There Is Alternative To Oshiomhole.

| IYOBOSA UWUGIAREN

Let me start this piece by sharing this story concerning my local government area with you. I was at the headquarters of Orhionmwon local government council, Abudu, recently. My mission was to have a chat with the chairman of the council’s caretaker committee appointed by Comrade Governor Adams Oshiomhole about three years ago over issues bordering on the sorry state of the LGA. I am an indigene of Urhonigbe town, the largest community in the local government area. Even though I knew the acting landlord was in the office, an aide to the LGA boss told me he had travelled to Benin City for a meeting when I visited his office. However, despite efforts made to frustrate my mission, I eventually met with one of the key account staff members of the council who should know the inner working of the council.
 Although I introduced myself as a journalist, I told him from the beginning that my discussion with him would be off the record. I requested to know from my source why the impact of the council in the administration of the local government is not being felt in the council — even in the common area of sanitation and community roads — in spite of the millions of naira the council receives monthly as revenue allocation from the federation account.  Expectedly, it was tough getting my source to talk. However, hesitantly, the senior account officer later explained the monthly frustration of the council.
Hear him: “In almost four years, Orhionmwon local government council has received over N162 billion from the federation account —with an average monthly allocation of N130 million. But, every month, the state government only gives us a fraction of it to pay salary and we do not know how the rest is shared or deployed. The state government usually tells us that the money will be used on behalf of the council.”
As I was able to understand from my source, my local government is not alone in this attitude of the state government under the leadership of the self-styled comrade governor. The criminal looting of the LGs’ funds is the same in all the local government councils monthly. From the Ministry of Finance’s record, Orhionmwon is one of the LGAs that receive the lowest allocation in the state, while Oredo LGA, which is the highest, receives an average of N158 million monthly. Yet, it is shocking to hear that the councils have little or nothing to show for the huge allocation they receive monthly.
Perhaps, that explains why Oshiomhole has refused to allow a democratic government in the councils in the last three years. For him, it appears the councils have become a conduit pipe to loot LGs’ funds for personal use.
Check the Ministry of Finance’s record also: Edo State has received well over N550 billion from the federation account since Oshiomhole came to power; this is outside the LGs’ monthly allocation and the internally generated revenue that runs into billions of naira monthly. Yet, we are told that the state had borrowed billions of naira from commercial banks for a few capital projects being executed in the state.

Like I have earlier stated in this column, what many outsiders are celebrating in Edo State today is massive fraud that has been perpetrated in the state in most of the four years of Oshiomhole’s regime. And these are the real issues that will determine how the good people of the state will vote on Saturday. In spite of several threats and intimidation that I have received from Oshiomhole’s aides, let me restate my position that I am one of many indigenes of Edo State who strongly believe that the comrade governor has failed to live up to the huge expectation of the people, especially taking into consideration the quantum of financial resources that have been made available to him since he assumed power almost four years ago. His so-called achievements are more of the media’s making. The people of Edo State know better. I admit that his media aides have done excellent job of manipulating the public in favour of their master. And, if people outside Edo State were to decide the Saturday governorship election in the state, Oshiomhole would surely score 99.9 per cent of the total votes. Apparently overwhelmed by the dirty propaganda of the governor’s spin doctors, most naive people outside the state wrongly believe that Oshiomhole is unbeatable in the election. They believe he has performed excellently to deserve a second term. But, unfortunately, the reality on ground in the state is far from what these people are saying; and, for sure, this group of people will not vote on Saturday; they will not be there when the good people of Edo State will come out in large numbers to decide who will govern them in the next four years.

But, give it to the propaganda unit of the Oshiomhole Campaign Organisation peopled by information management experts: while they have so far been able to deceive and manipulate most people, especially those outside the state, about the pseudo monumental achievements of Oshiomhole in the last four years, their limitation is that the impact of their activities is not being felt in Edo State, because the people of the state cannot see the so-called achievements which the outsiders are celebrating. If there is a monumental achievement of Oshiomhole’s regime – as some naive people are compelled to believe -- why is the self-styled comrade governor allegedly bribing the electorate in the state today to allow him to repeat his class? I thought his achievements today would have been campaigning for him.
The people of Edo State are very educated, enlightened and very patriotic; they reward excellence when they see it. The fact that Oshiomhole has, in the last few weeks allegedly opened the state’s treasury for his campaign organisation for all kinds of inducement is a pointer to the popular belief among the people of the state that their governor has refused or failed to meet their expectations in the last four years. Today, the people of Edo South are worst hit: they have been dehumanised and impoverished by Oshiomhole’s government, which is why it is very easy for the governor and his aides to bribe some of our people today with peanuts for vote. That is why the governor even thinks that by bringing Aki and Pawpaw, the diminutive Nigerian actors, or 2-Face for them to see at rallies, our people will vote for him.
The facts are there: In the last few days, Oshiomhole has been going about with a chopper in Esanland— at the expense of taxpayers — campaigning. This action, to me, gives credence to the fact that the governor is afraid of his people; it questions his claim that he has rehabilitated all roads in the area and brought succour to the people. And, like somebody asked, if he had done so well for the people, why did he choose to travel in a chopper rather than on the roads he claimed to have rehabilitated?
 We should challenge the governor to account between now and Saturday for public funds expended on chartering the chopper; otherwise, they should punish him by denying him their votes during the election on Saturday.
True, the people of Edo State have a rare opportunity to make a point this Saturday and send a clear but decisive message to Oshiomhole: they are not ready to continue with a governor that serves his people more on the pages of newspapers rather than increasing their well-being. It is an opportunity for them to free themselves from the punitive and exploitative tax policy of Oshiomhole and say enough is enough to the criminal pillaging of their common wealth. If we miss it, we shall be doomed.

Edo's Budget of Progress.

By Nasir ElRufai

From a hopeless budget in the Bauchi of the Northeast, a sensible one in Lagos of the South-West and an opaque budget in Benue of the North-Central, our focus this week is on the South-South state of Edo with a view to assessing how self-reliant, fiscally prudent and accountable the state is. It is one of the states where a Fiscal Responsibility Bill has been presented to the state House of Assembly but has not yet been passed into law. While the state benefits from the 13% derivation fund as a marginal oil producing state, this fiscal advantage does not translate to any significant edge in financial transfers and key indices when compared to other states in the Niger Delta region.
The Mid-Western Region was created in 1963 from Benin and Delta provinces of the old Western Region, and its capital was Benin City. It was renamed a province in 1966, and in 1967 when the other provinces were split up into several states, it remained territorially intact, becoming a state. In 1976 it lost Ughelli to the new Rivers state and was renamed Bendel state. Edo State was formed on August 27, 1991 when Bendel State was split into Edo and Delta States. Geographically, Edo is bounded on the north and the east by Kogi State, on the west by Ondo State and on the south by Delta State. It had a population of 3,233,366; 1,633,946 males and 1,599,420 females according to the 2006 Population and Housing Census, making it more populous than Botswana and the Gambia.
As a marginal oil producing state, one of Edo’s principal mineral resources includes crude oil though in tiny quantities compared to other Niger-Delta states. Others resources are natural gas, clay chalk, marbles, granite, limestone (an estimated 10 million tones reserve),gypsum, feldspar (useful for glass production), kaolin(huge deposits which have not been exploited) and a reserve of about 90 million tonnes of bentonite. While bentonite has wide industrial usage, much of the required amount for local consumption is still imported. These minerals are potential revenue sources for the state. Agriculture is the predominant occupation of the Edo people. The major cash crops produced are rubber, cocoa and palm produce. In addition, the State produces crops like yams, cassava, rice, plantains, guinea-corn, and assorted types of fruits and vegetables.
Col John Yeri served as first Military Governor of Edo state till 1992. Others who governed the state include; John E.K Odigie-Oyegun (1992-1993), Chief Lucky N. Igbinedion (1999-2007), Prof. Oserheimen Osunbor (2007-2008) and most recently Comrade Adams A. Oshiomhole. Oshiomole was sworn into office November, 12 2008 after the appeal court declared him the winner of Edo state gubernatorial election of April 2007 under the political platform of AC. Prior to his election as Governor he was the president of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC).
Oshiomole’s activism dates back to his days at the Arewa Textiles Company where he was union secretary. He became a full-time trade union organizer in 1975. In 1999, he became president of the Nigerian Labour Congress. He was publicly recognized as man of the people and openly challenged the government where policies were not in favor of the workers. The emergence of Adams Oshiomole as governor of Edo state came as a delight to many who were familiar with his activities and achievements as leader of the Nigeria Labor Congress and believed he would make a difference by actively being in government. Both Nuhu Ribadu and I broke ranks to attend his fundraising dinner and supported his candidature over the PDP candidate. Against this background, Oshiomole had the popular vote and naturally, the masses believed that his antecedents will enable him to use the resources of the state judiciously and in the best interest of the citizens.
Edo State Government’s budget totaled N150.9bn for the 2012 fiscal year; with N64.5bn (43%) recurrent expenditure and capital expenditure slightly higher at N86.4bn (57%). It falls short of the international standard requiring about 70% of expenditure for capital projects, but may be justified by Edo being an old sate with more maintenance burden that new build-outs of infrastructure and facilities. Edo’s personnel cost is 19% of the overall budget and is higher than the state’s IGR of N23.9bn by N4.8bn.This means that the state, if solely dependent on its IGR would not be able to sustain personnel costs much less invest in development projects. The state’s IGR of N23.9bn is only a third of its recurrent expenditure of N64.5bn and therefore insufficient to sustain those expenditures. The state government needs to be shrunk in size and cost.
The high recurrent expenditure cuts across the different sectors in the state, with health and education as understandable, but not in others. The Education sector has N14.1bn allocated for recurrent expenditure while capital expenditure for the sector is half that sum N7.7bn. About N4.3bn is expended on recurrent costs within the health sector in while the capital expenditure is slightly lower at N4bn. Works is the only sector with a allocation in favour of capital spending. It also got the lion’s share of the budget (N36.5bn) and of that amount, only N190m is for recurrent expenditure. Commendably, residents and visitors to the state applaud the current government’s effort at building roads in Benin City after a decade of neglect under PDP governments.
Edo leads all other states in the South-South zone in educational attainment in terms of numbers admitted to Nigerian Universities in 2007/2008 with a total of 3,569 while Bayelsa had only 434. The 2010 National Literacy survey statistics indicate youth literacy in Edo as 89.7%. Edo however has the lowest percentage of adults literate in English 73.5% in the south-south zone. Although the state was previously recognized as the “miracle centre state” because of the high incidence of exam malpractice prevalent there, the state was adjudged best overall in WAEC examinations in 2008 according to an advisor to the Governor. Hopefully the increase in capital expenditure to the sector from N5.6bn in 2011 to N7.7bn in 2012 would be a step in the right direction in support of education for the state.
Regarding health in the state, in 2011, Women Health and Action Research Centre stated that out of 100,000 women that enter labor rooms, 50 of them do not come out alive. Studies including data from Edo state indicate maternal mortality reflects the national average. It seems that maternal health is currently not given the priority it deserves by the state government. Of the N8.2bn allocated to health, about half the amount (N4.3bn) would be expended on overhead and personnel costs.
Despite Edo being a predominantly agrarian state, a paltry N1.5bn (about 1%) is allocated to the sector. Only 0.9% (N812.4m) of the capital budget is allocated to the sector. How this is supposed to aid development in the sector is an open question.This sector deserves to be given more attention if the state is to boost its IGR, employment and rural incomes.
Most of the state’s IGR is from taxes. The state increased its IGR projections from N18.5bn in 2011 to N23.9bn for the 2012 fiscal year but only made about 58% (N10.7bn) of its projections in actual revenues. For 2012, approved tax estimates are N16.9bn (71%) of the total IGR figure. The amount has increased from N13.9bn estimated in 2011. However, the state fell short by about N5.4bn (39%) of its projection in 2011. In 2011, the state projected its statutory allocation to be N45.7bn but received N22.4bn. In spite of all the above, it still estimated receipts of N56bn for 2012.
It is evident, even to a layman that continuous over-estimation of income that constantly falls short will surely lead to a deficit budget. In fact, the Edo state budget has a deficit of about 14% (N20.5bn). Its total receipts amount to about N130bn, made up of N115.4bn recurrent revenue and N15bn capital receipts while total expenditure is about N151bn. The budget makes no mention of how this deficit is funded. In 2011, the Edo state government was only able to balance out its revenue deficit by virtue of income which was not included in the estimates but was paid by the Federal Government, namely; excess crude oil reserve fund (N9.4bn), multilateral debt refund (N3bn) and refund of 0.75 commission charged on Paris club debt refunds (N436.2m). Perhaps that is what it expects to do in 2012.
The Edo State Government has attempted to correctly prioritize its spending by allocating the bulk of the funds to the major sectors of the economy as thus; Works (N36.5bn), Education (N21.8bn), Health (N8.2bn), Transport (N642m), Energy and Water Resources (N2.0bn), Environment (N18.9bn) and Agric (N1.5bn). Interestingly it categorically lists the state security vote as N4.5bn which is highly commendable compared to Bauchi’s allocation of a massive N17.6bn.
Edo ranks 21 in the ease of doing business rankings in Nigeria. It ranks 16 of the 37 states in ease of starting a business.  On average, it takes 45 day and 60.5% of one’s income to start a business in the state. Unemployment in the state is 17%, below the national average of 21.1% but considering that the state is home to two large Universities which churn out graduates yearly, it is imperative for the government to create a thriving environment for SMEs which would not only reduce unemployment and saturation of the state civil service but will also boost the economy of the state.
In Edo state, 39.4% of the population is food-poor and cannot afford proper meals daily, 47% are absolutely poor, 57.9% relatively poor and a little below half the population (47%) survive on less than a dollar a day. Overall, Edo’s poverty ratings lie in the middle among the south-south states with Akwa-Ibom, Rivers and Bayelsa slightly better while Delta and Cross-Rivers are much worse off.
The spending priorities in Edo indicate a high cost of governance which is unsustainable given the state’s earnings. The government is spending so much to maintain its staff at the expense of developmental investment. The situation is further worsened by falling revenues and repeated “over-estimation” of its revenues. The government incurs expenses without commensurate revenue flows in the university it owns and several state owned companies. A typical example would be education which receives about N21.8bn but generates less than 2% (N355.3m) in revenues through fines and fees. Virtually all its SOEs return nothing to the government coffers and should be privatized. The state should also aspire to be like Lagos which makes every MDA a significant revenue centre.
The present government of Adams Oshiomhole must be commended for its efforts at improving the state compared to the work done by its predecessors. But as with everything in life, there is room for improvement if continuity is sustained.The state is blessed with abundant resources which have barely been tapped and converted to cash-cows and apart from tax earnings which cannot even sustain its recurrent expenditure, the states’ major financing source is the Federation Account.
Without handouts from the Federal Government, will the state exist in the form it does now? The answer is no. Has the state provided a thriving environment for SMEs to play an active role in its economy? It is trying but needs to do more. Is the government investing in physical infrastructure and human capital or is it just maintaining what it has inherited? The state's performance in education and spending on roads answer this question affirmatively.
As Edo citizens go to the polls in July to elect a governor, it is my belief that the Oshiomhole administration has done well enough to be re-elected compared to the previous ten years of lethargic and violent PDP governance in the state. We hope the voters will make the right choice and the elections will be free, fair and credible. It is not too much to ask after the needless murder of Olaitan Oyerinde, may his soul rest in peace.

I said it. PDP can be whipped

The army of occupation that has vowed to hold us captive for a minimum of 60 years can be routed, given the shellacking of its life.  That was what the People of Edo State proved last weekend by giving the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) a bloody nose at the gubernatorial election.  Despite all manner of inducement, intimidation and resort to primordial sentiments, the people gave their votes massively to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), represented by Comrade Adams Oshiomhole.

Many months before, it was apparent that the incumbent governor was headed for re-election through a landslide victory.  But as the month reduced into weeks and days, the picture began to look not so rosy and predictable.  The PDP came with all the tricks in the books.  It rolled out its armada of rigging and manipulation, and it seemed Edo was going to fall once again into the hands of a party whose slogan is ‘Share the Money.’  Yes, shout Pee-DEE-Pee at any gathering, and the people would respond: ‘Share the Money!’  And particularly in Edo State since 1999, the PDP had been busy sharing the money, while the people wallowed in abject misery, poverty and under-development.   Four years ago, Adams Oshiomhole came, after winning back his snaffled victory through the courts, and Edo State began to live.  For once, the people knew what it meant to have a leader, after a very long time.  And that was the wheel of progress the PDP sought to stymie last weekend.  But the people said a resounding no, and fixed the PDP real good.  You’ll find him, I’ll fix him.  That was what the people did.

You know I’m not a fan of PDP, not because I hate the party for any unjust reason, but simply because I believe that Nigerians should have got better deals through the 13 years in which the party has been in power at the centre, and in a large number of states in the country.  To show that my animus against PDP is not inveterate, or ingrained for no just cause, I have written this before, and write it again:  with the kind of development I saw in Gombe State under Alhaji Danjuma Goje (no matter what his political opponents may say), I’ll have voted for him again and again, if there was no maximum term limit of eight years in office.  And Rotimi Amechi?  As governor of Rivers State, I’ll vote for him again and again, with the revolution he’s spearheading in that state.  

And these are two dyed-in-the-wool PDP people.  But in Edo State?  Tufiakwa.  PDP shot itself in the foot through the nondescript eight years of Lucky Igbinedion in power as governor.  And when the people voted for change in 2007, their votes were purloined, and PDP rigged itself into power till the Court of Appeal gave the party a left leg of fellowship in 2008.   
What lessons can we learn from what happened in Edo State last weekend?  What strategies do we need to replicate as we resolve to rid ourselves of the PDP, particularly at the centre in 2015?  A legion. Rigging of election is only possible when the people acquiesce to it either through passivity or even subtle connivance.  But when the people know what they want, and go all out for it, let’s see the political party that will pull the wool over their faces.  

The PDP wanted Edo State at all costs, but the people said no, and resoundingly so.  In a true democracy, the will of the people matter.  The PDP is master in the art and science of electoral manipulation.  It has done it successfully at the centre, and in many states of the federation.  But each time the people rise up as one man, and say this is the direction we are going, the PDP gets a remarkable whipping.  In 2007, it happened in Abia, Kano and Bauchi states. 

 That was the year the PDP swept through the land like a hurricane, but people in those states stood their grounds.  Abia State was won by the Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA), while Kano and Bauchi were won by the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP).  The deduction?  PDP can only go as far as the people allow. Have you forgotten?  No, you can’t forget so soon.  Imo people also showed the way in the 2011 election.  They were tired of Ikedim Ohakim of the PDP as their governor.  Despite all the artifices, the stratagems and subterfuge, the people said it was time up for the PDP.  And they voted (APGA) into power.  In a piece with the headline, ‘Imo people show the way,’ which I wrote on May 13, 2011, I had stated: “Imo people have set a standard for Nigeria.  One day, true change will come to this country, but it will not come on a platter of gold.  It will come because the people are hungry and thirsty for it.”

  Yes, when the people truly pant and hanker for change, like the hart pants after the water brooks, not even PDP is formidable enough to stop them.  Will it be so in 2015?  I pray so.  But it is only a coalition of the people that can do it.  We can only bring change to this blighted country when we resolve to vote for change.

But it’s no tea party.  Ask Oshiomhole and Edo people.  In the few weeks and days to the election, the former labour leader was so rattled, that panic was visibly written all over him.  Don’t blame him.  PDP is no small beer.  A party that has a rigging manual?  A party that fixes you real good, and which was now on rampage at the homestead of the infamous Mr Fix it?  Anybody should panic.  But does it call for squeamishness and pussyfooting?  No. 

 “If they rig us out at the election, we will rig them out of life,” Oshiomhole declared in a newspaper interview few days to the poll.  Sabre-rattling?  Why not.  If elections are rigged, why shouldn’t dogs and baboons be covered in blood? Is rigging part of decency and statecraft?  Yes, the operative word is ‘if.’  Should anybody rig elections?  Should Oshiomhole have been like a sitting duck, while the PDP ran rings round him?  They would have clobbered him, pounded him till he saw stars.  

Brazen rigging as we saw particularly in 2003, 2007 and the scientific one of 2011, should no longer be brooked in our electoral life.  Anybody who tries it should have his dogs and baboons covered in blood, and we will not pity him.  “If they rig us out of the election, we will rig them out of life.”  Blood curdling, spine chilling, but I tell you, the PDP knows no other language.

Another lesson.  Ethnicity thrives when there is no better deal.  You saw the role ethnic sentiments would have played in Edo, if the people had fallen for the gambit.  A large swathe of the country fell for ethnic sentiment in 2011, and today they are filled with regret.  Till we learn to shun primordialism and pandering to primeval instincts and tendencies, so will our political Promised Land, flowing with milk and honey, continue to elude us.  I pray Nigerians will henceforth vote for capacity, ability to deliver, rather than saying this one is ‘our brother.’  What is the use of a brother who will eventually leave you in the lurch? There are other people that stick closer than even brothers.   But on the flipside, I think the stiff challenge Oshiomhole got in Edo is good for democracy.  

Months earlier, it had seemed the former labour leader would simply coast to a second term in office, a virtual walkover.  Till the PDP surged, and gave him the fright of his life.  It took a coalition of the people to rescue him from the encircling floodwaters.  And I pray he remembers.  Every day of his second term in office, let the Comrade-Governor remember that it was the people that stood by him, when the waters threatened to overflow him.  And let him serve them to the best of his ability.  Democracy would then be strengthened, and well served.

When 3,500 soldiers were deployed before the election, there was cause to fear.  Yes, were elections not brutally rigged under security cover in many states of the north in 2011, after the riots that broke out subsequent to the presidential poll?  But the people in Edo refused to be intimidated or browbeaten.  They comported themselves orderly and decently.  That is a vital lesson for us all in future elections.  Be alert, be watchful, but let the dogs and baboons lie in peace, except you want to see monkey tricks.

The party is over for the PDP in Edo State, and it may remain so for a long time to come, as long as the party in power serves the people well.  I like how constitutional lawyer, Barrister Fred Agbaje, sums up the scenario: “Edo State and her people have been liberated from politics of darkness, economic retrogression, and Stone Age politics of irresponsible godfatherism.  It’s goodbye to money politics in Edo State, and welcome to a performing party and its governor.  

The biggest lesson from the victory of Oshiomhole to the Federal Government is that it is our performance index that can win election, not rigging, empty boast, threats, money politics or godfatherism.  The so-called political godfathers in Edo State who have unabashedly profited from the economic retrogression of that state prior to ACN emergence should shamefully be issued a red card from the political arena by Oshiomhole’s victory immediately.”

How delicious and very scrumptious.  Someday soon, we will also issue PDP the red card at the centre.  We will fix the party for good.  How sweet the sound will be!


Mike Awoyinfa: Our teacher turns 60



My first meeting with Mike Awoyinfa was on this wise:  In January 1989, I was a Current Affairs Officer at the Radio Lagos.  I wrote news analyses, did personality interviews, reviewed newspaper reports and editorials. I enjoyed the work, but my heart was really in newspaper writing.  I love to write, and I believed working in a newspaper would give me greater fulfilment.

Concord Press was planning to come up with a Saturday newspaper, Weekend Concord, and the midwife was Mike Awoyinfa, a man I’d read for years, and whose writing style I’d fallen in love with.  What then did I do?  Awoyinfa was still Features Editor of National Concord and was not to assume his new position till about two months later.  So, I did a feature piece on the art of naming of bus stops in Lagos.  How did the name Agidingbi come? What of Alasia?  Ijeshatedo Bus Stop?  Mile 2?  Mile 12?  I did historical excursions, and titled the piece: ‘Naming of bus stops in Lagos, a study in creativity.”  Armed with it, I stormed the Concord Press along the Murtala Muhammed Airport road.

I had a brother in Concord Press then.  His name is Dayo Ojo, who was later to go into banking, became a director at Transcorp, and now in the advertising world. I first showed him the piece I’d written.  He was with somebody, who was introduced to me as Larry Echiejile (now Izamoje).  They both read the piece, and I remember Larry saying: “Yes, the language is Awoyinfa’s.  You can take it to him.” So Awoyinfa even had a language? Wonderful.  Rather tentatively, I walked to his office, not sure of what I would meet.  And there he was, at his desk in the Features Editor’s office of National Concord.  I introduced myself, and handed him the script.  

He began to read it.  After a few minutes, he looked up and asked: “Did you write this?”  I said yes.  Awoyinfa got up and began to shout, moving towards the general office and shaking my script.  “Come and see what this young man has written.  Come and see.  Come and see o,” calling out to his staff members.

I was both shaken and embarrassed.  Small me?  How can the great Mike Awoyinfa, whom I’d read from my undergraduate days, make so much of what I’d written?  I almost bolted out of the office in confusion.  He was shouting:  “You’ll be famous.  Yes, with this writing style, you’ll be famous.”

I tell you, I was flustered.  But that was the beginning of the enduring relationship with a man I consider my teacher and mentor in journalism.  Awoyinfa thereafter told me to go to Fela Anikulapo Kuti’s shrine, which was then at Pepple Street in Ikeja, urging me to be at my descriptive best, and do him an impressionistic story.  It turned out to be cover choice for the third edition of Weekend Concord, with the headline ‘Inside Fela’s kingdom.’

Like a rough, uncut diamond, Awoyinfa worked on me in the weeks and months ahead.  He gave me assignments, which he would praise to high heavens each time I submitted.  Gradually, he taught me how to get and give perspectives to news, and eventually in May 1991, I joined his team fully as a Senior Writer. For the next many years, we were to rock the newspaper scene with a team that comprised Awoyinfa himself, his deputy and friend (some say twin brother) Dimgba Igwe, Shola Oshunkeye, Lat Ogunmade, Sunday Umahi (now deceased), Eric Osagie, Ben Memuletiwon, Yetunde Oladeinde (the only female in the squad then), Blessyn Okpowo, 

Ose Oyamedan, Timothy Oyeola, Gbenga Opebi, Felix Asimole, Emma Otaru, Lanre Ajeboriogbon, Titilayo Balogun, and some others. My friend and colleague, Eric Osagie, would always say it, whenever we now talk about our old teacher: “He taught us everything we know today. He simply adopted us as his journalistic sons.”  Yes, Awoyinfa taught us a lot.  We probably had the talent, inborn skills to write, but he smoothened us out, turned us to reporters and writers, honed our skills.  For us, he is to journalism what Muhammed Ali is to boxing: The Greatest.

On Monday, July 23, Awoyinfa turns 60.  How time flies.  When he turned 40, I remembered the party we had at The Kitchen restaurant, then at Allen Avenue, Ikeja.  I was chosen to anchor the report, and the headline was ‘40 guests for Awoyinfa at 40.’  As he turns 60, the party this time will be at the Lagos Sheraton Hotel.  Will he have 60 guests?  The ‘do’ will come up on Saturday, August 5.

Have I seen a more creative headline caster?  Don’t think.  I never forget this one.  One time Works and Housing Minister, Gen Abdulkarim Adisa, had been accused of coup plotting in December 1997, and hurled before a military tribunal in handcuffs.  With a big picture of a sombre and pensive Adisa on the front page, Awoyinfa screamed the headline:  Adisaster.  That was tabloid journalism at its best.

Six years after he had taken me under his wings, I was promoted Features Editor of the National Concord.  Just imagine.  I now sat on that same seat, where I’d met Awoyinfa in 1989, as an aspiring writer.  
In 2002, Awoyinfa asked me to be part of the team that set up The Sun.  Naturally, I said yes (as if I could ever say no to my great teacher), and I became the pioneer editor Daily Sun, a position I held for five years.  Trust Awoyinfa, he was always there to back me up as Editor-in-Chief.

Awoyinfa is an incurable reporter, always hunting for news.  Whenever you see him, he has his tape recorder nearby.  In fact, Dimgba Igwe jocularly says the day he would appear before God, Awoyinfa would whip out his recorder, seeking an interview. Talking of God, you know that the Mike Awoyinfa of today is not the one we knew many decades ago.  He is now much more religious, and is our pastor on the back page of Saturday Sun, where he runs the PCPC (Press Clips Pentecostal Church).  But can we ever forget those crisp, sometimes irreverent pieces of years and years gone by? 

Dimgba Igwe, a pastor of many years standing, often accuses his friend of ‘iniquity.’  Of course, we know the many iniquities of our teacher, and I would have mentioned some of them, if only I’m sure Mrs Bukola Awoyinfa is not reading this piece.  But at 60, iniquity days should be truly over for our great teacher.  Is he not also now our pastor at PCPC?

A great birthday to our editor, friend and brother.  


Re: Buhari and 2015 (2)

Ordained by God Going through the barrage of reactions from readers on Buhari and 2015, I must say God has ordained Buhari to redeem Nigeria.  Our main problem is fake men of God misleading vulnerable Nigerians.  My people, please shine your eyes, ears and brains. Dr Omajaklekwu A. E.

Don’t be tired Please don’t be tired of the path of truth you have followed, especially on Gen Buhari.  May the Almighty God be with you. Abubakar, Abuja.

I’m sorry Before the election that brought Jonathan to power, there was a piece you wrote, and I phoned to attack you.  Now I know that you are right.  Jonathan’s administration is leading Nigeria to political and religious conflagration.  Just come to the South-east, all our roads are death traps.  I’m sorry for my past attacks against you.  You are a prophet, but I didn’t know.  May God help Nigeria. Modesty Anasiudu, Aba

We should face the consequences I was an ardent campaigner for Buhari in 2011.  From the responses I got, I realized that many Nigerians do not seem to want a better country.  They are fixated on the unsubstantiated portrayal of Buhari as a religious bigot and sectional leader.  Where we fail to have him in 2015, we should as well be ready to face the consequences. Barrister Ngozi Ogbomor

No doubt about it There’s no doubt Buhari will fight corruption to a standstill in Nigeria.  But I feel reluctant to say that for some reasons, we may not vote for him.  We need a Buhari brand actually, but not the man himself.  If he can endorse somebody, we will vote for that person. John Mgbe, Owerri

I’ll vote for him I like Buhari’s patriotic fervour, but he must also strive to eschew the latent and residual parochial propensity in him.   He needs a little more exposure, but not such as will dilute his fervour, righteousness and goodwill.  I will vote for him because comparatively, he’s a good man. Cherry Bluesky

Game of numbers Buhari has a track record of honesty that no one has been able to dent.  But will he be able to rule in a democratic setting?  It’s all about numbers, and the crooks will certainly gang up against him. Emmie Keanyi

We need it Your write-up is precise.  Buhari forever.  We need his uncommon discipline to move Nigeria forward. Udeme
            The chosen one Sometimes, I feel like knocking sense real hard into some of my friends’ brains, so that the scale of anti-Buhari that blinds them will fall off.  There’s no gainsaying that Buhari is the chosen one. Damisah Den O., Ikeja  

I feel like crying Whenever I read your articles on Buhari, I feel like crying for Nigeria and her ignorant ones, who have refused to appreciate the man.  They cry over bad leadership, when they have the real leader here with them.  The man Buhari is my leader. Ikeh Ejidike

Extra-terrestrial forces Buhari is a great man, just like some great but unknown Nigerians.  Our democracy has become technical project where a great man can be humbled into a grass eater by forces that are extra-terrestrial but propelled by humans. Rev Monye J. Gold

The 7-star General The truth is crystal clear.  Buhari has always been the best candidate, but evil men have vowed never to allow him.  I will always support him because he has the qualities to free us from the hands of the vultures.  Blind Nigerians call him names, but I call him the 7-star General. Jeff Anayo, Lagos

He should be godfather I advice Buhari should play the role of godfather than contesting elections in 2015.  We still love him, anyway. Ofodile, FUTO

Can’t survive If you are truthful, you can’t survive in Nigeria.  That is the truth in Nigeria. C. Azuazu, Port Harcourt

We are no fools Nigerians are no fools.  Buhari remains a tribal and religious fanatic.  The PTF he headed did only good work in Muslim dominated areas of the North. Wilson Joseph, Gboko

He needs good advisers My uncle who was a journalist during Buhari’s regime told me that the man is disciplined, and I have confirmed it.  He only needs good advisers that will help him in his campaign.  I’m not interested in any region producing the next president, but if we are really sure that we want sanity to return to our country, Buhari is the only choice, at least, for now. Dr John Okorie

Honest submission Your piece on Buhari and 2015 is a well-written, honest submission. James, Ikeja
Save our souls Your article on Buhari is an excellent SOS (Save our Souls) to save Nigeria from death and decay.  But as for Buhari, I fear for his life because they will never allow him to ruin their ‘Farouking’ business. Engr Abdu Usman Misau, Bauchi
Let him build bridges  Your piece on Buhari has started gathering momentum and it shows Nigerians now know better. However, to make our dream come true by having a Buhari presidency in 2015, kindly help us to tell him to start building bridges in the opposition parties from today, because politics is a game of numbers. akinlosotuabass@yahoo.com

Nigeria needs a strong man In 2009, President Barack Obama said Africa does not need strong men but strong institutions. But he should know that behind every strong institution is a strong man. Robots don’t run institutions neither do equipment and sophisticated gadgets make a strong institution but humans. Nigeria needs men who are tested and trusted to lead this nation and man our institutions for this war against corruption to be won. It takes a man with deep-seated hatred for corruption to fight it to a standstill. Order must be restored before development can take place. Kingsley, thereighingking@yahoo.com

Edo and Egyptian polls results vindicate Buhari DURO ONABULE

Nigerians are a particularly churlish lot in all matters relating to debate on national politics. The stock in trade is either argument of convenience, ethnic jingoism or short memory or combination of both. Meanwhile, as the opportunity arises, they jump on the bandwagon. The latest is the re-election of Adams Oshiomhole for  a second term as governor of Edo State.  

Reactions so far create the rather wrong impression that conduct of the election was in the normal scheme of things or that Independent National Electoral Commission under Atahiru Jega performed a yeoman’s job. Was it that simple or easily conceded? Even Adams Oshiomhole, while reveling in victory, seemed to be unaware of the secret political nuclear threat which scared the bandits from robbing him of his well-merited victory, the basis of transparent elections.

We must therefore remind ourselves of controversial events, spear-headed by General Muhammadu Buhari, who could not even have thought that so soon, he would be vindicated in Edo State. Not long ago, General Buhari warned that IF the 2012 elections were rigged as in the past, monkeys and baboons might be soaked in blood. If only because of his part of the country, as  soon as  Buhari spoke, he was darted by not only potential victims of his warning but even those who could not know that the man was speaking on their behalf.

To be fair to Adams Oshiomhole, it is not easy to recall that he ever joined in condemning General Buhari. To be fairer to opposition Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) the party even came out strongly in defence of General Buhari, specifically that only those hell-bent of rigging the 2015 elections could be scared by the warning on the elections. Edo gubernatorial election was therefore a test case. Adams Oshiomhole, armed with his performance card in the first term duly campaigned among the Edo electorate. Down the line, he discovered signs that he was to be rigged out of office. When voters card were being mobbed up with money inducements, Independent National Electoral Commission belittled the complaint by re-assuring that each documents were not of much importance. Voters registers were also not displayed despite all requests.

With such ominous signs, it was not out of place to suspect rigging plans. A warning, very stern one, had to be issued not by General Muhammadu Buhari but by  Governor Adams Oshiomhole. When General Buhari spoke last time, he was more philosophical. In Oshiomhole’s case, he was very direct in his language, very suitable for criminal bandits in our society. Oshiomhole spoke to Nigerians through a comprehensive media interview. According to him, if the riggers carried out their threat, they (the election riggers) would be rigged out of life.

Any difference in potential deterrence between General Buhari’s warning and Governor Oshiomhole’s warning? Even then, the election riggers went ahead with their plans. On election day, the same INEC, which previously dismissed the value of registration cards, turned round to insist that without registration card, nobody would be eligible to vote. In addition, voting materials arrived extremely late to voting centres.

Where voters registers were available, pictures of the voters already captured during voters registration, were missing. Affected voters all over Edo State openly protested against being disenfranchised. Experiences in the past were that in such situations, fake results were recorded for the areas affected to have voted. Such votes accounted for scores and hundreds of thousands votes to put unelected persons in public offices.

And when, in challenge of such results, petitioners demanded the database from INEC, the electoral body refused even in defiance of the ruling of the election tribunal. And to forestall INEC being cited for contempt as well as the purported election being nullified, the sitting election tribunal was dissolved and replaced with a new one  which reversed the ruling requiring INEC to produce the database. The ground of the new ruling was that it would threaten national security.  
Governor Oshiomhole would not wait for such electoral/judicial fraud. While Oshiomhole publicly expressed displeasure at the rigging prospects, the opposition PDP countered that conduct of the election was perfect. It was then a case of survival of the fittest as Governor Oshiomhole took a clear stand that if the elections were rigged as being planned, both INEC and its leadership would have declared themselves as public enemy number one and would be duly treated. When asked what was his next line of action, Oshiomhole disclosed that he was leaving his constituency immediately for Benin city, the state to mobilize the cheated voters. 

It was clear that unless the rigging plans were abandoned, the monkey and baboon would be soaked in blood. But again, it must be stressed that the man in action against the planned rigging of the Edo gubernatorial election was Governor Adams Oshiomhole and not General Buhari.

In the face of imminent public revolt, (ala monkey and baboon getting soaked in blood) common sense prevailed as the true voting intentions of the electorate were, more in a panic, upheld. What is more, as General Buhari advised last time and Governor Adams Oshiomhole also admonished throughout his campaigns, voters stayed put to protect their votes at polling booths, collation/counting centres until the result was announced. The determined voters eventually made it unnecessary for Governor Oshiomhole to mobilise them against the aborted rigging.

Till now, none of those who critised General Buhari on his warning against rigging in 2015 elections has been bold enough to acknowledge that his (Buhari’s) theory of blood over monkey and baboon worked for Governor Oshiomhole against the political bandits in Edo.

However, here is an implied acknowledgment from Governor Oshiomhole. Confronted on his threat of strong protest if rigged out of the re-election race, Oshiomhole said “Now, should we keep quiet until when things like this are happening? Until after death when a professor of anatomy will come and establish a possible cause of death? If you have been a victim of election rigging, you will know that it does make absolutely no sense to see people rigging you out and you keep quiet because you do not want to raise alarm. 

In every battle, you take pre-emptive steps because it can make all the difference. Medicine after death doesn’t make any sense except to foolish people. And I am not a foolish man.” If General Buhari had uttered those words, those keeping quiet now or even congratulating Governor Oshiomhole would have descended on him. (Buhari).

President Goodluck Jonathan by the way, should learn a lesson from the Edo election. Jonathan should not allow himself to be drawn to petty election issue. Yes, Jonathan is the leader of PDP, which somehow declared a desperate attempted rigging war on Governor Oshiomhole who then dubbed his aggressors as public enemy number one. And the crowd roared, in agreement, with the election verdict.

Where does that leave Goodluck Jonathan? Completely humbled, seeking recovery with a face-saving congratulatory message describing the governor’s victory as evidence of his (Oshiomhole’s) excellent performance to the people of Edo State. Jonathan should have been aware of that before allowing himself to be dragged into the attempted rigging stoutly resisted by Governor Oshiomhole and the Edo electorate.

There are two implications, indeed sour taste for Jonathan in Governor Oshiomhole’s victory. The first is that Oshiomhole truly achieved the support  of the electorate in the 2007 elections and the election appeal tribunal was correct in law to have restored the mandate to Oshiomhole. The second disastrous implication is that Governor Oshiomhole’s re-election on a landslide scale reflects public assessment of Jonathan’s acceptance by voters in rejecting his campaign for the PDP candidate. America’s President Obama does not get himself involved in local politics of a governor’s. mid-term re-election bid.

As Edo governor, Adams Oshiomhole adopted General Buhari’s tough stance against prospects of being rigged out of election victory, so did the newly elected Egyptian President Muhammed Morsi. The first round of Egypts presidential election about three months ago was inconclusive. With days to the decisive second round between only the first two leading candidates from the first round, Mr. Muhammed Morsi, the Muslim religious party candidate had to warn the ruling military authorities against any planned rigging against him.

Mr. Morsi’s language was clear. If the decisive second round elections were rigged against him, there would be what he called a fresh bloody revolution. With ex-President Hosin Mubarak, about that time, standing trial for crimes against humanity for which he was removed from office by the people’s bloody revolt eighteen months ago, the Egyptian outgoing military rulers faced the reality of President Morsi’s strong warning.

Rather than blackmailing or defying Muhammed Morsi, the Egyptian military rulers vacillated for at least six days before releasing the result which installed the Egyptian president in office. For that period in which the entire world was kept waiting for the result, Egyptians already gathered at the scene of revolution, Tahir Square in Cairo, where the fate of Hosin Mubarak had earlier been determined. 

The message was clear. Rig the elections and face people’s revolt. General Buhari did  not incite the Egyptians or Edo electorate but election verdicts in both places vindicated him. Election riggers hardly give up and must therefore be confronted all the way, everywhere with legitimate means. 

Edo electorate have shown Nigerians that elections to reflect people’s correct voting intentions are possible in Nigeria. Both General Buhari and ex-Lagos governor Bola Tinubu have shown Nigerians the essential weapon. Protect your votes at the polling booth, collating and counting centres.

Review of the 1999 constitution

Thursday, 19 July 2012 00:00 Editor Opinion - Editorial.

THE submission of the report of Justice Alfa Belgore-led Committee on the Review of Outstanding Constitutional Issues to President Goodluck Jonathan has once again raised fundamental issues about the 1999 Constitution and its inadequacies, which are currently on top of public discourse. A major concern is the propriety of the exercise of correcting the anomalies in the constitution. Does the country, for instance need amendment of the document, or an outright review? Is there a marked difference in the two options? Another concern is whether, in view of numerous efforts undertaken in the past to reshape the constitution, the current efforts will produce any meaningful result.
Without doubt, a combination of national factors makes a reform of the constitution inevitable. The country is being weighed down by insurgent activities and its consequent death toll. Killings verging on ethnic cleansing are rife, especially in Plateau State. These connived with inter-governmental crisis at the state and federal levels to make the country seemingly ungovernable. These concrete developments have engendered calls for a sovereign national conference from well-meaning Nigerians to redress the structural dysfunction of the Nigerian state, which, in the main, has accentuated the socio-economic and political problems besetting the country.
Although the call for an SNC has continued to endure, it would appear that the preference of the current administration is to tinker with aspects of the constitution that are inadequate. Both houses of the National Assembly have set up committees to ‘review’ the 1999 Constitution first described by eminent lawyer, Chief Rotimi Williams, SAN, as a document that lied against itself. The Emeka Ihedioha-led House of Representatives ad hoc Constitution Committee and Ike Ekweremadu-led ad hoc Senate Constitution Review Committee have been variously mandated to identify the inadequacies of the extant constitution for possible amendment, in addition to the Belgore Committee set up by the executive arm of government to look into the fundamental rights of the citizens, security of lives, local government administration, Land Use Act, the judiciary and provision of infrastructure. Importantly, the committee suggested the need to do away with the colonial justice system prevailing in the country to date; and even veered into social issues such as the upgrade of electricity generation to about 40,000 megawatts that ought to be the routine duty of any responsive government.
While the committee made suggestions on issues perceived as consensual, indications are that the committee could not go further because it does not have the mandate of the people, thereby raising fundamental questions about the review exercise. Are we overhauling the constitution or amending it? The understanding of the process by the lawmakers is doubtful, and unless the conceptual clarity is established, the current process will end up in the dustbin of history like previous exercises while the country continues to decay.
It is clear that the ongoing process is an amendment exercise and not a review. This is normal as it is provided for in Section 9 of the extant constitution as follows: “The National Assembly may, subject to the provisions of this section, alter any of the provisions of this Constitution.” What is worrisome about the process is that the number of issues to be amended is a multitude that makes mockery of an amendment practice.
Some of the issues billed for amendment are complex, demanding utmost care. For example, in addressing the dichotomy between indigenes and settlers, it should be understood that Nigeria is not an immigrant society but a nation of indigenous people. It cannot be resolved by simplistic inclusion of provisions in the constitution by way of amendment. It is composite and demands critical engagement. Above all, what exactly are the objectives of this exercise? Do the reviewers want to re-invent the wheel or build a united state? Today, the country is not working. It needs restructuring, not by a piecemeal amendment of the constitution. A review rather than amendment is imperative to make the country work. Presently, the lie of the state is such that whoever climbs the saddle of leadership might not be able to deliver public goods until the country’s structural problems are corrected. It should be noted that it is the failure of leadership to deliver public goods that has occasioned constitutional issues as matters of the moment.
A more far-reaching review of the constitution is fundamental. The constitution is the organic laws of the state and ‘a thing antecedent to a government’. It is therefore not a subject fit for the National Assembly; rather, it is a matter for a constituent assembly with sufficient education of the Nigerian people and which outcome should be subject to a referendum. The lessons of the past have been that most constitutional exercises have not been process-led with input from the people, and therefore, have come to naught without any force of legitimacy. These lessons should be taken into account in the current process. The multiple engagements by sundry committees on the review of the constitution have turned the whole exercise into an industry of some sort. Incumbent lawmakers were elected to run the country, not to change the constitution; the task of overhaul or a change of the constitution must be done by the Nigerian people.

The limits of civilian dispensation By Nasir Ahmad El- Rufai

The Yar'Adua-Jonathan government inherited vast foreign reserves ($43bn), on-going power projects (NIPP-$5bn), new rail systems from Lagos to Kano ($8bn) and Abuja Metro ($800 million), a healthy ECA ($27bn) - in short a basis to hit the ground running. After $200bn had been earned and spent, that did not happen.
In the last twelve weeks, this column has focused attention away from analyzing governance of our nation at federal level to the 36 states and their budgets. We analyzed ten state budgets - statistically-significant sample from which some stylized conclusions about the quality of governance will be presented next week. Today, we want to look at the thirteen years of experience with civilian (rather than democratic) rule. I am reluctant to use democracy at this point. 
The starting point for an assessment of civil rule since 1999 is a deserved tribute to the many Nigerians from all walks of life whose efforts and sacrifices compelled the military to retreat to the barracks. It was a titanic effort, a struggle for which many died, countless were bloodied and many lost livelihoods and liberty. Freedom stirs in the hearts of humanity; neither blandishments nor the whip of tyrants can extinguish these stirrings or even deter a determined people from securing it. Freedom is a wonderful value, and the events of the last 15 years of military rule ought to have convinced everybody that democracy, anchored on fair elections, the rule of law and good governance, is the way to go. In 1998, Nigerians overwhelmingly decided that never again will we accept the shortcuts of military rule and the long nightmare of tragedy that accompanied it. It seems that in 13 years, we have forgotten all that and we seem to have mostly evil emperors at the helm that are more banal than the military dictators, but far less competent in governing.
Those of us privileged to have contributed in the design of the transition program after Abacha's death in June 1998 are proud that it ended with President Olusegun Obasanjo taking the reins in May 1999. Six moths later, I was leading the federal privatization effort and in 2003, administering the FCT. As a private citizen since 2007, I have reflected on our country's journey, and my view is that while we have many things to celebrate, where we have ended up now gives us much more to deplore.
Warts and all, we have preserved some prospect for genuine democratic governance. Some fraudulent elections have been overturned and illegal impeachments quashed. Nigerians even united to surprise and defeat the third-term attempt of a sitting president. With vigilance and will, we can invest real substance into the democratic structures that we have and make real the vision that our people can prosper in freedom. The notion of the citizenship rights is getting reinforced, despite the prolonged hangover afflicting sections of the security establishment. This increased awareness of human rights has sometimes been upheld by the courts that have survived the onslaught of a destructive chief justice that should have never been allowed near that exalted office.
While democracy satisfies the intrinsic desire for freedom, it is its instrumental value that ultimately matters for the quotidian realities and longer-term interests of most citizens. People want freedom, but that must include the freedom not to be bombed while worshipping or shopping, and not to starve. It includes freedom to live in dignity, with equal access to social services and to realize the potential their talents can legitimately secure. 
Civilian rule sold off fiscal drain-pipes owned by government that were arrogant, insular and provided poor services. The telecommunications sector was liberalized bringing in private investment, creating ancillary businesses, over 60,000 jobs and putting a telephone in the hands of virtually every citizen that wants it. We saw the beginnings of a consumer credit system, and even a pilot mortgage scheme that assisted many buyers of Federal Government houses in Abuja. Nigeria won external debt reliefs, consolidated its banking system and witnessed rapid economic growth, no doubt assisted also by high oil prices. Our foreign reserves grew and we even created a 'rainy day' fund called the Excess Crude Account (ECA).
By 2007, the Yar'Adua-Jonathan government inherited vast foreign reserves ($43bn), on-going power projects (NIPP-$5bn), new rail systems from Lagos to Kano ($8bn) and Abuja Metro ($800 million), a healthy ECA ($27bn) - in short a basis to hit the ground running, complete on-going projects, initiate new ones and continue addressing Nigeria's infrastructure deficits. Alas, after $200bn had been earned and spent, that did not happen. What happened?
Despite these accomplishments of the Obasanjo government, it was by no means a perfect government, just an effective one. It's attention to the rule of law was uneven. We recall the brazenness with which a well-connected thug sponsored arson against government buildings in Anambra State as an assault against Governor Chris Ngige from whom he was estranged. That thug was not called to account; instead he was elevated to his party's board of trustees. If people consistently escape justice because of their connections to power, it is an open invitation to people of lesser quality to seize the state and suitably defile it. Impunity then replaced even-handed common sense and decency.
We also managed to compound impunity by assaulting the very basis of democratic legitimacy: free and fair elections. It is a fact that elections in Nigeria have been progressively worse since 1999. International and domestic observers gave devastating verdicts on the conduct of the 2003 elections. Those of 2007 were so awful that the key beneficiary felt compelled to admit as much in his inaugural speech as president. Despite the initial façade, the 2011 elections turned out to be not only similarly flawed, but one of the most deceptive and divisive in our electoral history.
Yet true democracy ought not to make people frightened of the consequences of not being in power. With term limits, losers are guaranteed another stab in just a few years. And where the rule of law prevails, an electoral loss is not the same thing as exclusion from the political space and vigorous participation in the process. But such political sophistication prevails only when there's certainty about electoral integrity and where the respect for the rule of law has become part of the DNA. 
Simply put we have lost the opportunity to routinize the spirit of democracy while we stay busy observing its formal rituals. It was perhaps inevitable that the words of Plato that “the punishment we suffer, if we refuse to take an interest in matters of government, is to live under the government of worse men” would catch up with us.
Since 2000, there has been an unacceptable mayhem and bloodshed in Nigeria. The exacerbation of religious and ethnic tensions expressed in violent hues has been one of the most disappointing features of the new civilian era. Democracy would have offered a civilized way to negotiate and manage differences without breaking bones. It thrives on the ability of contending factions to work out a consensus and to summon sufficient coherence to make things work. It is disheartening that virtual apartheid, based on religion, is beginning to divide cities like my hometown of Kaduna, with people being restricted to their respective ghettoes of faith. At the heart of democracy is a universal idea, but a key feature of present-day Nigeria is an astounding narrow-mindedness.
It is necessary that we reflect on the probability that by giving undue credence to ethnic and religious group rights, we imperil not only individual rights but also destroy the possibility of building a nation where everyone belongs and feels safe everywhere. Our political elites have encouraged divisions that keep them in office, forgetting that the depletion of trust and cohesion will make it difficult if not impossible for them to enjoy the fruits of the office! This created the insecurity we now suffer all over the country.
We have a centralized police force afflicted both by little self-respect and a limited sense of its mandate. The efforts to contain Boko Haram's terror has shown that our intelligence gathering apparatus is not fit for purpose, and our security agencies lacking in internal capacity and capability beyond harassing those of us in opposition. The pathetic manner public streets are blocked in the vicinities of security and defense establishments makes the citizens wonder – if those trained and armed to defend us are so scared of the terrorists, how can we expect them to defend the realm? Are they concerned only about their safety and that of those in power?
We have not built as much infrastructure as our development requires, and we have failed to moderate our escalating cost of governance. More importantly, democratic Nigeria is yet to grow in a way that can democratize its fruits through the creation of jobs for our youths. As we dither, divide our citizens, and condone fraud and corruption, the world just leaves us behind.
There is no doubt in my mind that we need to give our people a stake in keeping democracy aglow. History shows that even in the developed societies, extremist groups attract more support in moments of economic hardship. And when this is compounded by corruption and politics of self-advancement of a few, and the economic exclusion of the many, only the peace of the graveyard can result. How do we reverse these tendencies and make democracy work for the greatest number of Nigerians? 
Our political culture must change from one of self-enrichment to true public service. The situation in which we spend almost the entire federal revenues for the running cost of government is unacceptable and will crash this democratic experiment – albeit a thirteen year one. Elections must be credible, free and fair because that is what will guarantee the ejection of those that fail the electorate. It is entirely up to INEC and the authorities to ensure these happen otherwise the consequences will be dire. 
Insecurity is the front-burning issue. It is the primary responsibility of any government which can neither be abdicated nor outsourced. Community leaders and civil society can support the government, but not replace it. The government must adopt a multiple approach that includes enhancing the intelligence-gathering capacities of our security forces and creating an environment for job creation for the hopeless youths that are being recruited by the terrorists. The administration should therefore stop behaving like a victim and get on with the job! Finally, a single-minded focus on development – physical via infrastructure build-out, human by providing equal access to public education and healthcare, and social services that enable citizens the opportunity to realize their full potentials. Those that are in power that cannot do this at all levels should do the honorable thing - resign and allow others that can . We need people that stay awake thinking, and investing the time and effort to get our country working even just a little bit. Apart from fraud and corruption in government, compounded by hatred and suspicion amongst the populace - nothing seems to be growing in Nigeria.

PDP Lost Edo Polls to Disunity, Says Tukur

Chairman of the party, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur

Chuks Okocha in Abuja

Ripples of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) loss of the July 14 Edo state governorship election continued as the National Chairman of the party, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur has identified disunity as the basic reason why the party lost the election to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) governorship candidate, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole.

Also, Tukur commended the state chairman of the party, Chief Dan Orbih and the party’s governorship candidate, General Charles Airhabere for their roles in mobilizing the party for the election.
It was no longer secret  that several senior members of the PDP openly campaigned for the ACN governorship candidate, Oshiomhole.

THISDAY gathered that PDP went into the election as a divided party. It was also party of the division in the Edo state chapter of the party, that a group has given a 48 hours deadline for the Dan Orbih led state party to resign from office.

In two separate letters signed by the National Chairman of PDP, Alhaji Tukur to both Orbih and Airhabere, the party sought their support in the bid to reconcile the party and ensure that the party wins subsequent elections in the state.

In the letters dated July 19, 2012 and entitled “letter of appreciation”, Tukur said "Reconciling all members of the party as a precursor to rebuilding the PDP is a task in which I solicit your usual cooperation and support”.