa at least. He wins Nations Cup, resigns and then reconsiders. He reaches second round of World Cup, resigns and then reconsiders. As the authorities move to renew his contract, they should fully brace up for the turbulence ahead. Cracking.

2015: Contact Office Opened for Buhari’s Presidential Bid


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Retired General Muhammadu Buhari
Onyebuchi Ezigbo  
Former Head of State, retired General Muhammadu Buhari and his loyalists seemed set to kick-start the campaign for his presidential aspiration on the platform of All Progressives Congress (APC), with the opening of a contact office in Abuja.
The office,  a rented apartment located at No. 34 Lobito Crescent, off Adetokunbo Ademola Way in Wuse II, was opened without fanfare a few weeks ago.
THISDAY gathered that Buhari was persuaded to also hire a residential accommodation in an undisclosed area in Asokoro so that he could have more time to stay and interact with political stakeholders in Abuja.
One of his associates who spoke to THISDAY yesterday said the former Head of State was being pressured to declare his bid early enough before the congress that will produce delegates at the Presidential convention scheduled  for later this year.
Buhari does not reside in Abuja as he often shuttles between his base in Kaduna and Abuja to attend political meetings, a situation his political associates viewed as not being convenient and healthy under the circumstance.
“Buhari is going to run and there is no doubt about it. We, his supporters will insist that he runs even if he saying otherwise. Majority of the party supporters believe that he is the right person to run for the presidency if APC is desirous of changing the administration in Aso Rock,” said the source.
On the plan to launch the presidential bid, the source said before the bomb incident, Buhari had concluded plans to formally declare his interest after Ramadan festivities. He said the former Head of State also planned to relocate to Abuja so that he can properly coordinate his campaign strategy.
Speaking on the recent bomb attack on Buhari, the party chieftain said the party was  aware of the competing interests, especially those currently in government who may not be disposed to having the former Head State run for presidency in 2015.
He said the party was not suspecting that any internal rivalry may be responsible for the attack but that it feels worried that the bomb blast came a few days after Buhari took a swipe at the Federal Government over Boko Haram.
“They all related to it. But first of all we are interested in his safety. No, everybody in the party looks forward to him as one person who is capable of lifting the opposition party to victory in the 2015 presidential election and as such they are all happy and will give him support to make it happen.Although there may beneficiaries if he is out of the way, but I do not think anybody will expect to win an election if Buhari had  died. His exit will create serious crisis for the choice of candidacy for the party. People with the profile of a person like Buhari are very few in the country”.

Bishop Kukah’s Private Outrage

by ·sonala.olumhense

Bishop Kukah

This is a review of the recent public lecture: “Wole Soyinka: 80 Years Of Genius & Prophetic Outrage,” by the respected Rev. Matthew Hassan Kukah, the Catholic Bishop of Sokoto.
I am at some liberty to claim the bishop as a personal friend; he is an intellectual and cleric I have admired for many years.
In “Genius and Prophetic Outrage,” he assiduously explored Soyinka’s journey in a manner that was at once profound, insightful, and funny.
But it is impossible to talk Soyinka on the back foot, because while he may be better known to the world for his Nobel Prize in Literature, his “outrage” has always been forward about society and politics.
Perhaps this is why the Bishop missed a couple of traffic warnings in his presentation, and like the magician Professor Peller, appeared to produce a cudgel out of thin air as he artificially split Nigerians in two:
“…I am even more amused by the criticisms of some of our brethren in the Diaspora especially those who think that simply being abroad has set them apart from their fellow countrymen and women, those who believe that those of us who are here are so because we are not good enough to be abroad,” he declared.
I was not at the lecture, and so I cannot confirm if this mind-reading diagnosis was received with a knowing snigger or a standing applause.
“I often resent the condescending attitude and outright smugness of some Diaspora Nigerians who believe in their superiority simply because they have a second passport,” he went on, “…rather than trying to stand together to rise beyond [Boko Haram] in hope together, I find some of my fellow citizens creating more confusion and using the insurgency as weapons of politics. The President and the security agencies have become the objects of attacks…”
Again returning to the ambush of Nigerians who ought to surrender their rights once out of the country, he said, “The least we can do is to stand in the comforts of highways and homes that someone else constructed and throw stones at ourselves and our people simply because we are living off someone else’s sweat.”
And then, apparently determined to make an example of someone, he put the Diaspora Nigeria cudgel down and seized Ndibe by the neck: “If Ndibe were a Ugandan, Rwandan, Zimbabwean or indeed, from most African countries, would he write this and still come back to his country…?”
Professor Ndibe’s “treason” is that he supposedly referred to Nigerians first as chickens, and then as ants.
In a response to the lecture <http://saharareporters.com/2014/07/21/bishop-kukah%E2%80%99s-grave-misreading-okey-ndibe>, a stunned Ndibe has responded suitably to the charges, which evidently stem from the bishop having misread the article <http://saharareporters.com/2014/07/07/something-really-really-dangerous-okey-ndibe>.  I support Ndibe completely; he is owed a public apology and the restoration of his threatened rights and privileges as a Nigerian.
Bishop Kukah seems to be possessed of great anger and contempt, and this is difficult to grasp because I know him.  A Soyinka lecture also seems an odd fork on the road of history to have taken on that un-Soyinka task.
“What we require now are new visionaries to set higher standards,” the bishop told his audience.  “What we need now are new dreamers with the necessary imagination to summon our people to a greater tomorrow.”
I disagree.  Our dreams and visions at independence-of a just society led by just men who would use public resources for public service-have not been invalidated: for 50 years, the problem has been our treacherous governments and their contractor prebendalists.  We need men who love Nigeria enough not to betray her and then blame the chaos on the betrayed, as well as men honourable enough to insist we must change.
That, I believe, is what Soyinka has been saying. When I read Ndibe, Tunji Dare, Biodun Jeyifo, Levi Obijiofor, Femi Ajayi, Niyi Osundare and many others abroad-along with others in the motherland such as Eddy Madunagu and Dele Momodu-I recognize the same thing.  I cannot accept Soyinka’s outrage but reject theirs.
I think the Bishop’s error is that he mistakes the frames for the lenses, which is why he identifies this division among Nigerians.  In Soyinka’s famous 1982 music album, Unlimited Liability, he appropriately identified the nexus between Country Hide & Country Seek.
Sings the brilliant Tunji Oyelana of Country Hide:
“Dem wan rob church, so dey call prayer meeting
When all eyes close, dem do their thing…
Dem say no licence, but who dey smuggle…
Na who loot the nation, na who dey shed crocodile tears…[abeg drop dead]…
Country Seek my broda, leave corner side,
Nor let dem take you for another ride
To be fair, Kukah’s divide is not really new.  Cowardly, colluding and complicit government officials who want to be left alone to the dastardly unhinging of Nigeria whisper it among themselves.  They say-these drunks who mistake bathtubs of free government wine for philosophical clarity-that Nigerians abroad should concern themselves with treatises about snow and ice and winter, and not expose their kleptocracy.
There are many ways you can look at Nigeria’s story as an under-developing country, and one of them is by the numbers.  At Unlimited Liability, for instance, Country Hide was responsible for a missing $2.8 billion, among others, leading to a politician nearly being air-freighted from London; today, Country Hide is responsible for a missing $20b, among others, one of the Ministers in the middle enjoying frivolously chartered jets and presidential “drop dead” protection.
Another perspective is the harvest: is it coincidence today to find artisans who reason and speak more intelligently than “Ph.D” holders?  Look at our governing philosophies, where leading by example is anathematic, and where the rulership cites private jets as evidence that Nigeria is “not poor.”
And we have bolstered this malfeasance of farce as achievement in the past 15 years by image-laundering: Olusegun Obasanjo set up the Nigeria Image Project, Umaru Yar’Adua, Rebrand Nigeria, and Goodluck Jonathan has Levick.
It is regrettable that while Nigerians criticize all of this around the clock and around the globe, anyone can see it as being unpatriotic.  Patriotism is about loving your country; loving an irresponsible government is a sickness.
The truth is that the only reasonable separation among Nigerians is between those who suffer from the country’s poor image and those responsible for creating it; or between those who labour under our collapse and those who benefit from it.  Our people say you do not spank a child and forbid him to cry.
Nigerians abroad, who now remit through formal institutions alone over $20billion per annum, are not responsible for eating Nigeria alive; they are an important contribution to keeping her alive.  And this is despite Nigeria’s being the only key democracy that still shamelessly keeps her citizens abroad disenfranchised.
Finally, Bishop Kukah raises several interesting questions, among which are: “Who exactly are we writing for and for what purpose? Why has writing not effected any change in our societies? What is the scope of our narratives?”
I answer that some of these questions should be asked of the powerful but semi-literate who mistake the likes of ‘Ikebe Super’ and ‘Hints’ for newspapers.
But a writer writes for the love of writing.  His work may or may not influence change, but he is happy to be up in the middle of the night writing.
Speaking for myself, in the Nigerian context, I have since been cured of any illusion that what a writer writes has any correlation with changing Nigeria, just as the citizen’s vote has no correlation with public policy. We must be content merely to contribute to record-keeping, in case the future has use of information for which the present lacks place.

So Who Wants Buhari Dead?

muhammadu-buhari_1



It is now incontrovertible that someone somewhere really wants General Muhammadu Buhari dead. The event of July 23, 2014, must not be taken or treated lightly. If we had a serious government in place, then, setting out to uncover the mystery would have become a major national assignment at this point. General Buhari is not just another Nigerian. He is a former head of state and he is also the leader of the Nigerian opposition, whichever way you choose to see it.
Buhari himself has rightly called it an assassination attempt. But the government and their friends said if it were an assassination attempt at all, then, the searchlight should start from his own party, All Progressives Congress (APC). Some have even gone further, if preposterously, to directly point fingers at presidential contenders within the party. But it gets curioser and curioser; our own Mujahid Dokubo-Asari has said Buhari actually stage-managed the attack on himself so as to give his (Asari-Dokubo’s) paymaster, Goodluck Jonathan, a bad name. I didn’t know this man is so brilliant. How ingenious!
But Buhari’s well-wishers think those who want him dead are closer to Jonathan than to him. Just within hours after Buhari had said that Jonathan had declared war against Nigerians, that direct attack on his person, as if to confirm Buhari’s statement, occurred. Nobody has directly accused Jonathan himself of trying to kill Buhari – at least I have not heard that publicly – but there are some facts that are very difficult to ignore.
You may not like former president Obasanjo and I am not exactly his fan – but you cannot take things he says about this government lightly. After all, are both the Jonathan and Yar’Adua governments not an offshoot of his own? Obasanjo said in that defining letter he wrote to Jonathan recently that he was aware that hitmen and killer squads were being trained for President Jonathan in preparation for the 2015 elections. And nobody should tell me not to take Obasanjo seriously on this one please. If there are 1,000 people on the so-called hit list, as Obasanjo said, it will make sense to assume that Buhari’s name would be among the first. So this is one possibility. The snipers were probably very upset about Buhari’s assertion and they just decided to start their assignment from him.
Another possibility could be that, yes, Boko Haram wanted Buhari dead. The mass murder of that day in Kaduna bears the signature of Boko Haram all over it. It would be plausible to link the suicide bomb attack on Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi, the Darika sect leader, to the one on Buhari only minutes apart on that same day. Dahiru Bauchi’s message to those who wanted him dead is that they should be a little more patient. At his age, 89, they wouldn’t have to wait much longer. Why did they spill the blood of scores of innocent people just to reach him? he asked. It’s just simply outrageous.
Could it be that Boko Haram wanted to kill Buhari because he has been critical of their activities? If this one is the case, then, it should be clear to those jesters who have been desperately trying to force the label of “sponsor of Boko Haram” on Buhari to go and find something else to do. If Boko Haram wanted to kill Buhari, then he could not be their friend. It is not that anyone needed this proof in order to make this point in any case.
Now, let’s go back to the theory being bandied by the PDP and their friends. My friend, Akin Osuntokun, hinted in a write-up that the fact that the bullet-proof vehicle that Buhari was travelling in on that fateful day was given to him by Jonathan was enough proof that Jonathan could not be behind the failed assassination attempt. He said that it was Col. Dangiwa Umar who told him so. I think Akin did not understand what Col. Dangiwa told him because I placed a call to Col. Dangiwa myself after reading Akin’s piece. I do not think that Akin was lying. I just think he simply misunderstood Col. Dangiwa because I know the president did not give Buhari that jeep. It was in fact given to him by an APC chieftain. I know that as a certainty. So that’s settled.
PDP’s publicity secretary, a certain Olisa Metuh, insinuated that those who attempted to kill Buhari could be his fellow APC presidential aspirants. I don’t know whether that makes sense at all, but listening to those PDP people, I know that there is nothing the human mind cannot contrive. If anyone in APC wanted to kill Buhari, would he use a bomb or a suicide bomber?
Anyway, whether it is Boko Haram or PDP people or even Buhari’s APC competitors that desperately wanted him dead, is it not still within the métier of the Jonathan government to protect the people and unravel the mystery and save us all? Or has Jonathan and his people forgotten that elementary responsibility of government? Even if it is APC members that wanted Buhari dead, is it still not the duty of the government that Jonathan heads to protect him? Why are they talking as if the president is totally excused, if it is Boko Haram or APC members that wanted to kill Buhari? The way some of these PDP chieftains are talking about this their brilliant idea of an intra-APC murder conspiracy against one of their own, you would be forgiven to think that they were part of the assassination plot. These people do not even understand the first thing about the workings of government. Is it not the duty of their government to keep everybody safe? People who accuse those in government of such criminalities do so because of the Jonathan government’s body language. Why, for instance, does the government conduct all Boko Haram suspects’ trials in secret? Who does the government want to protect or what are they hiding? Why is it that nothing has come out of all the several discoveries of bomb-making factories we constantly hear of? Or several shiploads or truckloads of arms that have been impounded by the customs and other security agencies? Why is it that, in all these years, no serious Boko Haram suspect has been arrested and tried by government? Is it possible that the government would not know the financiers of these hoodlums? Government? Is it indeed possible that any government at all would not know the financiers of criminals within their land for this long? Does this make sense to anyone? If it is indeed true that Jonathan’s government still does not know those arming these terrorists, why are they still in power? Is it by force? There are several unanswered questions and many things are not adding up.
The matter is even getting more complicated. Some followers of Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi are beginning to say that the attack must have been masterminded by some members of the Izala sect with which they are in perpetual enmity, even though no one has any proof of that. I hope some of these members of the Darika sect do not go on a groundless revenge mission thereby spilling more blood unnecessarily.
This is just the time that Nigeria needs very strong and competent leadership. We certainly do not have one at the moment. The situation is getting scarier and scarier by the day.

EARSHOT
…And More And More Bloodletting
Who’s feeding on all this blood that’s being shed in Nigeria every day? Last Friday, soldiers needlessly killed 35 unarmed Shiite sect members including three sons of their leader, Sheikh Ibraheem El-Zakzaky, during a peaceful demonstration in Zaria. Was there no way that bloodletting could have been prevented? What danger did these Shiite sect members, who were unarmed and are ideologically opposed to Boko Haram, pose to the peace of Zaria and the country? Yes, I am aware of their occasional excesses and peskiness, but is that worth 35 lives especially since many of them were arrested alive? Maybe I don’t know enough, but when did peaceful protests for whatever reason become so much a crime that 35 people have to be killed? Is Nigeria losing its soul?
The leader, El-Zakzaky, has so far called on his members all over to show restraint. This should be commended but there must be consequences for the murder of 35 innocent souls even if the murderers were those in authority. The government must not mismanage this one again and create another Boko Haram on our hands.

Asari Dokubo's Statement on the Attack on Buhari Is Callous


Asari Dokubo's statement on the attack on General Buhari by terrorists is mindless and diversionary. I totally and unreservedly condemn the statement by Asari Dokubo that General Muhammadu Buhari masterminded the attack on his envoy by terrorists last week to portray President Jonathan in bad light and win the sympathy of Nigerians.
 The statement is mindless, thoughtless, diversionary, utterly callous and calculated to undermine the ongoing investigation ordered by the Inspector General of Police on the dastardly attack on General Buhari that left in its wake scores of innocent Nigerians that were unfortunately around the area that the attack was carried out. 
It amounts to a desecration of the memory of all those who died in the attack on the vicious suicidal attack on General Buhari , for Asari Dokubo to make such an unguarded and reckless utterance in his frenzy and overzealousness to ingratiate and curry the favour of President Jonathan, whom he had previously dismissed as a bumbling incompetent. 
It is regrettable that Asari would want to trivialise such a serious matter as the attack on General Buhari and Sheik Dahiru Bauchi respectively that led to the untimely dead of almost 90 Nigerians. 
I call on President Jonathan to call and distance himself and his government from the antics of the likes of Asari Dokubo who wants to ethnicise and sectionalise the Nigerian Presidency for parochial and selfish reasons. 
I make bold to say that President Jonathan, as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria belong to all Nigerians and indeed was voted into office by Nigerians from the South-South; South East; South West ; North East; North West and North Central so nobody should give the impression that he is President alone for the South-South Nigeria. 
It is unfortunate that the likes of Asari Dokubo always construe important national issues from the ethnic and sectional prism.