The Buhari/Tinubu Parley: How Realistic?

 SAMUEL A. ONIMISI

This article was published two years ago with the title: ‘The malaise of a Mega Party. Its contents are very germane to the recent meetings between General Buhari and Asiwayu Bola Tinubu on the March towards 2015.
Is there any hope that opposition parties will ever take over power or win elections in Nigeria? That is a trillion naira question which this piece will attempt to answer or at least broach. About 18 months ago, Chief Anthony Enahoro, CFR, thought aloud about how opposition parties could close ranks, come together and merge or form one big political party.
The purpose was to defeat the ruling Peoples Democratic Party in a clean and fair election, come 2011. Given his age, the nationalist needed others to carry out his vision and Chief Olu Falae came in handy.

He, it was who led other prominent opposition party chieftains in endless rounds of consultations with the view of steering them into such a big -call it Mega Party under the sobriquet of Mega Summit Movement.

How else can we describe Chief Olu Falae, Gen. Muhammed Buhari, Atiku Abubakar and Alh. Attahiru Bafarawa – all presidential candidates between 1999 and 2007? Alh. Balarabe Musa, a professional opposition politician and a group of others not-so-prominent but important actors were part of the process.
From day one, the PRP leader announced that his party will neither dissolve into or be merged with any other party. He opted for alliance with other parties; but at the end, he let it be known that he and his party will not merge or align with the Mega Party!!
Many were astounded as to what went wrong and why Balaraba Musa behaved the way he did. Someone even asked if the PRP leader was not planted in the Mega Summit Movement to destroy or frustrate it in the first place. He is entitled to his opinion.
Not long after, a group of top members of the MSM broke apart to form what they called National Democratic Initiative (NDI) which changed later to become National Democratic Movement (NDM) – purporting to have absolved the MSM by adoption of the word ‘movement’.
But the NDM is a counterpoise to the MSM which was considered as too ‘southern’ by Northern leaders in the Summit. So, Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku Abubakar and Attahiru Bafarawa with a sprinkle of southerners like Tom Ikimi and Barr. Mike Ahamba went with the NDM. For sometime, most members of the MSM became also members of the NDM until-like water and oil - each went its own way.
However, and at this stage Alhaji Bola Tinubu and his team appeared on the scene on the side of the NDM and helped to finally nail the coffin of the MSM. But the NDM was to receive the most painful shock. Atiku Abubakar whose heart was in the PDP while pretending to be in MSM/NDM dumped it after slamming accusations against Buhari and Bafarawa.
And Bafarawa left, not before he accused Buhari of perfidy and betrayal. Buhari and his new party, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) were treated like lepers by what was left of the NDM. Soon, Tinubu’s rump of the A.C. and Bafarawa” Democratic People’s Party (DPP) became the sole legatees of the NDM who agreed to merge into-presumably a mega party.
Right from the onset, Alh. Shitta-Bey was not happy with the pace of events and was very suspicious of certain MSM leaders of northern extraction whom he described as dealing deceitfully with the MSM. He left to file in his papers with the INEC to register what he called Mega Progressive Peoples Party- which remains in process.
Subsequent developments tend to justify Shitta-Bey’s action. Whatever was left of the MSM resolved to go ahead and form a new party called the Social Democratic Mega Party – which registration is also under way. The MSM still led by Chief Olu Falae still left its doors open to those who may change their minds to return to the fold; and to other progressive forces who are yet to decide.

Dispute as Test of Political Solution.

Kayode.Komolafe@thisdaylive.com

The aftermath of the Supreme Court verdict on the dispute between Cross River and Akwa Ibom states  over 76 oil wells has brought into  the fore the efficacy of political solution.  The court has ruled that the oil wells belong to Akwa Ibom. In fact, by virtue of this victory in court Akwa Ibom has even reportedly claimed that Cross River is owing it N18.4 billion, being the derivation funds allegedly paid on the 76 oil wells before the judgment of the final court of appeal in the land.  Although lawyers would readily say that this is the position of the law, it is clear that the matter cannot yet  be said to be politically settled. Indeed the need for a political solution is urgent in the mutual interests of the two states.

It would be politically naive for this imperative to be dismissed  by either side to the dispute. Those who do so are simply ignoring lessons of our recent history. It does not help cohesion and stability when any part of the federation nurses a grave sense of injustice. As they say, not only must justice be done, it must be seen  to be done. Perhaps the most obvious proof of this assertion is that since the verdict of the Supreme Court last month, both state governments have,  in a way, taken the matter to the court of public opinion. Akwa Ibom state government has put out advertorials massively to explain its position. Cross River is also stating its own case, although with fewer advertorials for obvious reasons of leaner resources. The implication of this spirited public discussions   of the issues involved in the dispute is that the possibility of a political solution should not be ruled out. Doubtless, making it a matter of public debate is certainly healthy in political terms  

Cross River and Akwa Ibom are not just neighbours, they are indeed sister states in every sense of the phrase because of the strong socio-economic and historical ties. The reality of the actual  relationship between the people of the two states  cannot  be fully captured in any court judgement. This is a point the governments of the two states must ponder as they seek a definitive solution to the problem based on justice and not just judgement. Beyond the lines drawn by the National Boundary Commission or the formula employed by the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), the two states created from the old Cross River state share more in common that some gladiators might appreciate because oil wealth is involved now. The Supreme Court might have declared Cross River a non-littoral state, but the reality of the geography of the area is quite a different matter. There are human passions also involved that  should be considered.

In the out- of- court statements of both sides, there some issues that are worth underlining for an efficacious solution to the problem.  First, neither side should pretend that political solution is extraneous to the matter. After all,  Akwa Ibom once faced the problem of offshore/onshore dichotomy and  it eventually benefitted from a political solution.  Today Akwa Ibom is deriving funds from over 1000 oil wells located offshore. The federal government of President Olusegun Obasanjo wrongly went to court to determine the littoral status of states. If the position of the law had remained that states should not be entitled to derivation from offshore oil, Akwa Ibom would have been effectively a non-oil producing state today. But such a position would be manifestly unjust. The ecological consequences of extraction of oil does not respect offshore/onshore dichotomy. Those who live a few metre isobaths to the extractive activities are not immune to the negative impact of the activities because of legal dichotomy.  It was, therefore, in the interest of justice that a political solution was devised. 

This was the basis of the making  of the law that abolished the unjust  offshore/onshore  dichotomy.  So it is not alien to this  discussion to talk of political solution. As a matter of fact, Cross River  state insists that it went to court to give effect to a  political solution. For clarity, Akwa Ibom continues to stand on the legal terra firma of the court verdict. In the eyes of the law that is quite valid.  However, Akwa Ibom should also  remember that the gross injustice of the onshore/offshore dichotomy  could have persisted if Abuja had chosen to be insensitively legalistic. The political solution, of course, would not be the tokenist offer of N250 million grant  by Akwa Ibom to Cross River. For a state that is claiming ownership of 76 oil wells the offer is clearly insulting, to put it mildly. In any case, the fact that offshore/onshore debate is being reportedly  reopened  by some  states  even when an existing law has abolished it is another telling proof that ultimately the solution to this problem political.

Secondly, the role of the RMAFC and the boundary commission in the matter should be further interrogated. These agencies created by the constitution should perform their important duties in a way that would promote justice and peace among the states of the federation. Their job is not merely technical. They should pay due regard to the socio-political sensibilities in the milieu. It would not help the process of integration in the federation if such powerful agencies  were to operate as if they were in a technical workshop.

Thirdly, the implication of  the  court verdict on the littoral status of Cross River for the management of security in the territorial waters should seriously considered. The human consequences for the Bakassi people should also be a central consideration in fashioning a political solution. These Nigerians should not be given the impression that they are being disowned by their country. The wounds of losing their ancestral land to the Cameroun are  still fresh. Matters should not be compounded with the handling of the oil wells in the waters of what remains of the area  they  consider their own.

This dispute is squarely between the  south-eastern states of Cross River and Akwa Ibom. However, it has implications for inter-governmental relations within the federation. That is why the President of the federal republic should give leadership in forging a political solution. Maybe, the fact that  both Governor Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom and Governor Liyel Imoke of Cross River are both leaders of the party of President Goodluck Jonathan,   the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP),   could facilitate the process of this political solution.

Is there any hope for Nigeria?

By PHILIP ASIODU. IS there any hope for Nigeria? This regrettably is a fair question given the massive challenges confronting Nigeria today – on issues of security of persons and property, political stability, economic development, increasing pauperization of the masses, degraded infrastructure of power, transportation, educational and health facilities, all pervasive corruption and excessive greed and self-seeking amongst the three tiers of government, unresponsive governance and growing pessimism amongst the vast majority of the country’s population.
The paradox is that we are suffering all these in the context of enormous natural resources endowments and a large, energetic, and easily led population which make Nigeria one of the few countries in the world today with great potential for rapid economic and social development and for global importance.
Nigeria over the last sixty years: Let us briefly recall the history of Nigeria over the last 60 years: Pre-Independence Progress and 1st Republic Years.
Nigeria was moving ahead with great strides in the decade before independence. The country was wholly dependent on agriculture. Foreign exchange was earned from agricultural exports mainly cocoa in the West, groundnuts in the North, palm oil and kernels from the East.
Foreign reserves
The balance of payments was in surplus and sizeable foreign reserves were built up by the Marketing Boards – up to 80 million pounds which was shared by the three Regions after Independence.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Alhaji Ahmadu Bello

That was good money then – considering that in no one year throughout the colonial administration did Nigeria’s Budget exceed 40 million poounds. Indeed, it was under Balewa and Independence that the Federal Budget for a year reached 50 million pounds. You can begin to imagine how carefully and frugally public funds were managed in those days when you consider that the ports of Lagos, Warri, Port Harcourt and Calabar, the 4000 miles of railways, the telegraph lines from North to South, and East to West, the Airports of Lagos and Kano, the schools people of mine and earlier generations attended and from which we went directly to British, American and other universities were all developed with such meager resources!!
Many African countries, our French speaking brothers became independent and were admitted members of the United Nations at various dates in 1960, but none was awaited with such eagerness and great expectations as Nigeria. Unprecedentedly, one whole day was devoted by the United Nations to the admission of Nigeria.
The Security Council met in the morning to approve our admission and the General Assembly in the afternoon to formalize our admission and to listen to our Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa address the Assembly. And he made a remarkable speech proclaiming the progress of Africa as the first concern of Nigeria’s foreign policy, our policy of non-alignment, our determination to contribute to maintaining world peace and the dignity of man.
He received great acclamation. I was a witness having been posted to New York in March, 1960 to participate in setting up the Permanent Mission of Nigeria to the United Nations.
There were great expectations for rapid progress – economic growth and development – given the enormous endowments, and our human capital resources and the calibre and stature of our First Republic Government. With Dr. Azikiwe as Governor-General, later President, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa as Prime Minister and Head of Government, with many experienced men who had achieved prominence as professionals, businessmen and teachers as Ministers, the Government was highly respected in the Commonwealth and the World. We can also recall the high calibre of the principal envoys sent to us from UK, USA, Germany, India, etc.
Soon after Independence, we acquitted ourselves creditably in UN operations in the Congo, in the resolution of the crisis in Tanzania helping for two years to supply the Army in that country where the Army had revolted against Nyerere soon after that country’s Independence and had to be disbanded and a new Army formed and trained. We also subscribed to a special UN Fund for peace keeping operations.
The Nigerian Economy was growing under the 1962-68 plan at over six per cent per annum with inflation rate under two per cent and so people enjoyed improving standard of living. However, there were serious political problems which had not been resolved before Independence. The most serious was the Minorities Question.
For many years, there had been general agitation for separate Regions by the Middle Belt minorities in the North, the Mid-Western minorities in the West and the Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers State Movement in the East. There were tensions over the attempt to conduct a national census in 1961 which was cancelled, and was repeated in 1963. Then came the break-up of the Action Group in 1962, the Treason trials and imprisonment of Awolowo in 1963, the crisis over the December, 1964 Federal Elections which was resolved with the appointment of a broad-based Federal Government in April, 1965, but which was then followed by the heavily rigged Western Region elections in 1965.
Military rule from 1966 
Then came the bloody January, 1966 Military Coup that ended the First Republic and brought in the First Military Government of General Ironsi. General Ironsi was overthrown in another very bloody coup in July, 1966. Nigeria then perilously hovered at the brink of disintegration. For two excruciating days, there was no supreme authority but this was not known by the public as the Federal Civil Service was able to maintain the semblance of normalcy. Then the slide to Civil War of 1967-70 which for all the loss of lives, and agony was ended by Nigerians themselves without the intervention of foreign “do-gooders”.
The country then embarked on the three Rs programme – Rehabilitation, Reconciliation, and Reconstruction which had been well planned in advance. The country resumed accelerated economic growth and from 1970-1975 the economy grew at the average of 11.75 per cent per annum until terminated by the Coup of July, 1975 followed by the massive purge and destruction of the confident, non-partisan, trained and fearless Public Service inherited from the British, but worse still, the abandonment of National Plans and the process of planning and the discipline it entails especially with regard to frugal cost-effective use of the nation’s resources for the promotion of the public good.
We had a brief interlude of Civilian Rule under President Shehu Shagari from 1979 to 1983. This was terminated by a Military Coup in December 1983. Then followed years of increasing deterioration in the quality of governance, and economic stagnation with an average growth rate of only two per cent per annum over the decade ending in 1999. Meanwhile, the population continued to grow at three per cent per annum.
Democratic Rule Since May, 1999: Democracy was restored in 1999 with the election of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo as President. He was succeeded by late President Musa Yar’Adua in 2007 and then President Goodluck Jonathan, who has been in power since 2010 and was elected in his own right in 2011.
So we have enjoyed democratic rule for 13 years. Regrettably as measured by the doleful catalogue with which I started this talk, the degradation in the quality of governance, and unresponsiveness to the real needs of the people seem to be accelerating and must be reversed in order to avoid disaster. The present allocation of the resources available to Nigeria is not sustainable.
The threat of national disintegration: It is not surprising to hear otherwise level headed people, given the current challenges, talk as if the breaking up of Nigeria into several parts would be a solution since to them Nigeria is too difficult to administer.
I have no doubt that the solution to our problems does not lie in disintegration. It is not possible to divide Nigeria neatly into a given number of successor countries. A collapse of the Nigerian State will most likely result in an unpredictable number of mini states controlled by war lords. Imagine leaving Lagos and encountering a Customs post in Ikorodu; then Ijebu Ode, then Ofuse, then Benin City, etc. or travelling northwards in Shagamu, then Ibadan, then Ilorin, then Minna and so forth.
Economic progress
It will be horrendous to have Nigeria as a failed state. The fault will be that of the so called elite. There will be no economic progress and civilization will be halted and life will be very insecure. It is a prospect which should shock us to exploring solutions to our current problems.
What the ordinary man desires is shelter, food, educational facilities to ensure his children’s advancement in life and of course adequate and improving availability of power, health and transportation infrastructure. He is really not interested in the power struggles among politicians.
Good leadership, good governance which result in rapid economic and social progress and improving standard of living and quality of life for the great majority of the people are what will lead to national cohesion and stability. How remarkable the success of Malaysia in uniting the Malays and Chinese and smaller communities of Indians and others in a multi-religious, multi-ethnic state. Again, China with her 1.4 billion people unites many diverse ethnic and linguistic groups. We also have the Indian example.
How to save the situation: Nigeria’s tremendous potentials for developing into a great country remain largely unexploited. The critical imperative is that Nigeria’s leadership must undergo a revolutionary change of attitude and embrace good governance in all its aspects. This entails :
•The Rule of Law;
•Efficient and prompt administration of justice;
•Predictability, objectivity and consistency in government measures;
•Respect for the sanctity of contracts;
•Abandonment of the pursuit of self-enrichment as the motive for seeking political leadership and office;
•Zero tolerance for corruption and the prompt application of adequate sanctions against offenders including seizure of all properties corruptly acquired;
•Efficient and timely service delivery by all government agencies;
•Return to planning and submission to the discipline of planning, respecting pre-determined priorities in the utilization of national resources;
•Return to the principle of collective responsibility of government;
•Entrenchment of merit and the pursuit of excellence as a core national value.
The Implications of Vision 20: 2020
That President Goodluck Jonathan is committed to Vision 20: 2020 gives cause for hope. The Goal of Vision 20: 2020 is to make Nigeria one of the 20 largest economies in the world by 2020 AD and meanwhile to ensure the achievement before then of the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) and a drastic reduction of the proportion of Nigerians living below the poverty line, and also achieve a significant improvement in Nigeria’s HDI score.
This entails the return to planning and the acceptance of the discipline of planning and ensuring that henceforth annual budgets, particularly capital budgets are strictly derived from the Perspective Plan and its Medium Term Plans developed to realize the Vision.
Under the Jonathan Administration, the Federal and State Governments have agreed on three medium term periods: 2010-2013, 2014-2017, and 2018-2021. I am also aware that the 2010-2013 Medium Term Plan which is the fifth National Development Plan, was finalized and launched last year.
I am informed that the Jonathan Transformation Plan 2010-2015, is coherent with the 2010-2013 Plan and anticipates part of the 2014-2017. It is very important that henceforth, the Nigerian Government should avoid the discontinuities and inconsistencies arising from changes of administrations or even changes of ministers within the same administration, which disrupted economic growth and development in the past.
Many people may question if the goals set can be achieved by 2020. Indeed, the growth rates in 2010-2011 and the projected rate for 2012 are well below the figures in the 2010-2013 Plan. The 2020 date is not sacrosanct.
Indeed the experts in Goldman Sachs who first included Nigeria in the list of countries to follow the BRIC countries projected the date of 2025. What is really important is that the Nigerian Government should start in earnest to implement the policies and programmes set out in the Medium Term Plans with as much discipline as possible.
It will not be an easy undertaking especially in the prevailing global economic situation. The 2010-2013 Plan involves a total investment of N32 trillion about US$215 billion. Projected Funding proportions are: Federal Public Sector – N10 trillion or about US$67.19 billion, States’ Public Sector – N9 trillion or about US$60.47 billion and Public Sector (FDI and Domestic) – N13 trillion or about US$87.34 billion.
Massive flow of foreign capital
We have never embarked on such magnitudes of investment. We would also be trying to attract massive inflows of foreign capital and this requires a very great improvement in our rating for international competitiveness. It is very critical to be able to mobilize the nation to implement these Plans.
You will recall that it was when we abandoned the 1975 – 80 Plan which was to create the basis for diversified and sustained industrialization that we parted company with the Asian Tigers and we are so far behind them today. However, Nigeria remains a self-sufficient nation with enormous endowments of natural resources – agriculture, minerals, energy, gemstones, water, etc. We were about 40 million at Independence, we are now about 170 million.
Will the president rise to the challenge?
Watershed revolutionary achievements over the next two years in pursuing Vision 2020, and resultant immortality, beckon to President Goodluck Jonathan and his key lieutenants.
Vigorous and disciplined implementation of the 2010 – 2013 Plan and the Jonathan Transformation Agenda, as well as leading the PDP and the nation to embrace all the aspects of good governance described above will launch Nigeria irreversibly on the path to unity and greatness and will provide the answer to the question which we are addressing this evening.
Immediate difficult things
However, there are immediate difficult things which must be accomplished:
• The present post-1998 political parties formed even more hastily than those in 1979 have no roots in past political parties and usages. They have not articulated long-term party visions for Nigerian Society or the Federal Country which they seek to administer.
Most of our new politicians are not aware of the self-sacrifice, the patriotism, the idealism, the promise and commitment of the pre-independence politicians to improving the welfare of the broad masses after Independence nor do they know about the discipline and self-restraint required in managing the lean resources of pre-oil Nigeria. I mean no offence. No fault of theirs. Most of the comments on the past in our media since 1966 have been self-denigrating and abusive of the national psche.
•The political parties and the party system have to be re-invented and re-engineered to become patriotic responsive vehicles for promoting the general welfare of all citizens and national greatness. They must adopt and believe in clear manifestos and programmes to promote national progress. Indeed, it will be desirable for all of them to base their programmes on Vision 2020 and let partisan competition and differences be on how best to achieve Vision 2020 and loftier goals beyond.
They must become effective organs for selecting and disciplining candidates for positions in the executive and legislature all of them subscribing to the same policies and programmes for moving the nation forward. Only such re-engineered political parties can help the President in achieving Vision 2020 and good governance.
•The current epidemic of competitive corruption, and excessive greed amongst the political class and our elites in appropriating national resources to themselves must be stopped immediately.
•The President should lead the nation to adopt and live with more realistic national remuneration scales for all those paid from the public purse: Nigeria’s per capita income is only N300,000 per annum.
I would suggest the following maximum figures for aggregate remuneration (basic salary + allowances) – President N30 million. Governors N25 million. Head of National Assembly, Judiciary, and Federal Ministers N24 million.
•Proportionate reasonable adjustment of these figures down the various hierarchies.
•Enhancement of present relative positions of certain groups like teachers.
•Cost effective, transparent public procurement. Over 200 per cent inflation of costs have been reported in some instances these days.
•Return to the old values of patient, disciplined life-time career progression as opposed to the current craze to achieve billionaire status, if possible, before the age of 35.

Is there any hope for Nigeria? (2)

By PHILIP ASIODU
ABOVE all, a far-reaching rationalization of the Ministries and Agencies of Government taking into account the Oronsanye Report.
There must be a drastic reduction in the cost of governance at Federal, State and Local Government levels. Let us consider that the Federal Government of USA is run through 12 Departments (our equivalent of ministries) and no American State has more than 6 persons of the status of our state commissioners. Here some states have more than 24 Commissioners and scores of Special Advisers and Special Assistants.
If above suggestions are strictly implemented, we would be aiming for target resource allocation of at least Recurrent to Capital ratio of 45 Recurrent, 55 capital, compared with the ratio of 74 Recurrent, 26 Capital in the Federal Budget of 2012. Considerable resources will then be freed to be invested in Education, Power, Transportation, Health and other priority sectors.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Alhaji Ahmadu Bello

We must recall the example of Balewa, the Regional Premiers and all the Ministers, who in 1962 at the launching of the 1962-68 National Plan took 10 per cent cut in their salaries to signal the need for national savings to help finance the Plan. That measure brought the salary of a Federal Minister below that of a Federal Permanent Secretary! I should add that in the First Republic, the salaries of a Professor, Federal Permanent Secretary and Federal Minister were about equal. A Federal Legislator who was part time then earned about one third of the Minister’s figure. Compare the position today!
The Private Sector in Nigeria also needs to improve corporate governance and to rein in excessive executive greed. Some of the charges in court against some bank managers, for example, made me extremely sad. A few constitutional amendments would also be useful. There should be provision for independent candidates. Some outstanding independent candidates will get elected and help to improve the calibre of members in the legislatures.
Consideration should be given to increasing the membership of the State Assemblies to make it more difficult for state governors to direct and manipulate the State Assemblies. They should not be full time but have two sessions of two – three months each a year. Their salaries and allowances should also be drastically reduced to free resources for capital investments. The Federal and Regional Legislatures before Independence and during the First Republic -1960-66 were part time.
The 774 Local Governments recognized under the 1999 constitution are too many. Many of them are too small to be able to deliver their constitutional services unlike the situation before Independence and the First Republic where you had Local Governments like the Lagos City Council, the Kano Native Authority, and the Benin Native Authority etc. which were large enough and had the resources to maintain professional and technical departments, able to deliver good services in health, educational, and public works sectors. In our present circumstances of very atomized LGAs consideration should be given to enabling several LGAs to be grouped in viable catchment areas to establish competent Technical Boards funded equitably per capita by the co-operating LGAs to deliver services in sectors such as Educational Inspectorates, Teachers Commissions, Public Health Services, Rural Roads etc. There is no time to go into other desirable re-organization details to ensure service delivery.
Investor friendly civil service
It is very necessary and urgent for the Government to continue the reforms towards the re-establishment of a greatly improved, re-organized, re-oriented, re-motivated, continuously trained and re-trained professional, non-partisan, empowered, well-remunerated, non-corrupt, investor-friendly Civil Service which is merit and productivity driven. This is to enable the Government deliver. Can Nigerian leaders and citizens rise to these challenges and do what is necessary to save the country? Let us recall some achievements in the past:
•The achievements in the vast improvement in the provision of education for children, the establishment of plantations and farm settlement schemes and initiating industrial development under Regional Self-Government in the late 1950s and the First Republic up to 1966.
•Despite the dire predictions of the doom of genocide and lynching which would follow the defeat of Biafran Secession, Nigeria surprised the world with the success of its programme of Rehabilitation, Reconciliation and Reconstruction under the 1970-74 second National Plan.
Annual growth rate
•The impressive average annual growth rate of six per cent+ from 1962 -1966; and after the Civil War, the average annual growth rate from 1970-75 of 11.75 per cent.
•Supposing even after removing Gen. Gowon, his successors had continued with the disciplined implementation of the 1975-1980 third National Plan, and under subsequent National Plans, 10 per cent+ average annual growth rate was maintained for the next two decades, Nigeria would have escaped from poverty and under-development and would today be an African Lion or Tiger amongst Asian Tigers.
•Besides economic growth and improving welfare for all citizens there are other initiatives a patriotic leadership can take to foster national integration. Supposing following up on the early successes of the National Youth Service, the Nigerian leadership was able to introduce a Language Policy to foster national integration? This people like me would have urged on the patriotic nation-building listening leadership which we had then but for the termination of the Gowon Administration by the coup of July 1975. Such a policy would require each child to learn to read and write the local language where he is born. By the age of 10, the child begins to receive his instructions in English.
The new policy would be that by the age of 12 or 13 when he or she enters a secondary school, he/she has to make a choice. If he is in the North, he must choose one Southern Language which he will be taught to speak, read and write. The chances are that the child will chose either Igbo or Yoruba. In the South, the child will likely chose Hausa as a Northern Language which he will be taught to speak, read and write. All secondary schools will have the necessary language departments.
•The upshot of this policy will be that within 15 to 20 years all educated Nigerians (like the Swiss) will, apart from their local language and English, be able to communicate in one or more Nigerian languages. With the ongoing inter-action and cultural exchanges and the pressures of globalization, you can imagine the situation among our children and grand children twenty years hence. Such a policy should be implemented after careful detailed consultations and preparation.
 Conclusion: Our current circumstances are indeed dire and all sectors of society seem increasingly mired in corruption and self-seeking and engaged in a process which is unsustainable. It does not appear to matter to those engaged in looting and exporting our national resources instead of applying them to local development, that the world has changed and there is little room for successful money laundering. That indeed when they leave office they will not be able to access their exported loot.
Let me here give you a quotation from the great Lee Kuan Yew who in thirty years led his small island state of Singapore after they were excluded from the Malaysian Federation, from a Third World subsistence economy to a modern First World metropolis and a Regional economic and financial hub. He says: “We cannot afford to forget that public order, personal security, economic and social progress and prosperity are not the natural order of things, that they depend on ceaseless effort and attention from an honest, effective government that the people must elect”.
Drastic change
What answer would I suggest? I believe that if President Jonathan today, regardless of how all the key players have arrived at their present positions, calls for a drastic change in the object and conduct of politics and dedicates himself in deeds to good governance and genuine service of all our people on the lines briefly indicated above the vast majority of Nigerians will follow him. Two years of honest, vigorous, pursuit of the right policies will put Nigeria irreversibly on the path of growth and development. FDI will begin to flow in massively and this time bringing back in great numbers our very competent and accomplished Nigerian technocrats and managers in diaspora.
I still believe in the dream of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe described in his book, Renascent Africa in 1937. I still believe that with all our great endowments of natural and human resources, Nigeria will play a vanguard role in African Renaissance and accomplish for the Black race before 2050, what the Japanese accomplished for the yellow race by the end of the 19th Century.

Obasanjo under-developed the North – Prof. Ango Abdullahi.

---

From FRED ITUA, Abuja

Professor Ango Abdullahi was former Vice-Chancellor of the Ahmadu Bello Univerisity (ABU), Zaria, and the current Chairman of the Governing Council of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi. When it comes to national issues and critical matters that affect the North, the spokesman of the Northern Elders’ Forum has never hesitated to speak up.
In this interview with Daily Sun, Professor Abdullahi claims that former president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, under-developed the North. He also bares his mind on the dwindling economy of the region, the Boko Haram insurgency, the state of the education sector in Nigeria, among other issues. Excerpts: Rot in education sector Recently, I have taken some keen interest at the state of education in the country.
That propelled me to write to the Honourable Minister of Education on two aspects of educational development in the country. The two levels I chose are closely inter-related and critical. Secondary education is key. Nigeria has continued to record almost 90 per cent failure rate in WAEC and NECO. It’s a major disaster.
You cannot hope to put these children into tertiary institutions with a view to finding them various areas of academic endeavours, which will lead to various areas of manpower that will be critical to the development of this country. Modern day development as we see all over the world today is very much anchored on the level of education the students are getting out of secondary as well as out of universities.
The rate of growth, taking place in China and India is largely because of the intensity with which they pay attention to the development of technical education. We are having a serious crisis in Nigeria as far I can see. Unless something is done without delay, we will continue to slide backwards. You may see so many universities coming up.
What we are doing there is simply addressing the quantum rather than the quality of education. I am the Chairman of the Governing Council of Abubakar Tawafa Balewa University, Bauchi. The allocation for research for a whole university every year is less than N20 million. You don’t expect serious research to happen in this kind of school.
Without research, there is little you can teach students. What is happening is that, teachers and students have to rely on researches from other universities in the world. I see a serious decline in the quality of education in the country from bottom upward. Unless something is done quickly by all the stakeholders, we will continue to have serious problems David Mark statement on Boko Haram unfortunate I didn’t realize that I was coming hard on the Senate President.
All I wanted to do was to remind him that as far the constitution is concerned, he is the number three citizen of the country. He happened to come from the northern region. Given his position as the Senate President, he is the number two political leader from the northern region.
One expects naturally that he is one of our leaders. In fact, he should be in the forefront of leadership together with the Vice president. For him to unfortunately come up with that kind of statement, it portrays him as somebody trying to pass through the back. He ought to be part of the solution in view of his special position in the north. But he is saying that northern leaders are not doing enough.
That means that, if he is part of the northern leadership, he should include himself as not doing enough. But if he has excluded himself from being part of the northern leadership, then he can pass on the blame to those who should take the responsibility. So, this is what I reminded him about.
It was misread that I was being hard on him. Addressing poverty in the North Let’s be fair to Nigeria and let’s start from the basis. If you look at the most recent report based on the indices that have been accepted world-wide, you will discover the hardship faced by Nigerians daily. These indices are called human development indices.
They are not just used to measure economic development, but social development as well. The recent reports claimed that over 100 million Nigerians live in poverty as defined by the international scale. The North is not 100 million. That means there is poverty in every part of the country.
I agree that there is no even socio-economic development in Nigeria. There are reasons. Poverty is more pronounced in the northern parts of the country. One can easily arrive at a reason for this disparity. The north has been educationally disadvantaged. It is the decision of the region more or less. I remember back then in the Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo put education first in the region.
So, I will be right to say that the South-West states are the most educationally advanced states in Nigeria. This is the disadvantage the North was in particularly at the point of independence. Education still remains the main disadvantage of which the north still remains today. That explains the inability of its people to actively participate in the economic process of this country. People may argue that the North has been in charge of the political control of this country for years.
Today, I can produce a book which we researched to show you that in the federal employees’ structure, the north is represented by only 18 per cent. The remaining 82 per cent comes from other parts of Nigeria. If you extrapolate that in budgetary terms, the recurrent budget of the federal government on personnel cost for example, 82 per cent of that goes outside the north. You can translate that into various parts of the economy.
For example, take the banks. Out of the 25 mega banks, only one is owned by northern investors. So, it is quite clear that the north is socially and economically more disadvantaged than the rest of the country. There is no way the country can develop with the current disparity. Even the allocations northern states get are insufficient in tackling the huge gap. We must review current revenue sharing formula Revenue sharing is only one aspect.
There ought to be a deliberate federal policy that will address specific areas of need in various parts of the country. There has been a specific policy to deal with the problem of the Niger-Delta which started from the first republic. This led to the development of bodies like OMPADEC and others to deal with the problem of the Niger-Delta specifically. Why can’t they do the same for other parts of the country where you can identify some of the causes of economic disability and environmental degradation?
A whole ministry in addition to OMPADEC, NDDC and derivation of 13 per cent has been created for the Niger-Delta areas. These are some of the things that indicate that people in positions of authority are not serious in dealing with the developmental needs of all the parts of this country. Curtailing pervasive insecurity You are absolutely correct.
This is the mistake some highly-placed officials always make. They have assumed that the issue of Boko Haram is a problem of the North. This is absolutely irresponsible and short-sighted. Where are the Igbo shop owners in Borno, Yobe and in some substantial parts of Kano State? People are afraid because they don’t know who will be attacked next.
Trying to achieve peace is a major requirement for anybody in a position of authority. There are various claims as to who should be responsible for what. Book Haram for me, started as a simple religious group. I wouldn’t even call them a sect. They have been in existence for about 11 years. From time to time, you will always find people who are reading their scriptures slightly different from their mainstream counterparts. There are other groups.
This is what has always been. This very group I think, their situation was badly handled in 2008/2009. From then on, instead of quickly nipping whatever problem it was in the bud, the matter took a totally different colouration. I think it was badly handled by law enforcement agencies. If it was a religious sect, it should have been kept that way and dealt with accordingly.
Unfortunately, politicians started employing them against their perceived opponents. This matter has been politicized. Coming down to Jos, what we have had in the Plateau was more or less ethno-religious crisis. I am glad to know what retired General Jerry Useni said recently.
He said Governor Jang is the problem of Plateau State because he has refused to handle it as the governor of the state, but pandering sentimentally towards his own tribe. This is the real cause of the crisis in Plateau State as of now. Boko Haram to me was something that would have been nipped in the bud early, but was allowed to assume a dimension it is today. The question now is, who is going to stop it?  Everybody has a role to play.
Some are more responsible than the others. Government has a larger role to play. The primary responsibility of who to find a solution to this problem is the government. From community leaders to traditional rulers, everyone has a role to play. We should start asking questions as to why this is happening.
Dealing with the matter by force is not the solution. They are now learning that using military might will not solve the problem. We even reminded the government in our recent submission to President Goodluck Jonathan. Government at all levels should enlist every stakeholder they consider important to come out and find a way of reaching out to these boys in the bush. They always give the excuse that they don’t know them, but they are not fictitious.
We believe that with the current approach through the communities, they will be able to reach out to them. The North and 2015 The position of the Northern Elders’ Forum (NEF) on 2015 is that there should be free and fair election. As I told you, I was in the constitutional conference for three times.
In 1994/1995, the question of power sharing was a major discussion at that conference. Eventually, it was argued that the north by virtue of its size had dominated politics at the centre and this will continue unless special concessions are made. The delegates reluctantly accepted that power should be shared between the north and south. There were no geo- political zones then.
The agreement was that power should rotate between the north and the south. We put it in the constitution and the government said no, because the constitution is a permanent document. They said at some point, Nigerians will trust themselves and will not care where the president of the country will emerge from. They said the parties could use it.
That was how it was incorporated into the constitution of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP). It was a major attraction to all parts of Nigeria. That was why the PDP was generally accepted by many Nigerians. The argument was where the rotation would start. That was how Obasanjo emerged. It was agreed that after 8 years, the presidency will come back tothe North.

The Sunnewsonline.com

AVIATION ROAD SHOW SAGA: Senators panic over $7,000 estacode.

By Emmanuel Aziken, Political Editor & Henry Umoru.

LAGOS — MEMBERS of the Senate Committee on Aviation, yesterday, distanced themselves from the Aviation Road Show organized by the Ministry of Aviation after one of the senators(name withheld) had allegedly collected $7,000 estacode for the controversial trip.
The senator who collected the money  was not part of the trip which commenced last Sunday and was firmly rooted in his constituency last night.
The decision of the Senate committee to boycott the road show, Vanguard learnt, followed stern warning from the senate leadership to members of the committee to distance themselves from the trip following misgivings on the administration’s implementation of the 2012 budget.

Senators and members of the House of Representatives are equally dissatisfied with the airports remodelling projects, a pet project of the Aviation Minister, Princess Stella Oduah. The remodelling projects which have led to the reconstruction of 11 airports across the country have been beset by controversy over funding and transparency in the award of the contracts.
The funds for the remodelling projects costing N7.5 billion have reportedly been sourced from the Bilateral Air Services Agreement, BASA fund. The money was reportedly sourced from the BASA fund without approval of the National Assembly.
The aviation road show is to take senior aviation officials and the minister to the United States, Canada and China where they are expected to showcase the investment potentials in the aviation sector.
It was learnt, yesterday, that three members of the committee were pencilled down for the trip but only one senator had by last weekend collected the estacode before the media frenzy on the issue sparked panic panic. The senate president sternly warned that no senator should go on the trip, a development that made the senator (names withheld) to step down.
The President of the Senate, Senator David Mark did not receive any request as expected from any senator for approval to travel abroad and was, therefore, shocked with the report on the senate’s involvement in the air show.
The senator who allegedly collected the $7,000 was, yesterday, expected to return the money to the Ministry of Aviation following the warning by the authorities in the senate to him to return the money immediately. It, however, could not be confirmed as at press time if the senator had returned the money.
“He is a new member even though a highly placed member of the society who collected the money without getting clearance from the Senate President to travel,” one source privy to the development told Vanguard yesterday.
“The fear of the senators is that they could be made to face the kind of embarrassment Hembe faced in the House of Representatives when he became a subject of blackmail.”
Members of the committee on aviation moved quickly, yesterday, to distance themselves from the road show.
Among those who denied knowledge of the Aviation Road Show were Senators Abubakar Tutare Umar and  Shaaba Mohammed Lafiagi.
The chairman of the committee, Senator Hope Uzodinma in a response to enquiries from Vanguard through a text message claimed to be in a meeting.
Speaking with Vanguard yesterday, Senator Umar who is also the Vice Chairman, Senate Committee on Police Affairs disclosed that he was currently in Abuja following the recess by the chamber, adding, ‘’I am in Nigeria, precisely in Abuja. I have never been invited by the Ministry of Aviation, I didn’t even know that there was any trip to somewhere; I never planned for anything.”
Also speaking with Vanguard, a member of the Senate Committee on Aviation and former governor of Kwara State, Senator Shaaba Mohammed Lafiagi, PDP, Kwara North said he was presently in Ilorin, the Kwara State Capital.
Senator Lafiagi who is also the Vice Chairman, Senate Committee on National Security and Intelligence said, ‘’we are in the country, not anywhere. I am in Ilorin as I am speaking with you now.”
Other members of the committee who could not be reached yesterday were the Vice Chairman of the Aviation Committee, Senator Garba Babayo Gamawa, Bauchi North; Senator Akin Babalola Odunsi, Ogun West; Mohammed Ali Ndume, Borno South; Ibrahim Gobir, Sokoto East; Domingo Obende, Edo North.
It was, however, gathered that Senator Obende was in the United States to deliver a paper at the annual Afenmai World Summit organised by the Afenmai World Congress, AWC.

Alleged $620,000 bribe: Govt okays Lawan’s, others’ trial.

By Yusuf Alli, Abuja.

Lawan

•Otedola to testify for prosecution

All is set for the trial of House member Farouk Lawan for allegedly receiving $620,000 bribe, The Nation learnt yesterday.
The Attorney-General of the Federation, Mr. Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), has given the legal advice for the trial of the suspended Chairman of the House of Representatives Ad Hoc Committee on Fuel Subsidy Regime and the Clerk of the panel, Mr. Boniface Emenalo.
The Office of the AGF has engaged a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Chief Adegboyega Awomolo, to handle the prosecution of the two suspects on behalf of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC).
The charges against the suspects will be filed any moment from now by the prosecutor.
According to sources, the AGF has established a prima facie case against Lawan and Emenalo, based on police investigation.
Section 26 of the ICPC Act empowers the AGF to prosecute Lawan or any other suspect.
The section says: “Prosecution for an offence under this Act shall be initiated by the Attorney-General of the Federation or any person or authority to whom he shall delegate his authority in any superior court of record as designated by the Chief Judge of a State or the Chief Judge of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja under section 61 (3) of this Act; and every prosecution for an offence under this Act or any other law prohibiting bribery, corruption, fraud or any other related offence shall be deemed to be initiated by the Attorney-General of the Federation.”
A source, who spoke in confidence, said the legal advice had been sent to the ICPC for immediate trial of the suspects.
The source said: “Police investigation has shown clearly that Lawan and Emenalo have a case to answer. They will be charged under some sections in the ICPC Act.
“As a matter of fact, the police confirmed the receipt of the bribe sum by Lawan and Emenalo, although they refused to produce the cash.
“The video and audio clips showed beyond doubt how the bribe sum was collected. The clips will be primary evidence which will be filed before a High Court.
“A respected Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Chief Adegboyega Awomolo, will handle the prosecution and he has been asked to go ahead to file charges against the suspects after due consultations with ICPC.”
Some of the detectives, who handled the investigation, and businessman Femi Otedola, who gave Lawan the bribe in what he called a sting operation, will testify for the prosecution during the trial.
“With this development, the police bend of the bribery has been temporarily closed, unless there is any fresh clue on the bribe sum,” the source said.
The suspects may be arraigned in line with sections 8, 10, 15, 20 and 20 of the ICPC Act 2000.
  Also, if the trial is not disrupted with injunctions, the ICPC Act says the suspects are to know their fate within 90 working days of their arraignment in court.
Section 26 says: “A prosecution for an offence shall be concluded and judgment delivered within ninety (90) working days of its commencement save that the jurisdiction of the court to continue to hear and determine the case shall not be affected where good grounds exists for a delay.”
 But a curious aspect of the forthcoming prosecution of the suspects is the fact that the court is at liberty to compel them to retrieve the bribe wherever it is kept.
The suspects risk a seven-year jail term, if they do not produce the cash.
Section 15 says: “Any person who, with intent to defraud or conceal a crime or frustrate the Commission in its investigation of any suspected crime of corruption under this Act or under any other law:
“Destroys, alters, mutilates, or falsifies any book, documents, valuable security, account, computer system, diskette, computer print out or other electronic device which belongs to or is in the possession of his employer, or has been received by him on account of his employment, or any entry in any such book, document, accounts, or electronic device, or is privy to any such act; or
“Make, or is privy to making any false entry in any such book, document, account or electronic record; or
“Omits, or is privy to omitting, any material particular from any such book, document, account or electronic record; is guilty of a felony, and shall on conviction be liable to seven (7) years imprisonment.”
Section 20 is explicit on the payment of fine, which is going to be five times of the bribe sum.
The section adds: “Without prejudice to any sentence of imprisonment imposed under this Act, a Public Officer or other person found guilty of soliciting, offering or receiving gratification, shall forfeit the gratification and pay a fine of not less than five times the sum of the value of the gratification which is the subject matter of the offence where such gratification is capable of being valued or is of a pecuniary nature, or ten thousand Naira, whichever is higher.”