The joke called impeachment threat

Ever since the House of Representatives purportedly threatened to impeach President Goodluck Jonathan, I have been wondering why some lawmakers want to arrogate to themselves so much importance. 

I can’t stop thinking why some people would want to blow so much hot air, as Nigerians say in local parlance, for nothing. Yes, the House of Reps has the constitutional power to impeach Mr. President. It’s also expected to call the president to question for not implementing fully the budget or doing anything contrary to constitutional provision. However, the big question is: Does the House have the political will to attempt an impeachment? 

I am not, in any way, trying to denigrate the House of Representatives or the National Assembly, as a whole. Far from it, as I have respect for the legislature and many of the federal lawmakers.  My amusement is simply because there’s nothing whatsoever to show that the impeachment threat is anything to worry about.

 I have not seen anything to show that the House of Representatives and, indeed, the National Assembly have fire in the belly to ever start an impeachment proceeding, let alone removing the president from office. 

The House has not behaved, in deed and action, in such a way to suggest that it could actually look Jonathan and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the face and dare them. Indeed, by its past actions and inactions, the National Assembly, as a larger body, has not lived up to its billing, as an institution, which should make the Presidency or the Executive to catch cold when it sneezes.

For the avoidance of doubt, this is not the first time a group of federal lawmakers or an arm of the National Assembly would humour Nigerians with impeachment threat to the president or pretending to beat the Presidency into line. Each time they did, it turned out that it was a move to draw attention to themselves and, perhaps, curry favour from the authorities.

 I remember vividly when some senators, led by a controversial politician, vowed that then President Olusegun Obasanjo would be removed from office for constitution breaches. Some of us, who felt, at that time, that Obasanjo operated more like a military dictator than a civilian president, were excited. It turned out to be a huge joke. 

There was tension, quite alright, with Nigerians thinking that the senators meant business. At the end, nothing happened. No impeachment proceeding was started. No feathers were ruffled. And the nations carried on, with Obasanjo doing things he was accused of with impunity and  daringly so.

During Hon Ghali Umar Na’Abbah’s leadership of the House of Representatives, there was also talk about starting an impeachment proceeding against Obasanjo. As typical of the House, tempers rose. 

It was as if  the world was coming to an end. Eventually, the whole thing turned out to be a case of motion without movement. There was no impeachment. Also, during the Umar Yar’Adua government, the House issued impeachment threat, but nothing happened.

During the first amendment of the 1999 Constitution and the Electoral Act, the National Assembly had vowed to make all federal legislators members of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of political parties. The talk then was that the lawmakers wanted to be a counter-force to the governors, who, through the Governors Forum, have become an irresistible force. 

The lawmakers wanted to ensure balance of powers in the political parties, so that the governors would no longer have the monopoly of deciding those who would be candidates in elections. Even though the governors and political parties’ chieftains were rattled, before Nigerians knew what was happening, the lawmakers backed down.

 The plan to enlarge the political parties’ NEC, to include lawmakers, was dropped. And the National Assembly carried on as if nothing ever happened.

Taking all these together, as well as other misfiring from the National Assembly, perhaps, only a few Nigerians would believe that federal lawmakers would assert their authority, properly exercise checks on the Presidency (executive), in the principle of checks and balance, and, therefore, give the country a true democracy, where the three arms of government function in a way that would not allow for excesses. 

If senators threatened to impeach Obasanjo and nothing happened; if the House of Representatives also threatened Obasanjo as well as Yar’Adua and nothing happened; if the National Assembly threatened to clip the wings of governors, in political parties and it was not so, I do not think that anybody would take the House of Representatives seriously now.

Some people would want us to believe that representation has been made to the House to sheath the sword. I do not believe this. I suspect that some people are just setting up an alibi, so that when the House fails to carry out the threat it would look as if the intervention and pleading did the magic.  

For the Presidency to say that the budget cannot be fully implemented by September shows that it’s ready to call the House bluff. Besides, it’s obvious that the House of Representatives cannot remove Jonathan from office, even if its members try. For Jonathan or any president to be removed from office, the Senate must be involved. Indeed, the two arms of the National Assembly must collectively establish that the president has committed impeachable offences. 

A two-third majority of the Houses must vote for the impeachment proceeding to start. The two Houses must resolve, using two-third majority, to ask the Chief Justice of Nigeria to raise a panel that would investigate the allegations. When the panel submits its report and finding the president guilty, two-third majority of the two Houses must vote for the removal of the president from office. 

It is therefore, obvious that if the House of Reps starts and concludes these processes alone, without the Senate doing the same, Jonathan would remain in office. This is what happened in the United States when the House of Representatives concluded the impeachment proceeding against then President Bill Clinton, over the Monica Lewinsky scandal. 

The US House of Reps impeached Clinton, but he remained in office because the Senate voted “No” to impeachment.  In any case, I believe that the House would make a point, if it commences and concludes impeachment proceeding against Jonathan. Such a move would send a signal, to the effect that the country’s democracy is maturing. 

Whenever the legislature begins to function as it should, the Presidency dares not run roughshod with the people. If only the lawmakers know the enormous power they have, they would not be behaving like orphans and timidly. The legislature is the fulcrum of government. It’s supposed to be the unsung hero. 

Indeed, an institution that has the power to approve ministers’ names before the president could appoint them, an institution that has to approve nominees to federal agencies and parastatal corporations, an institution that must approve the budget before the president would spend money, an institution that would figuratively determine what the president does, is sure the most important. Such a body should be responsive, responsible and assertive.

I will only believe that we have a true democracy when the legislature makes the Executive to see itself as just one arm of government, instead of  the ultimate institution in democracy. In a tight democracy, the Executive would sweat to get the House support. For United States President Barack Obama to get the Congress to approve his health care programme, for example, he sweated. It took pragmatic lobbying for him to get it. 

In our case, the Executive gets whatever it wants by just appealing to the emotion of the legislature as well as using threat and intimidation. Any legislature that is intimidated by the Executive is not worth its name. 

Lessons from Lusaka

I was aboard a South African Airways Airbus A340, on seat 4G in the Business Class compartment, when he walked past.  He then sat just three seats ahead of me.  You wouldn’t miss Pastor W. F. Kumuyi of the Deeper Life Bible Church anywhere, if you had followed his ministry over the decades like I’ve done.

Kumuyi on the same plane with you?  Surely, the flight was safe already.  And a story I’d heard long ago flooded into my memory.  There was this international flight out of the U.S.A that ran into stormy weather.  The turbulence was so great that people began to say their last prayers.  The Muslims called on Allah.  The Christians invoked the name of Jesus.  The Buddhists besought Gautama Buddha. 

 The African traditionalists recited incantations.  But the more they prayed, the worse the turbulence got, and it seemed the plane would plunge out of the sky at any moment.  They were all in dire straits. But in the midst of it all, there was this drunk who was laughing all through.  He laughed till his sides ached, and it was obvious that he was having a merry time.  When eventually the plane stabilised, with relief flooding over the passengers, those nearest to the drunk asked him why he was not terrified while the danger lasted.  And the man replied:

 “Why should I be afraid?  I saw the preacher Billy Graham entering the first class cabin before we took off. If Graham is on a plane, God would never allow it to go down.” The man was a drunk, and had been quaffing his brandy all through the trip. But he believed that while a man of God like Billy Graham was on board, the plane would never crash.  What simple, trusting faith, even from an alcoholic.

So, as we prepared to depart the Murtala Muhammed International Airport for Johannesburg, South Africa, that fateful day, my confidence soared as I saw Pastor Kumuyi on board.  Surely, God would pay special attention to this flight, and if anything funny happened on the way, I would just go and hold the hem of the man’s garments.

Having been acquainted with him over the years, particularly in our days at Concord Press when one of our bosses and a leader in Deeper Life Bible Church, Mr Segun Babatope, facilitated regular meetings, I walked over to greet the holiness preacher.  His eyes lit up as I sat in the vacant seat beside him.  He had recognised me immediately, though we have not seen in the past 10 years.  We quickly went down memory lane.

Pastor Kumuyi asked after my wife, whom he had prayed with 16 years ago when she fell mysteriously ill.  Because the plane was still on ground, I dialled my wife, and they spoke. He was very happy that she had recovered completely.  Thereafter, he asked after my former General Overseer at the Foursquare Gospel Church, Rev Wilson Badejo, and the current one, Rev Felix Meduoye.  And the talk then shifted to my mission abroad. I told him I was on the way to Lusaka, Zambia, for this year’s edition of the CNN/Multichoice African Journalist of the Year Award.  On his part, he said he would be at Johannesburg for a few days.

Kumuyi is 71, and should be in the comfort of his home, surrounded by his grandchildren and his new bride, Esther Aduke, (whom he married about two years ago, following the loss of his first wife, Abiodun).  But here was the man, obviously headed for another preaching engagement in South Africa.  Never say never with some people.  They will be at their duty posts till the very last minute.

The flight was quite smooth (well, it had no option with such a worthy apostle on board), and the preacher gave me his good wishes as we disembarked.  Other journalists on the mission to Lusaka were Gbenga Adefaye, president, Nigerian Guild of Editors and Editor-in-Chief Vanguard, Debo Adesina, editor, The Guardian, Gbenga Omotosho, editor, The Nation, Joseph Adeyeye, editor, The Punch, and Tunde Rahman, editor, Thisday on Sunday.  We were all guests of Multichoice, co-sponsors of the highly rated journalism awards on the continent.

A comprehensive account of the trips, first to Livingstone, in Zambia, and then to Lusaka, will come at another time, and in another section of this newspaper.  But let me share what I learnt about political developments in that southern African country, since they are quite instructive to us in Nigeria.

Zambia became independent from Britain in 1964.  The war of freedom was fought on the principles of non-violence and positive action, and had been championed by people like Kenneth Kaunda, Harry Nkumbula, Simon Kapwepwe, John Sokoni, and many others.  We read the account in Zambia Shall Be Free, which we used as literature text in secondary school in the 1970s.

At independence, Kenneth Kaunda became the first president.  He ruled till 1991, meaning he held power for 27 years.  He hails from the northern region of Zambia, even though he was accused at a point of being originaly from Malawi.  

Kaunda was succeeded by Frederick Chiluba after a multi-party arrangement came into being, accompanied by constitutional reforms, which pegged the maximum time a president could serve at two terms of five years each.  So, however good you were, you could not serve more than 10 years, which I believe makes a lot of political sense.  Curiously, though, Chiluba wanted to tamper with that provision and continue in power after his second term, but Zambians resisted him.  He hailed from the Luapula region, and was succeeded by Levy Nwanawasa, his erstwhile deputy, from the central region.

Nwanawasa finished first term, and got re-elected for the second term of five years.  But after two years, he died.  His deputy, Rupiah Banda, from the eastern region, completed the term. Banda ran for office last year, but was defeated by Michael Sata, who is now the president.  He hails from the northern region.  An incumbent defeated at presidential polls? Not in Nigeria.  It can only happen if bribery has gone out of fashion.  Only if rigging was dead.  But it happened in Zambia because the people knew what they wanted, and those in power were not as cunning and crafty in the art of electoral manipulation as we have them here.

Zambia has a population of approximately 9.9 million, according to 1997 estimation.  And the country is divided into 11 regions.  But since independence in 1964, only four regions have held power at the centre – North, Luapula, Central and Eastern.  But are the heavens falling?  No.  

Is there militancy, restiveness or bombings in any part of the country?  No.  Is there ethnic strife? Is there rabid suspicion?  Do the people carry giant-sized grudges and animosities in their chests? Do they insist that their ‘son’ or ‘brother’ must rule, otherwise hell would boil over?  No.

Zambia is in the process of amending her constitution.  I was interested in that, and asked my two new friends, Zachariah Banda, and Macdonald, if power rotation was being considered as a provision.  They said no.  Yet the country has about 73 ethnic groups and 11 regions.  Good, good old Nigeria!  Imagine Kaunda from the North having held power for 27 years.  

That is enough reason to repudiate all power sharing agreements at the slightest opportunity, irrespective of fidelity and integrity to signed pacts, plunging the entire country into a tailspin. Nobody from the northern part of the country would have smelt power for another 27 years, or even more. Some people won’t just give a damn.  

Because Nigeria is such a complex land, I subscribe to the principle of power rotation, but just for a period.  Let the six geo-political zones produce the president, maybe for one term of five years each, and then we deregulate the process.  Let the best and fittest emerge thereafter from any part of the country.  But at least, there will not be this hackneyed talk of marginalisation and domination again, since every region would have ruled.

  If we say for instance that the North has monopolised power for so long at the centre, do you then supplant one monopoly with another, and the country will not come to grief?  Oh Nigeria, Nigeria you better get your acts right before the evil days come.  But what am I saying?  The evil days are already here!  Can anything be worse than what we are going through simply because we mismanaged the power issue?  God have mercy.

Immediate past Zambian president, Rupiah Banda, is spearheading a coalition of opposition parties towards the next elections, to wrest power from the ruling Patriotic Front (PF). He is bringing the major parties like Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND), and some others together. That is quite legitimate in politics, but some Zambians are warning that it could upset the ethnic balance of the country.  

The Times of Zambia, in its editorial of last Saturday, with the headline, ‘The folly of tribal politics,’ had this to say: “Zambians only know one tribe – they are all Zambians. Attempts to divide them will invariably fail because tribal hegemony is a dangerous political tool that should never be countenanced by any decent politician.”

Tell that to the marines in Nigeria. Will this country ever get to the point we can say we all know one tribe?  Doubtful.  Will there ever be a day we will proudly say we are all Nigerians?  Unsure.  Ethnicity is the bane of this country, and those who rule do nothing but fan its embers, stoke the fire till it blazes out of control.  No wonder the conflagration is consuming the country so greedily now.

Another lesson from Lusaka.  After Chiluba left power, he faced corruption charges in court. When will that happen here? Not with the sacred cows we breed, untouchable in and out of power.  Unless we begin to give a damn, Nigeria will never move forward.  

I pray change comes to this land someday, and that very soon.  It is only then that the prayer of a certain man of God being used as telephone ring tones will be answered. He had said: “Nigeria?  Evil men will never rule you again.” And his congregation shouted a thunderous amen.   But I doubt if that prayer is answered yet.

Re: I said it. PDP can be whipped

Now I know When Gen Buhari warned that rigging of 2015 election will make the dog and the baboon to be covered with blood, I was confused with the statement.  Not until I saw the jubilant Edo people celebrating free and fair elections won by Oshiomhole.  What would the people have done if their votes had been manipulated?  It was then I realised the wisdom in Buhari’s timely warning to our army of occupation, the PDP.  Nigerians, let’s make a statement with our votes in 2015. Chief J. J. Ibeka, Secretary-General, Anti-Corruption Crusader Inc, Lagos 

Final burial ceremony “Waste no tears over the graves of yesterday (Euripides).”  Gradually, PDP is dying, and we shall do the final burial ceremony of the greatest party to fall in Africa come 2015.  I commend the people of Edo for dislodging the PDP. Ayo Moses, Ibadan

Jonathan should get the credit Oshiomhole’s re-election is reward for hard work.  Of course, the credit should go to President Jonathan.  If it was under Obasanjo, INEC would by now still be editing the results. Rev Dr C. C. Anyanwu, Nnewi

Yes, PDP can be whipped The lesson from Edo is that performance is the index for electoral victory, as opposed to rigging, both manual and scientific.  We need able and dedicated leaders by resolving to put ethnic jingoism and money politics behind us, to vote for change in 2015.  Yes, PDP can be whipped. Dr Omebu, Onitsha

It will work elsewhere It did not start in Edo.  Imo became disgusted with promise and fail syndrome, and decided to effect a change, and it worked.  It will also work in other PDP states, except they change their system of governance. Pastor Livy Onyenegecha, Okwuato-Mbaise, Imo State

Good and smart students Edo people are good and smart students.  They derived their courage from the factors that gave rise to the May 6, 2011, governorship revolution in Imo State.  We in Imo are ever ready to mentor other states to sack tyrants from power. John Mgbe, Owerri

Kudos to Jonathan  That PDP was whipped in Edo goes to show that President Jonathan is a leader that allows the will of the people to prevail.  PDP will not be whipped at federal level because the noisy opposition do not have what it takes to do it.  Kudos to President Jonathan for conducting an election that was condemned by the winner while the process was midway. Samuel Umoh, Utako, Abuja

Not in darkness A revered Bini traditional chief and bishop, on his death bed, said: “It is good enough that I met this country in darkness, and that I am also leaving it in darkness.”  The election in Edo shows that many of us would not leave this country in darkness. Barrister Ngozi Ogbomor

Monkey won’t return What I know in this country is that one day, monkey will go to the market but it will not come back. Alhaji Danladi Yaro, Sabo, Ibadan

Beginning of the end You are right.  PDP is not invincible after all.  The Edo election marks the beginning of the fall of PDP.  The people are now wiser after 13 years of deceit. Revd S. A. Adetayo, St John’s Anglican Church, Ikotun, Lagos 

ACN didn’t win No, ACN did not win Edo, Oshiomhole did.  Performance won, and that is how it will be in this regime, which has dropped ‘do or die.’  By their performance, we shall vote them. Dan Williams, Benin

How to do it A behemoth like PDP can only be whipped if the people and progressive leaders determine and gird their loins as happened in Edo, Imo, Senegal etc.  I hope all the progressive forces will this time join forces with the people, and whip PDP at the centre. Chief (Barr) F.O.A. Nwanosike, President, Movement for the Survival of Nigerian (MOSON)

I’m disappointed  You never spared one good word for President Jonathan who instructed INEC and all security agencies to permit due process in Edo.  I’m disappointed.  Permission of due process by the president, who is reasonably educated and has no need for do or die politics, saved the day. Seer Apollos 

Fate already determined  If Jonathan continues with his ‘I don’t give a damn’ style, then PDP’s fate is already determined ahead of 2015.  But if he decides to turn a new leaf, and gives a damn by listening to constructive criticisms, maybe the days of PDP may be lengthened at the federal level.  But 2015 still belongs to God.  He has the final say, irrespective of human calculations. Gbemiga Olakunle, JP, Gen-Secretary, National Prayer Movement 

Please, link me Kindly link me with two of my friends.  Dr Moses Oladele Ibeun from Mopa, and Mr J. I. Gabriel from Iluke Bunu, both in Kogi State.  We studied together from 1962 – 1966 at Niger Baptist College, Minna, Niger State.  They can reach me on 08058516780 or 08168381674. Barrister Ayo Olalere, Apete, Ibadan  PDP can be whipped

True talk. Pragmatic opposition will give the ruling party sense of responsibility to the nation, and shake off the power drunk syndrome of infallibility. However, many parties must come together, and with credible candidates, the sky will be the limit.Dr   Olayinka Oladosu, yinkalola85@yahoo.com

Good governance Indeed the geographical political enclave of Edo has been liberated. PDP is gradually fading out of the political system of Nigeria because it has become a veritable avenue for the mass production of inactive leaders in all spheres. It’s obvious that when things fall apart, they will be no longer at ease.  Collins Onuh Ochikala, Kogi State, Onuh07@ovi.com

As Mike Awoyinfa turns 60 Mike Awoyinfa is a household name in media community. His rising profile started when he humbly worked under the giant of journalism, Dele Giwa, who being in leadership position then, prepared Awoyinfa to take his place. Clearly, your unforgettable encounter with Mike Awoyinfa was a turning point in your own career.

Change is possible when new leaders are trained so that when one leaves or is promoted, operations can continue to run efficiently. If we desire to be great, we must learn from others so that we will be prepared when the opportunity comes.  Ben Obika, 08033749167, obikaben@yahoo.com

Not whipped; buried  PDP was not only whipped but buried in Edo State. That is a prelude of what will happen at the center come 2015 if the opposition parties should put their house in order and the principle of one man, one vote is applied so that monkeys and baboons will not be soaked in blood. Edo has shown the light, others should follow, Ekene Obeleagu, 08037108010, ekeneobeleagu@yahoo.com

Re: This country doesn’t give a damn (2)

My own position  “ No light on airports runways”- I don’t give a damn “100 people roasted as they were scooping PMS from a fallen tanker”- I don’t give a damn. “A junior secretary is caught with stolen pensioners 3 billion naira”- I don’t give a damn. “Huge sums of money as appropriated in the budget for infrastructural development disappear”- I don’t give a damn.

“Boko Haram massacre people in churches and Fulani cattle rearers massacre people in Plateau & Benue states- I don’t give a damn. “Nigerians pay more now for darkness (instead of NEPA light)”- I don’t give a damn. “Proven cases of corruption in subsidy albatross between Femi and Farouk”- I don’t give a damn.

“And what if Nigeria collapses? I don’t give a damn. But for me, Buhari, your good self and other well-meaning Nigerians, we care! Engr. Anike Emeka D, delucieme@yahoo.com, 08023228100 
 
Playing the ostrich Our rulers are like a giant bird called the ostrich. This bird is known to bury its small head in the sand and pretend that the exposed huge frame is hid. It also steps on its eggs quite carelessly. We need miracle and mercy from God to bring compassion and brotherliness to the people of this country. Tribalism, religious bias, and so forth have drained the milk of kindness from our breasts. Dr Olayinka Oladosu, yinkalola85@yahoo.com

As dead as dodo I’ve always told people that this country is finished and they often see me as a pessimist. But at the risk of sounding like one once again, I say Nigeria is dead. Even if things get better today, it would amount to a pyrrhic victory for this present generation. It has suffered a lot. Abayo Felix, winfex_1@yahoo.com

Big irony What a paradoxical irony that a country widely acclaimed for her peacekeeping efforts in other lands is going through inter and intra ethnic wars, and no end seems to be in sight.  God save this land. Sammie Boat, Ondo State

Our only problem Nigeria is worth dying for.  Our only problem is bad and unreliable leadership.  All the vultures that make it impossible for Nigerians to have faith in themselves and their country will face the wrath of God, and Nigeria will rise again, and we will be proud and ready to die for her. Rev. S. A. Adetayo, St John’s Anglican Church, Lagos 

Keg of gunpowder It is not that Nigeria does not give a damn, our leaders simply do not know what to do.  Nigeria is seating on a keg of gunpowder.  May God help us. Dr Olukayode Olaoluwa, Oshodi, Lagos 

How I see Nigeria In 1968, at the peak of the Gowon/Awolowo starvation policy in Biafra, what I saw happening to children then is an experience I have never forgotten.  Since then, I have seen Nigeria as a cave inhabited by evil people. George Ibecheozor

Our most fundamental problem Let’s call a spade by its name.  There’s a dearth of intelligent people here.  This remains our most fundamental problem. Remi Okeke

A dying nation It’s always a pleasure reading you.  My regret is that our leaders don’t listen.  They are clueless on how to chart a future for this dying nation. Don Disky, Warri

My sympathies  I sympathize with the once peaceful people of Plateau State.  When shall these senseless killings stop?  If government doesn’t know the people behind Boko Haram, don’t they know those behind Plateau killings?  See how cheap life is in Nigeria. Anyamele Samuel Chinaza

Greedy, selfish, corrupt Your piece is a true reflection of affairs in Nigeria.  My summary is, we are corrupt, greedy and selfish. Ebiere Edemeka

How to get there Nigeria can be rescued and become a great country if everybody is deemed to be equal and can aspire to any leadership position no matter your religion or tribe.  But as long as some people believe it is their birthright to rule, there will always be crisis, and no development. Augustine Ukaegbu, Owerri

God save us Thank you for that incisive write-up.  The president unfortunately does not give a damn.  God save Nigeria. Dr J. T. Akume

Are we cursed? It is sad the way things are going in this country.  Nobody truly cares.  The ‘I don’t care attitude’ of our leaders worry me a lot.  Are we cursed not to get things right? Gideon Ebah, Apapa, Lagos, 08055530124

Can’t they forgive? I sympathize with the victims of the Plateau killings.  That reprisal attack against the Beroms was too harsh.  Can’t the Fulani forgive? Chidi, Delta State

Guinea pigs on trial for fuel subsidy fraud

It is quite some time the Federal Government amused Nigerians and perhaps the government itself with what is supposed to impress us with drastic action against known and exposed financial criminals/economic saboteurs. 

The purported list of firms and individuals so claimed to have been indicted in the fuel subsidy theft can only induce public ridicule. What an anti-climax!

After all the hype and drama on the celebrities allegedly involved, how did it happen that none of the big figures could be listed among the men of shame? Nigerians woke up on January 1, 2012 only to be welcomed into the new year by President Goodluck Jonathan with virtually one hundred percent increase in the price of petrol. 

The wild propaganda which led to the increase was that withdrawal of the subsidy was inevitable because the value  was not getting to those intended to benefit.

The first misleading impression from such untenable argument is that withdrawal of the subsidy (that is astronomical increase in the price of petrol) would then improve the lot of the poor in society. In fact, Jonathan went as far as that when he claimed that proceeds from the withdrawal of fuel subsidy would be spent to provide roads, hospitals, schools, drugs, possibly the free oxygen of life. It was as if fuel subsidy all along disabled federal and state governments from providing these amenities.

Owing to the unreasonableness of increase of fuel price, which in effect, worsened the hardship of every average family in the country, Nigerians (thanks to the critical sections of the media and civil rights groups) then had to counter Jonathan that culprits of the fuel subsidy abuse were mainly members and patrons of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, especially in the private sector, otherwise known as stakeholders in the oil industry. 

Their main pre-occupation is to ruin national economy by twisting rules and regulations. Since Goodluck Jonathan would not listen and his Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala arrogantly bluffed all criticisms by maintaining that whatever happened, the new fuel price would be maintained, public-spirited people and those in the civil right groups had to mobilize Nigerians for showdown.

Faced with the nationwide protests threatening the survival of his administration, Jonathan’s initial reaction was to blackmail leaders of the protests with the allegation of seeking regime change, as if that itself is a crime under the law. He must have forgotten that he could be impeached for running the economy aground to create undue hardship for the ordinary citizen.

Faced with the reality of a fast-deteriorating situation, Jonathan had to endorse a face-saving probe of the fuel subsidy scandal by an ad-hoc committee of the House of Representatives. And what revelations of not only the magnitude of the scandal but also of the personalities and oil companies involved! The report documented that even though National Assembly provided for less than three hundred billion naira as fuel subsidy, the oil importers colluded with government functionaries in Central Bank and NNPC to gazump the subsidy by almost one trillion naira, without National Assembly approval.

It was a return to the days of import licence scandal as everybody became oil importer and instantly qualified for refund of oil subsidy except that in this case, the criminals claimed subsidy for oil they did not even import. Such big names and oil companies?

Jonathan himself was so worried by the revelations that he expressed a scarcely-veiled helplessness in an interview with TELL Magazine (Feb. 27, 2012) on how the Central Bank of Nigeria and NNPC could have been paying such huge amount far in excess of budget provision as fuel subsidy and yet (the same CBN and NNPC) according to him failed to alert the government, specifically Federal Ministry of Finance.

Jonathan then promised to probe the CBN and NNPC on their parts in the fuel subsidy scandal. What happened to Jonathan’s voluntarily expressed determination to probe these two institutions? Even then, with the fuel subsidy scandal report of the House of Representatives adhoc committee, Jonathan prepared the minds of Nigeria for the trial of the century of these notorious criminals.

 Instead, vacillation was followed by poor communication in which the impression was wrongly created that  findings of the probe might not warrant automatic trial for the culprits. Following the setting up one committee to review another committee, the review of another committee, etc., big show was made of the fraud that there would not be sacred cows as anybody or company involved would be tried.

And then, suddenly, the list of the culprits (human beings and companies) released on Monday to go on trial. What a country. All those to go on trial are no more than guinea-pigs of a caustic gesture to be seen to be trying some culprits. All those being tried are completely unknown and are more Beninoise with the Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani names. Whereas, the trial is of Nigerians, not Beninoise. How did these unknown persons find their way into NNPC to be claiming staggering amount as refunds for oil not imported and subsidy for oil not imported?

Nigerians are too familiar with this deceit in governance. Former EFCC boss Nuhu Ribadu told Nigerians during his tenure that up to 34 serving state governors would face criminal charges for alleged corruption. Since  2007 after they all left office, some eight or ten of them in various parts at the country were arraigned in courts.

Where are they today after hyping the public for show trials? These ex-governors supposed to be facing trials are either in the Senate or heading one government agency or committee except only one who was fined five million naira for stealing billions of naira. From the Senate, the ex-governor suspects are even aiming at the presidency, all in the hope of distancing the minds of Nigerians from their criminal trials.

Again in 2010, to cover up the security lapses that resulted in the October 1st 2010 bombings at Eagle Square, Abuja, Nigeria’s secret police told us that prominent Nigerians had been named if not arrested as culprits. That was merely to wet the appetite of an angry nation. Who are those on trial today? Virtually unknown fellows.

It is therefore bad enough that those listed as culprits of the oil subsidy scandal are mere guinea pigs. It will be worse eventually that the pattern of their trial will be a rehash of the established standard. What value is it to Nigerians except a distraction that a particular accused is the son of this or son of that? Such identity is even unfair because it is prejudicial  to the judicial fate of those on trial.

Ironically, those not even mentioned in the list are the sons of those who should have been mentioned, if the probe report is anything to go by. The reasons are obvious. Such unnamed fellows are patrons of the government who donated hundreds if not billions of naira to the campaign fund of the Peoples Democratic Party.

And so, the looting will continue. But one day, the looting will end. Not a kobo will follow them to wherever they may head. As for the trial proper, we should not deceive ourselves into believing that any punitive action will come the way of the fuel subsidy fraud criminals, except the established pattern. Here we go. The suspects will be arraigned in court with EFCC bouncers playing to the gallery, to impress the public that in so doing, the EFCC chaps were guarding against any of the suspects trying to escape.

The media are ever-ready to be nose-led as if for the first or even the last time. Unfortunately for the media, there is not a single known figure on whom to focus. The same array of well-known high-ranking top lawyers will announce themselves as appearing for the suspects. Defenders of these accused are not unaware that it is another boom period in the range of scores if not hundreds of millions of naira. These are the same defenders posturing, at public functions like lectures against looting of public funds.

It is not as if these trials are anything serious or even of ground-breaking ventures. Recall past showdowns of the same magnitude? After the lawyers, the suspects will plead not guilty. Their lawyers will then argue for bail which will often be reflected with the offer of a substitute to be filed. The suspects will then be clamped into detention in prison or EFCC custody. The court will then adjourn till a specified return date for the bail application to be argued.

The bail will then be eventually granted with seeming impossible conditions attached. But trust the oil subsidy fraud cartel to gather somewhere and ensure the bail conditions. Suspects will be released on lack of jurisdiction of the court which will always be given preference to be determined first. If unsuccessful, the next argument may be that the accused has committed no crime known to law.

The onus shifts on the state to establish that in fact, a crime had been committed under particular various laws of the land. If the counter-argument succeeds, which happens in most cases, the next spanner thrown into the works will be that the accused had not been served with proof of evidence to be led by the state against him. For God’s sake, if not a conspiracy to take the public for a ride, why would a capable prosecutor fail in the first place to comply with such elementary procedure?

That is even, in the first place, if the prosecution was not faulted for not obtaining the authority of the Attorney-General to try the case. Argument will go on for weeks on whether such authority is necessary at all. Depending on what time of the year, the suspects might be unfortunate to be docked at a time the courts would be on recess, which may cause adjournment till September.

These initial preliminaries always delay cases into periods of two to three years. When did the cases of those rogue bankers on trial commence? What is the progress? Where are the cases of those on trial either as state governors or federal ministers on trial for theft of public funds since 2007? Are such cases still in court or already abandoned? Meanwhile, the public relations consultants of the accused have been restless projecting their clients for the presidency in 2015.

Mark it, nobody will be punished for the fuel subsidy fraud as public interest will be deliberately wearied and waned out. Nobody will even remember. Of course, there may be token fines of ten million naira for the billions of naira stolen in each case.

A Society of Hardliners and Bigots

Simon.Kolawole@thisdaylive.com

Fellow Nigerians, why are we maiming and killing in the name of religion and ethnicity? We are never going to answer the question the same way. It is poverty, many will suggest. I agree with that position to a large extent—although I am forced to ask why the people of Benin Republic, who are poorer than Nigerians, are not killing one another. Oh, it is because there are too many ethnic groups in Nigeria, another school will argue. Maybe. But there are over 50 ethnic groups in Ghana and I am yet to hear that they are bombing and slaughtering one another. Ah, it is because Lord Luggard forced us into an artificial marriage in 1914, some analysts will assert.

Perhaps. But look around the world and you will discover that virtually every country is an artificial creation. And there is no country without its internal differences—race, ethnicity, region, religion, class, language, dialects, clans, etc. Check the facts with an open mind. I will forever contend that having differences is not the problem; the socio-political management of these differences is what distinguishes success from failure.

There are possibly one thousand and two reasons why Nigeria is like this, but an undeniable fact is that we are a nation of bigots and hardliners. There are people who specialise in stoking sectional tension. Boy, they enjoy it to no end! They spend all their days amplifying our ethnic and religious differences. Every opinion they hold and propagate is based on ethnic or religious sentiments. All their analyses and perceptions are derived from sectionalism. That is the only thing that excites them. I concede that religion and ethnicity stir up the deepest emotions in us. So maybe we should situate the hard-line positions being taken by some leaders and elders within this context.

However, the challenge, really, is to rise above these sentiments and deal with issues case by case. I cannot tell myself a Yoruba man is always right and a Christian can never be wrong. If I harbour such a mentality, it means whenever I see a Yoruba man and an Igbo man fighting, I will never listen to what the issues are. I will automatically join hands with the Yoruba man to pummel the Igbo man without asking questions. That is the life of hardliners. Yet common logic tells us that the world is not black and white. There are different shades of grey. I have been thoroughly appalled by the positions some respected commentators are taking on the Boko Haram insurgency and the Plateau civil war (it’s a civil war, friends, let’s stop pretending). I am now convinced, more than ever, that we are in for the long haul, except these hardliners—who seem to be having the upper hand in the public sphere—begin to pipe down in the interest of peace.

Hard-line positions will never resolve the crises.  I want to focus on the Plateau war today as we continue to deal with the grim reality we have found ourselves. Why has blood been flowing like a river in the state? It depends on who you are asking the question. If you ask the Hausa/Fulani, they will tell you that after living in Jos for generations, they are still being treated as “settlers” by the Berom people who claim to be the “indigenes”. The Jasawa crave equality—they want to be seen as citizens not “settlers”; they would not mind having an emirate of their own in order to be able to fully express their religious beliefs within an Islamic set-up; they seek high-level political recognition such that they would be able to produce at least the deputy governor, if not the governor; and they want some form of affirmative action to guarantee them some political offices.

Now turn to the Berom and ask them the same question. Their answer will be something like this: this land belongs to us; the Fulani came to settle here and now they are trying to conquer us and lord it over us in our own land; what Uthman Dan Fodiyo couldn’t complete with his jihad, the Fulani want to get through the backdoor; we the Berom people have never been conquered by the Fulani, and we will never be conquered by them; the Urhobo, Yoruba and Igbo were living here long before the Fulani, yet they are not laying any claim to Jos—so why are the Fulani different? What the Fulani will not accept from “settlers” in Sokoto or Kano, they want to come and impose on us here! We will never accept that!!

With these hard-line positions from both camps, what are the prospects for peace? It doesn’t look exciting at all. Blood will continue to flow. We have not seen anything yet. It is very, very scary and disheartening. However, the way forward, in my opinion, is that the elders in these communities must for once begin to see the larger picture. The larger picture, in this instance, is peaceful co-existence. They must begin to ask themselves the hard questions: will bloodshed solve this problem? If we continue to hold on to our hard-line positions, what are the prospects for peace? Will there be absolute winners at the end of it all? Are there some compromise positions we can negotiate? Are there avenues we can exploit to stem the slide? Are there mechanisms we can develop to address these longstanding and divisive matters amicably?

The Plateau crises can only be resolved by the people themselves. Federal Government can only send troops. Only fragile peace can be imposed that way. The real peace will be devised by the warring factions themselves. They must see eye to eye. They must sit down and negotiate. They must talk with each other. When they talk, argue, negotiate and arrive at a roadmap, they will be able to carve a sustainable pathway to lasting peace by themselves. We will not need heavy military presence again. We will not need curfews and states of emergency. But for as long as hardliners and bigots are calling the shots, there will never be peace on the Plateau. The people and their leaders and elders must bury their pride and prejudices. No amount of bloodshed will do. I know this for a fact.

And Four Other Things...

PERMANENT PATIENCE
Can it get more ridiculous? After being promoted permanent secretary in absentia in Bayelsa State, the First Lady, Mrs Patience Jonathan, is now seeking constitutional recognition for wives of political office-holders so that they can begin to enjoy retirement benefits when their spouses leave office. So the wives of former presidents, vice-presidents, senate presidents, speakers, senators, reps, house of assembly members, ministers, state commissioners, 774 council chairmen, councillors and special advisers will all be collecting severance pay and pension? Obviously, somebody has not been reading about the recurrent expenditure crises and revenue headache. Plain ridiculous.

COLORADO CASE
Last Friday, a rampaging gunman killed 12 persons in Colorado, US, at a cinema showing the new Batman film, the Dark Knight Rises. US President Barack Obama and his rival Mitt Romney immediately cancelled campaign speeches and some adverts attacking each other, replacing them with messages of sorrow for the victims. In Nigeria, it would have been a perfect opportunity for the opposition parties to politick and blame the “clueless” president for the gunman’s actions. Americans and their politicians always put their country first in moments of crisis, because the country is more important than any partisan interest. We shouldn’t allow our dislike of one man to blind us to the fact that Nigeria is bigger than anyone.

EDO’S REAL WINNERS
Comrade Adams Oshiomhole deservedly won re-election as governor of Edo State, but the real winners are the people of the state. To be honest, I was worried about the security situation. I expected violence. I expected rigging. With all the pre-election tension—especially the killings—my heart was in my mouth. But the election was peacefully conducted; the people spoke with their thumbs. The defeat of all the PDP big guys in their wards spoke eloquently about how people exercised their free choice. Those who say we have not achieved anything in 13 years of democracy may need to review their cynicism. We’re actually marching forward in many ways!

FOR FAMAKINWA
Today I remember Samuel Famakinwa, former Deputy Editor of THISDAY, who five years ago embarked on a journey of no return to Maiduguri, Borno State. In one of the most tragic and traumatic stories of life, Samuel was found dead in his hotel room: his body on the bed, his outstretched left hand with his mobile phone on the floor. This suggested he was on the phone when he died. Post-mortem report said he died of cardiac arrest. Although we had our suspicions, God knows best. His wife was pregnant at the time, but the boy would never know his father. Life can be wicked. But Samuel lived a meaningful, even if short, life.

Oshiomhole didn’t win Edo poll

Written by Kunle Oderemi.

NOW that the undisguised war in Edo State is over, this should be the right time for us to talk some sense into our head. Whoever thought the July 14 governorship poll was no war, where weird weapons were deployed during the build up to the poll, probably chose to go to Afghanistan. The gladiators had combined all forms of propaganda machinery as weapons that created fear and anxiety, that resoundingly resonated even beyond the shores of the country.
In our country, political campaigns have lost their meanings. They are no longer what they used to be, such we had in the second republic, for example, when political leaders led their candidates painstakingly to the remotest villages where more than 70 per cent of Nigerians still reside, to market themselves and their party manifesto and programmes.
Today, what we have is an excess dose of propaganda and blackmail and other violent acts. So, it did not come as a surprise that some misguided elements again used the Edo election as an opportunity to further create engender animousity and bigotry in the land. Real issues were relegated to the background. Where some leaders tried to come up with a semblance of critical issues, it was for the purpose of mischief. Unfortunately, the few ‘beautiful ones’ among the players soon joined the coterie of propagandists and congenital liars, thus the heightened and charged political climate weeks before July 14 came.
The Edo people are not insulated from the general economic malaise facing the generality of Nigerians. They are victims of the rising cost of living, the dearth of sufficient servant leaders at different levels of the Nigerian society, burgeoning army of youth unemployment, problems associated with illiteracy and abysmal neglect of rural areas, coupled with challenges arising from ‘monocotyledonous’ economy. None of these and many other major socio-economic issues were exhaustively treated and marketed by the gladiators. Instead, a lot of them resorted to abuse, threats and character assassination. In fact, the utterances of a few of the players were too extreme and volatile to have necessitated the deployment of troops to the state by the Federal Government at the thresh-hold of the election.
How long are we going to continue that way? Is it at every election that soldiers must abandon their core primary duty of protecting sovereignty of the country to assume the responsibility of the police and other agencies of government as outlined in the Constitution? When shall we learn to appreciate the fact that elections are about the people choosing their leaders, under an unfettered freedom and an atmosphere that is devoid of harassment, intimidation and assault, and not because of some narrow interest?
In Momentum: Women In American Politics Now, Ronna Romney and Beppie Harrison took readers on an excursion into part of what makes US politics intriguing and permanently challenging. One area I find very captivating is where the authors state, “One of the enduring eccentricities of politics, of course, is that tomorrow’s battle lines may lie in an entirely different direction, with a number of yesterday’s enemies enrolled as today’s allies, aiding in the relentless assault on those who were yesterday’s friends.” I do not know how much of the inherent lesson and message in this statement was displayed by the various players before the Edo poll. Almost all the key actors lost their brains and heads, except the few candidates perching on the fringe.
For some time, the Nigerian judiciary had come under acerbic attacks, owing to the uncomplimentary role of some judicial officials on the Bench and the Bar. A number of civil society groups and the media have been in the forefront of an advocacy for a thorough and proper cleaning exercise. But the battle is patently tainted in partisanship with the variegated interests diametrically opposed to the Nigerian Constitution, and even democracy. The unwarranted brazen partisanship by the Fourth Estate of the Realm was reenacted during the build up to the Edo poll, as the media largely compromised, rather than acting as platform for the true platform for cross-fertilization of ideas and what constituted the ideals of a sane democratic environment. Some columnists became paid agents and threatened Armageddon, in case the outcome of the election was not in tandem with their narrow disposition and interest.
Another challenge threw up by the election was on the integrity of the traditional institution. The main gladiators tried to drag in key traditional rulers to openly identify with their individual aspirations to govern Edo. While some of them maintained hide-and-seek, others came to openly canvass for votes for a particular candidate for the poll, whereas monarchs are required to be the father to all, regardless of political inclination or creed. Yet, such partisanship by the royal institution is coming at a time period traditional rulers have intensified lobby to have a constitutional role.
We cannot forget in a hurry some ugly events that characterised the election. Lives were lost and invaluable property destroyed in needless hostilities. The greatest tragedy was the gruesome killing of Comrade Olaitan Ojerinde, the Private Secretary to Governor Adams Oshiomhole, as well as the painful death of two journalists in an auto crash that involved the convoy of the governor.
The hero of the election is Professor Attahiru Jega. He and his men and women in INEC won the election. They deserve our garland for being gallantry and intimidated in the face of deliberate attempts to rubbish their integrity and name as professionals. We should salute Jega and his men for their courage and resilience under frequent harassment, cheap blackmail, character assassination and other murderous acts over largely unsubstantiated allegations by the gladiators and their hirelings.
At a time, it was thought if it would not have been proper for Jega, in his capacity as INEC chairman, to throw in the towel and go back to the classroom, because of the avalanche of allegations and insinuations by the various interests in the election that Jega and his men had been compromised. There was a time some thought that the man could count himself lucky if he went to Edo and was not lynched a mob or abducted and killed by the people who were yearning for development and improvement in their life instead of the acrimony, bitterness and in a few instances sorrow, tear and blood that characterised the build up to the election.
But, while we heave a sigh of relief that the drumming for war have receded in Edo has subsided, attention will now shift to Ondo State, where rival political parties will be challenging the second term bid of Governor Olusegun Mimiko of the Labour Party [LP]. It will be the major acid test for Jega because of the unique fact that Ondo is the only state under the control of LP. Therefore, the voters should have sufficient records of service delivery and promise-kept to either renew or revoke their mandate to Mimiko. But before then, the media, traditional rulers and other stakeholders owe the common man the duty of retrained partisanship by encouraging healthy issue-based campaigns as opposed to a riotous cacophony, infantile claims and egoistic orchestration.

Jonathan in Obasanjo’s shoes

Written by Kunle Oderemi.

One can only guess what former President Olusegun Obasanjo could be making out of the unfolding political drama between the executive and Lower Chamber of the National Assembly. Last week, the House of Representatives’ members issued an impeachment threat to President Goodluck Jonathan over alleged constitutional breaches. Could Obasanjo, who is now tending his chickens at his farm in Ota, Ogun State farm, dey laugh again? Maybe, in the days ahead, he might volunteer a few words or another weird coinage depicting the scenario as the counter down to the September ultimatum given by the House if the impeachment plot progresses.
About 10 years ago, the country was the threatre of a similar ‘comedy of errors.’ Obasanjo had come under a grueling experience in the hands of the House when Alhaji Umar Ghali Na’Abbah was Speaker. In the midst of the battle, a popular news magazine had tagged Na’Abbah a tyrant because of his intransigence on the impeachment move against Obasanjo, while the latter was described by some critics as an ‘unteachable’ dictator and bull in a China Shop, averse to all democratic finesse and ethos. The Senate soon joined the impeachment plot with Senator Jonathan Zwingwina from Adamawa State moving the enabling motion. The plot was a climax to a face-off between Obasanjo and the leaders of the National Assembly over what was generally seen as an imperial presidency after a deranged millitarianism.
Though the action of the lawmakers had elicited anger from certain quarters, only a few individuals had given Obasanjo a chance of surviving the onslaught from the legislative arm of government, because of the grounds enunciated by the initiators of the plot. Coupled with it was the fact that the principal characters behind the ploy were members of the ‘behemoth,’ PDP, which controlled majority in the legislature and formed the executive. This was aside from the fact that the plot was coming from those forces that actually foisted the Obasanjo presidency on the nation.
Then, the plot against the man was hinged on some fundamental provisions of the 1999 Constitution. One of the 17-point grounds the House listed was the non-implementation of federal Appropriation Acts for three consecutive years. On its part, the Senate was convinced that the executive was “totally incapable of restoring peace and stability to the polity and throughout the nation.”
Interestingly, some dramatis personae in the episode then remain key players in the current political dispensation.. The present Secretary to the Federal Government of Nigeria [SGF], Chief Anyim Pius Anyim was the President of the Senate then; Chief Audu Ogbeh, now a chieftain of the Action Congress of Nigeria [ACN], was the National Chairman of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party [PDP], while Lawan Farouk, who is in the eye of the storm over the $620,000 fuel subsidy bribery allegation, was the Chairman, House Committee on Information.
Obasanjo and members of the National Assembly cannot be said to the best of friends now. He has criticised them perhaps, more stridently than any other single individual or group. On the other hand, the lawmakers have never failed to deliver severe jabs at his jugular for occasionally treating them with disdain. But the current impeachment saga is coming at a time the former leader is seen to be in a love lost relationship with his political son in Aso Rock, just as Jonathan is believed not to enjoy the most cordial relationship with the House based on some critical state matters, which means that the stage appears set for the reenactment of the 2002 conundrum.
It is also noteworthy that the greatest irony about the botched move to sack Obasanjo 10 years ago from the Presidency was that the initial plot was hatched by the opposition, but which was scuttled in the Senate before it could even commence. An All Nigeria Peoples Party [ANPP], Idris Abubakar, had brought the motion on the floor of the Senate, but it was dead on arrival because of the antics of PDP, as the eloquent senator had accused the president of failing to implement the 2001 and 2002 budgets as passed by the National Assembly.
But some weeks after, the House decided to toe the line and provided details of the expenditures Obasanjo had engaged in without recourse to the National Assembly for appropriation to warrant the move against him. Among them were that he purchased 51 houses for ministers without recourse to the legislature; releasing N12 billion to a construction firm, as well as having spent N60 billion on the National Stadium, Abuja.
Just as we have now, there was a conspiracy theory on the move by the lawmakers to send Obasanjo back to his Ota farm prematurely. Many amorphous groups decided to cry more than the bereaved. Rather than addressing issues, some ethnic jingoists went shadow-chasing. Yet, the president had consistently said the country was still in a learning process on the ethos of democracy and the belief was that the action of the National Assembly was meant to put the 1999 through a rigorous but genuine and sincere democratic test. So, that singular effort to test national political maturity at the centre was eventually sacrificed on the altar of gimmickry with some centrifugal and centripetal forces acting as facilitators at the height of what had promised to be a historic battle. Thus, we were taking for a ride by the political, nay ruling elite.
Suffice to say the current impeachment threat from the House does not amount to guilt by the president of the accusation of constitutional breaches against him. Therefore, we must show uttermost restraint so as to avoid infantile arguments that could engender further tension in the land. The onus is on his accusers to provide sufficient proof and evidence about the grave allegation that he had indeed failed to uphold the constitution concerning federal appropriation. Nigerians needs facts and not fictions; reality as opposed to fantasies; truth as against falsehood to arrive at an appropriate conclusion on the issue on who is right and who is only playing to the gallery. It is the responsibility of both sides to avail the public with those facts on the allegations by not subjecting us to Gestapo tactics, which have reduced Nigerian politics to the phenomenon of Ghana-must-Go. It should not be another season for clairvoyants and self-styled mavericks, who want to feather their individual nests.
Let’s give the two camps the benefit of doubts on the current impasse, as each should know what constitutional breaches. I am not too sure the House would want to embark on a sensitive matter such impeachment, with all the inherent intricacies and booby traps when it lacked sufficient evidence and proof to prosecute and sustain it, as the consequence would be too grave for the initiators. Neither would the Presidency deliberately flout the provisions of constitution, which encapsulates the grund norms for democratic rule and good governance in the country.

Mimiko: A history of firsts

Written by Abiodun Awolaja.

And what shall we say of Dr Olusegun Mimiko, the Ondo State governor?
What? Before you finish saying that he has done one beautiful thing, he goes ahead to do ten better things, the hallmark of a true statesman and lover of the people, unarguably and unquestionably the new Awo. Of course, those who celebrate the bad and condemn the good are ever engaged in their subversive activities against the people’s governor but I am not bothered because such activities are headed for the dustbin of history.
It was Mimiko who recently built black Africa’s first court in prison, a powerful machine for prison decongestion and a novel idea in the administration of justice. It is rare for inmates, who will by Nigerian law, not be voting in any election to take up buckets and tins and make soul-lifting music about the good works of one who remembered them in their hour of need. That singular action has carved for Mimiko a name written in gold wherever governance issues are discussed. Mimiko chose to abandon the frivolities with which governance is often associated in this clime and identify with the underprivileged, the poor and the down-trodden, in their hour of need. The Yoruba say you only know your true friends at your hour of need: igba iponju la n mo ore, what the English present as “A friend in need is a friend indeed.” On a lighter note, friends are rare: somebody collected money from me for a specific purpose on my special day and then disappeared, claiming to have been stuck in the traffic on Iwo Road. Till today, he is still stuck in the traffic and he has not returned the money. A lot of governors/senators are like this: they are stuck in the traffic, toying with the people’s mandate.
The only Quality Education Assurance Agency in the country ( an agency which, as the Ondo State Commissioner for Information, Kayode Akinmade, pointed out, ensures quality control in education through the inspectorate division which would also synergise with local communities in meeting local educational needs) is another first by Mimiko, but so is the driver’s airport, the ultramodern motor park in Akure. The ticketing office, the restrooms tagged ‘conveniences’ boasting unbelievable facilities, the green area, are all a beauty to behold.
Indeed, the arrival/departure lounge at the park, with the same facilities that you have at the Nnamdi Azikiwe Airport, Abuja or Murtala Mohammed in Lagos, is a wonder only a uniquely people-centred and visionary administration can engineer. I walked into the park in company with my wife recently and saw well dressed drivers doing their business in a climate of tranquillity. The familiar smell of marijuana which you contend with at motor parks anywhere in the country, the hard drinks and sweaty, pig-arrayed touts were gone and in their place were controlled verdure, a classy restaurant, duty-free lock-up shops dispensing confectioneries and other provisions, and a happy community of passengers watching DSTV while waiting for their taxi or bus flight. And perhaps for the first time in their lives, the transport managers were in classy offices with befitting facilities. I noticed the masterful interior decor, particularly the curtains. And the irredeemable criminals who set the future on fire through their present theft of the commonwealth!
If you have been to Akure recently, you have probably seen school children going to school in state-of-the-art luxury buses, free of charge. Even the bus stops are a beauty to behold. Some of the children are going to the new mega schools, mega in conceptualisation and mega in facilities, without a parallel anywhere in the world. Not even in England do you find such schools, and British education is far better than Nigeria’s. School uniforms are free, no tuition fees are paid, the e-libraries are classy and even the chalkboards are electromagnetic. And taking a drive around town, you would find recreation centres where you can dissipate energy, again free of charge.
The concept of mechanic village was initiated by Governor Olusegun Mimiko to concentrate all the mechanics that littered Akure into a camp where facilities will be provided for them and those who want to patronise them can have a direction of patronage. At the mechanic village, members of the National Association of Automobile Mechanics ply their trade in a top-of-the-world environment. There are 80 bush bars. A bush bar is a concentration of five NATA professionals (mechanic, electrician, rewire, panel beater, sprayer) working together in each workshop, a comprehensive team to work on your vehicle.’
What it costs the auto workers to be in the mechanic village? It is N40 only per day, yes N40. There is of course the Caring Heart International Auto Mart, described as “Nigeria’s own Cotonou” where you can get any ride of your choice.
In yet another novel move which outclasses any effort by any other governor in the country, Dr Mimiko, through the instrumentality of the Ondo State Wealth Creation Agency (WECA inaugurated three farms settlements in Epe, (Ondo Central), Auga (Ondo North) and Ore (Ondo South Senatorial districts), with each catering for the agricultural peculiarities of its district. In no time, the WECA had cleared about 10 thousands hectares of land in the thick jungle of Ore along Ore–Ijebu Ode–Lagos expressway, with three major agricultural pursuits; fishery; poultry and arable farming. Dr Mimiko, as noted by the quintessential tours and travel editor, Wale Ojo-Lanre, “Dr Mimiko ensured that super chalets built to taste were constructed for the accommodation of the participants with provision of a bore hole, DSTV, with two sets of plasma TVs, two generators, table tennis and other games facilities for recreation. The participants have been able to plant over 6000 hectares of maize, over 1million palm seedlings and also over 1000 hectares of cassava. The poultry section has about 30 large pens made up of three cubicles each, with over 700 layers and breeders, while the fishery has over 2000 large fish ponds with the least harbouring 2500 fingerlings.The farm has a large man-made dam which the participant christened Iroko Dam, the appellation of Dr Mimiko.”
The uniqueness: the farmers are pooled from the sea of hitherto unemployed graduates who applied through the WECA. As many as 1087 graduates engaged were being trained to acquire entrepreneurial skills in agro-related businesses of their interest with a view to becoming job creators and millionaires in no distant time. The trainees are participants and co-owners of the farm.
How? The government having provided the land, the inputs, accommodation in the village and monthly stipends for the participants’ upkeep, the participants tend their farms, nurture their birds and ensure the survival of their fingerlings.
During the harvest, the participants will go home with the profits, while the capital is injected back into the business.
There is really no end to documenting Dr Mimiko’s monumental firsts in education, urbanisation, health, science and technology, power, sports or even culture. The governor recently constructed the first dew-spewing roundabout in the country, and continues to build state-of-the-art neighbourhood markets in every nook and cranny of the state, at virtually no cost to the users.