Friday, 10 August 2012

SHOCKER! Delta State Man Arrested Trying To Set Church Ablaze .


A man, about 28 years of age, suspected that has no known link with agents of the Boko Haram Islamic Sect who simply gave his name as Efe Eghwugbarodo is now in police net.

Olufamous.com gathered  that he was picked up by the Ughelli Police Division “A” for attempting to set ablaze a Church cathedral belonging to the “Divine Fire Evangelical Mission”, in Ughelli, Delta State.

The incident occurred on Wednesday, August 1, at the church premises in Ughelli.

According to an eye witness account, the suspect gained entrance into the church auditorium through the main door at about 5.30am pretending to be a church worker only to empty a twenty (20) litre of jerry can filled with fuel on the altar of God, musical equipment, altar cloths, rugs, plastic white chairs in the church and other sensitive parts of the church building ready to set the entire church building on fire.

He started shouting, “where are them, where are them, who wants to die let him come” which attracted the attention of some women who were on their way to sweep the church premises.

The eyewitness further said that the suspect brought out a box of matches and scratched a stick of the matches on the matches box to ignite fire but the match did not respond he did the same for four times but all to no avail as it appeared he was arrested by the Holy Spirit who made him to stood still gazing at the altar until the four women sweeping the church met him.

They raised alarm after which they gripped him then the suspect regained himself and started fighting the women with blows and hauling the church chairs at them but the women held him tight till help came from the Ughelli Vigilante group chairman, Mr. Monday Ohwesiri who mobilized his members and arrested him, then invited the police to come and pick him up.

The attempted arson, before he was taken away by the police, claimed that he is a native of Orere in Ughelli South Local Government Area of Delta State.

He admitted that he was in the church to burn down the church building but denied that he was an agent of of Boko Haram, alleging that the founder and spiritual head of the church refused to allow members join him in giving his mother a befitting burial who was a native doctor, and an Igbeh (Idol)

He said, he easily gained entrance into the church because, “I was a member of the church and those who saw me going into the church thought I was coming in for personal early morning devotion”.
 

50 years of Nigerian Sports – through my eyes!

Before 1960 – a blur
On the eve of Nigeria’s 50th Independence Anniversary I am thinking. My life has been very closely related to the ‘life’ of my country. Although I was born a few years before Nigeria was ‘born’ as an independent nation I must admit that those early years are but a blur in my mind as I was obviously too young to fully grasp the import of events at the time. So, I recall almost nothing about my life before 1960.
From 1960 to 1970 – foundation!
Of the years immediately after 1960 I can recall a few things – our home on Yandoka Street, my days in St. Theresa’s boys primary school, Chief Obafemi Awolowo dropping campaign  leaflets from a helicopter in the sky, and…well…we would have to move quickly through time to the mid-1960s for my recall to start to crystallise into any other thing of substance or significance. I remember the 1966 pogrom very vividly, though, with it’s devastating effect on my young and innocent mind, the empty classrooms in most secondary schools as a result of the exodus of my Igbo school mates and friends, the civil war and its hangover on everyone and everything in the country, and, on a positive note, the incredible exploits of the Plateau Highlanders FC in the national Challenge Cup football competition. That last bit is a like a rubber stamp on my mind. It has refused to fade away. In those days, somehow, the team from Jos would always fight its way to the finals of Nigeria’s most prestigious football championship and then lose! The entire town would be glued to radio sets following the enrapturing commentaries of Isola Folorunsho and co, the disappointments, anger and pain, reminders  of the annual defeats!
Otherwise, my thoughts  of those years are filled mostly with the memory of beatings I received from my Mum either for my dirty, torn or lost school uniforms as a result of my daily, after-school football games on the streets of Jos, or for neglecting to carry out my home chores. Those days were also partly filled with the fantasy of waking up one morning and discovering that during the night I had been magically transformed into a football ‘god’ like Samuel Garba, Tunde Abeki, Christopher ‘Ajilo’ Udemezue, Peter Anieke, Ismaila Mabo, Mathew Atuegbu, Datti Lawandi and several other local but outstanding football giants who were our neighbours.
Life in Jos was very ‘narrow’ as a result of the total absence of any local media (electronic or print) in the town in those days.  Our social life consisted mostly of local football games, the Sunday afternoon live-music by the ‘greatest’ band in my world (Sahara All Stars band), and the Indian and American Cowboy films at the Rex and New Era cinemas. Nothing else existed in my social landscape. My only source of some news were the few foreign magazines available in the St. Murumba College library, the BBC World Service that every radio set in town was tuned to, and the voice of Yvonne Barclay on a daily one-hour radio musical evening program on the Voice of America on radio,  That was my world beyond the surrounding hills of the Plateau. Lagos was a very distant land, London was another planet and Washington a distant galaxy. Even though ‘Independence’ was explained to me it did not make much sense.  What mattered was that it was very welcome. Its attendant annual October 1 public holiday provided me escape from school, an opportunity to dress up in a clean uniform and congregate with other children for the march-past and parade at the stadium, and return to my street games afterwards.  That was what Independence Day anniversary meant to me!
1970 to 1990  – the golden years!
Even though I readily admit that the years immediately before and after 1960 are now a blur in my mind, surely not so were the years after, at the turn of that first decade after. From leaving secondary school in 1970, leaving the city of Jos and settling down into a new life in the ‘university town‘ of Ibadan, and going through higher education, my life and the ‘life’ of Nigeria grew simultaneously with both undergoing dramatic transformation. For me, in the space of only one ‘breathless’ decade starting from 1971, I joined a proper football club, won my first local trophy, earned my first income from football, played my first international match, graduated from the Polytechnic in flying colours, joined and played for the national football team, did my compulsory one year National Youth Service  (the NYSC), won a continental club championship trophy, got nominated three times as one of Africa’s best players, went to the Olympics, travelled the world, got married, became a household name in most of Africa, won the most prestigious African football championship, and realised that through that decade I had been a very active participant in the development of a solid foundation for sports development in Nigeria. All of that incredible and unbelievable journey took place between 1971 and 1980. Those were some of the best years of my life. Incidentally, they were also some of the best years of my country. Life was good. After the civil-war years national life was filled with hope, progress and development in all spheres. That decade witnessed unprecedented infrastructural development around the country. There was so much money in the country that the then Head of State was reported to have said that money was not Nigeria’s problem but how to spend it. How true! I learnt that the country was so awash with money that some people actually imported saw-dust and sand from abroad to build their houses! I also knew of a gentleman in WNTV/WNBS who would always air-freight his Jaguar car to London for service and repairs. In those years undergraduates were offered jobs and car loans even before they had sat for their final exams. For those of us in sport, although many got scholarships to go to America to study and do their sport, many others disregarded the readily available opportunities and chose to either study here or do their sport locally because Nigeria was such a good place to live in that there was no incentive to leave the country. You could get up and just travel to the UK without a visa; a Volkswagen Beetle car sold for a little over two thousand Naira; the Naira was at par with the Pound Sterling in terms of value; before our very eyes Nigeria was developing into one of the fastest growing economies in the world. When Nigeria hosted the Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture took place in 1977 to celebrate the cultural heritage of Africa and the Black race many of the visitors that came for the event tasted Nigeria and decided it was too good to leave. Many from more developed countries abroad ‘stowed’ away in the country avoiding  Immigration officers who wanted to send them back to their countries! Life in Nigeria was that good.
Like other aspects of life, sports also benefited from the good times. Athletes of the 1970 to 1980 generation became the willing ‘guinea pigs’ of Nigeria’s sports development experiment even if we did not realise so at the time. Those pioneering efforts were very important and set the foundation for Nigerian sports development that sustained the country even when things started to go wrong as the 1990s approached.
1990 to the present -the locust years!
In the years previous Nigerian sport was on the ascendancy in the continent and the country became a global force in some of the sports. Several continental and a few world championships were won in table tennis, athletics, boxing and football. Some of this sporadic victories continued even when development grounded to a halt in the 1990s.  Thats why we can point to Barcelona in 1992 and Atlanta in 1996 and understand what could have happened – how we could have won anything without a proper development programme in place. But the truth is that in the 1990s sports lost their innocence, independence and direction, and became a weapon of destruction and exploitation in the hands of a few administrators who had agenda different from those of developing the youths of the country, encouraging mass participation at all levels, combining sports with education in the schools, encouraging sports and education through provision of scholarships in tertiary institutions, exposing the best talents to the best coaching, training and competition at home and abroad, training the trainers for capacity building, and rewarding all those that excelled. From 1990 the oasis have turned into deserts and the fertile fields into wastelands. The system destroyed the structures and the institutions that made sports to grow in the first three decades. Now we are left with the remains of unfulfilled dreams, the occasional pyrrhic and shallow victories, wasted opportunities, and whole generations of youths denied the opportunity and wasting away in this ocean of opportunity that the global sports industry offers. Sports may have been very limited in the scope of their influence and contribution to our national achievements but surely even in the darkest of times, through some of the worst periods of our political history, sports have managed to provide us with some psychological relief, managed to light up our ‘darkness’, and managed also to provide a ray of hope for our youths.
‘Champions are made when no one is watching, and history is made when the world is watching!’
The world is focussed on Nigeria. I am focussed on all those champions who worked when no one was watching and brought honour and glory to fatherland. In the past 50 years these Nigerian sportsmen and women have remained faithful to that cause. Having played their part they have retired to the cocoon of their other interests waiting for when history will honour them. As the people celebrate 50 years of Independence,  I want to bring to their remembrance the names of many of those men and women whose history charts the course of Nigeria’s Golden age in sports. As the world watches, this is my special acknowledgment to many of them that I knew, some of who were or are still my  personal friends. To those whose names or faces I may not recall or miss out accept my apologies!
In athletics: Gloria Ayanlaja, Pamela Williams, Musa Dogonyaro, Taiwo Ogunjobi, David Ejoke, Samson Oyeledun, Dele Udoh, Demola Oyefeso, Benedict Majekodunmi, Kola Abdullahi, Kemi Sangodeyi, Mairo Jinadu, Emilia Edet, Violet Odogwu, Falilat Ogunkoya, Mary Onyali, Fatima Yusuf, Charity Opara, Chioma Ajunwa, Sunday Bada, Chidi Imoh, Deji Aliu, Olapade Adenekan, Henry Amike, Waziri Muhammed, Yusuf Ali, Charlton Ehizuelen, Godwin Obasogie, Felix Imabiyi, Bruce Ijirigho, Harrison Salami, Osmond and Davidson Ezinwa, Innocent Egbunike, Olusola Fasoba, Blessing Okagbare, and others.
In boxing; Davidson Andeh, Obisia Nwankpa, Jeremiah Okorodudu, John Martins, Hogan Jimoh, Joe Lasisi, Dele Jonathan, Ngozika Ekwelum, Tony Andeh, Bashiru Ali, and Fatai Ayinla.
In Table tennis: Lawunmi Majekodunmi, Engore Toun, Bose Kaffo, Cecilia Erinle, Atanda Musa, Kasali Lasisi, Babatunde Obisanya, and many others.
In Lawn tennis, David Imonitie, Nduka Odizor, Tony Mmoh, Rolake Olateru-Olagbegi, Sadiq Abdullahi, Bulus Husseini, Rashidi Oloyede, Joe Anan, Remi Osho, Kehinde Ajayi, Lawrence Awopegba, Thomson Onibokun and Yemisi Allan.
In Basketball I recall Uche Nebedum, Josephine Akiga,  Akeem Olajuwon, Yomi ‘Basket’, Scott Nnaji, Bala Ahmed and many young basketabll players that are taking the game to new heights at the moment.
By Segun Odegbami.

The Man, Chief Tony Anenih means different things to different People but tomorrow that Man Tony Anenih will be 79 Years Old.

 
By  Ikhile Donald Samuel    
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Happy Birthday to Chief Anthony Akhakon Anenih at 79th.
Background
Anthony Akhakon Anenih was Born in Uzenema-Arue in Uromi, Edo State, Nigeria on 4th August, 1933. His middle name means ‘Patience.’ He had his Basic Education at Government School now Okpujie Primary School also in Uromi from 1944 - 1949. As a Young Boy, he was known to be steely determined to succeed and quickly began to dream beyond the four corners of Uzenema-Arue Uromi.
Tapping of rubber trees in many plantations was the 'oil and gas' in the region during the colonial era for many young and old people. A stint in this rubber industry fetched him a brand New Bicycle with which he started to transverse the semi-urban and urban centres of Ubiaja, Auchi and Benin City in search of greener pastures.
In 1951 he joined the Nigeria police force in Benin City. Knowing the prospects of a better education, he struggled at home to obtain the GCE 'O' Level as well as 'A' Level. He attended the Nigerian Police College in Ikeja, and was selected for further training in the U. K. and U. S. A.
As a Young Police Officer in Auchi, his colleagues still remember his taciturnity and one of them noted that you only hear his voice when it was time for operations. He quickly won the admiration of his white superiors who voted him for training at the Hendon and Scotland Yard Training Schools in 1961, Bramshill Police College, Basingstoke, England in 1966 and the International Police Academy, Washington DC in 1970.
He help groom Younger Police Officers as Instructor in various Nigerian Police Force Colleges and establish Police Formations Nationwide until 1975 when he proceeded to the Administrative Staff College (ASCON), Lagos. He had served as a Police orderly to the first Governor General of Nigeria, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and perhaps first got exposed to the rudiments of Politics there. He retired from the Nigerian Police Force as a Commissioner of Police
Political Career
Chief Anthony A. Anenih was the State Chairman of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) between 1981 and 1983, he worked tirelessly for the election of Dr. Samuel Osagbovo Ogbemudia as the Civilian Governor of the then Bendel State. This victory was short-lived owing to Military intervention in December, 1983. But it is however on record that Chief Anenih made that turn-around for NPN in less than one week.
Shortly after the 1983 Presidential election results indicated a landslide lead for UPN in Bendel state on that fateful Saturday voting, just one week to the gubernatorial election, a highly disturbed Anenih put his Benin GRA residence for mortgage and used the resources to pep up campaign strategies for NPN. The strategy worked, as support for Ogbemudia, the NPN gubernatorial candidate shored up massively during the next Saturday voting.
As National Chairman of the Social Democratic Party between 1992 and 1993, he engineered the internationally-acclaimed and transparent Presidential victory of Chief M. K. O. Abiola in the historic elections of the popular June 12, 1993. The political dexterity of Anenih dating from the days of Shehu Yar’Adua’s Presidential Campaign. He was a member of the Constitutional Conference in 1994.
Hate him or love him, Chief Tony Anenih is a political mega force you cannot shove aside in strategies, noted Prince Tony Momoh, former Minister of Information. Over time, Anenih has come to understand the Nation's Political waters and how it tumbles.
Anenih was said to have masterminded the April 26, 2002 declaration of President Obasanjo at the International Conference center Abuja. He was Deputy National Coordinator of Olusegun Obasanjo's Campaign Organization in the 1999 and 2003 Presidential Elections
As Deputy National Coordinator, Obasanjo Campaign Organisation, Anenih was the think-tank, the strategic planner and the mobilization expert that produced the victories for the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in 1999 and also in 2003 when former Presidential Olusegun Obasanjo nearly lost out to the greater scheming of another PDM stalwart, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. Anenih was a member of the PDM (People Democratic Movement) until early April 2002, when he transferred to the People's Democratic Party (PDP).
Anenih was instrumental to the emergency of late President Yar'Adua as PDP Presidential Flag bearer and also his victory at the April 14th 2007 Presidential Election along with His Vice, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. Anenih also played a key role during the sickness and eventual death of President Yar’Adua to make sure His Vice, Goodluck Jonathan succeeds him as President. During the 2011 Presidential struggle, Anenih help to change the PDP Constitution which Zone the Party Presidency to the North and help to make sure President Jonathan emerge as PDP Presidential Candidate.
He campaigned vigorously for the Victory of Nigeria President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan.
Chief Anenih became Minister of Works and Housing in 1999 after the Senate, during his screening rose, chorused; 'our leader!' and asked him to take a bow and go.
Chief Tony Anenih loves the many things he does with a passion. One of them is loyalty. Once he is with you, he will hardly dump you. Perhaps that is why he has had many loyalists at his fingertips, across ranks and positions; from Presidents to State Governors, Senators, House Reps and Assembly Members, Party Chairmen, Board Members down to Council Chairmen and Councilors.
These qualities were the indices that recommended him for the post of Chairman of the Board of Trustees of PDP. But Anenih has never been too lucky with loyalty in return especially amongst his Edo State Political followers.
Shortly after Dr. Ogbemudia was sworn in as Governor of Bendel State in 1983, he took on Anenih and the showdown was just about unfolding when the military struck. John Oyegun, Lucky Igbinedion and Professor Oserheimen Osunbor have also had their wars with Anenih after ascending power at various times. Anenih and Osunbor fell apart immediately after the 2007 Election, which saw Prof. Osunbor emerge as Edo State Governor. The ACN Governorship Candidate Comrade Adams Aliu Oshiomhole took Osunbor and PDP to the Election Tribunal. Due to the rancor between the two Political father and son, PDP lost in the Election Tribunal and Appeal Court to the opposition ACN. Oshiomhole took over the mantle of leadership in Edo State as the Governor 2008. Oshiomhole and Anenih also have a cordial relationship until went bad.
Anenih PDP was able to hold down the Edo Central Senatorial District returning PDP to victory during the 2011 General Election from Governor Oshiomhole ACN but the July 14th, Governorship Election which Adams Oshiomhole won was a big blow to the old Man popularly known as MR. FIX IT by Political Associates.
Known as 'Mr. Fix-it', Tony Anenih has made his mark as one of Nigeria's most flexible politicians and the ultimate Political Survivor - he has served every military and civilian regime since Shehu Shagari became President in 1979.
In July 2005, the erudite Politician was invited to his hometown in Uromi where all the Enigie of Esanland jointly conferred on him the title, Iyasele of Esanland, thereby making him a High Chief and pioneer Prime Minister and Chief Spokesman of the Esan Community comprising the entire Edo Central Senatorial District in Edo State.
His wife Iyom Josephine Anenih, a Lawyer, was the Chairperson of the Federation of Women Lawyers from 1994 to 2000, and was the First National Woman Leader of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) from 1999-2005. She was appointed Minister of Women Affairs on 6 April 2010, when Acting President Goodluck Jonathan announced his New Cabinet and remains in Office till President Jonathan dissolve his Cabinet in 2011.
He has also received Honorary Doctorate Degrees from the Ambrose Ali University Ekpoma, Rivers State University of Science and Technology Port Harcourt, Igbinedion University Okada, University of Benin and the Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta.
Career: President, Benin Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture, 1978-84; Chairman, Social Democratic Party, 1991-93; Member, People's Democratic Party (PDP) Presidential Policy Advisory Committee, 1999; Minister for Works, 1999-2003; PDP BOT (Board of Trustees) Chairman 2003-2007, Chairman, Board of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), 2009 to date.
Chief Anenih's pastimes include jogging, reading, music and philanthropy. He loves Lucky Dude's music a great deal. He can also be very humourous when he decides to break his taciturnity.
Chief Anthony A. Anenih is a Father, grandfather and great grandfather, Uncle, Brother and many Political Sons and Daughters.
Happy Birthday Chief Anthony Akhakon Anenih at 79th....
Special thanks to Tony Ikpasaja and Hon. Abumere Giwa as Contributors.

Abrogation of the Abrogation.

Last Monday, Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of Kano State called for the abrogation of the abrogation of the onshore-offshore dichotomy in deciding the oil revenues on which the derivation principle of the revenue allocation formula will be applied. He declared that the North would push for the reinstatement of that dichotomy.
It was more than a decade since the issue of the onshore-offshore dichotomy first reared its head; but it came and went without many people understanding what was going on or why they should worry about it. But there is indeed a lot that they should worry about.
It was the Federal Government that took the matter of the ownership of offshore oil resources for decision to the Supreme Court; and on April 5, 2002, the court affirmed that the Federal Government had powers of control over offshore oil—oil found out at sea. Thereafter, there followed a whole two years of often acrimonious legislative debate and political horse trading. It was a time of unreason and the hour of the true orphaning of the North, as the Federal Government, the littoral states and Northern representatives got enmeshed in a conspiracy against Northern interest, and by implication, the long-term interest, balance and survival of the country. The Federal Government sent the issue to the National Assembly ostensibly looking for a political solution, when there was in fact no major political problem to solve.
In October 2002, the government sent the bill to the National Assembly for an enabling law; and governors of the littoral states actively lobbied members of the National Assembly to extend the 24 nautical miles requested in President Olusegun Obasanjo’s bill to 200 nautical miles and they obliged them. The amended bill was passed by the Speaker Ghali NaAbba-led House of Representatives on November 26, 2002; and after further amendments and horse trading, the two Houses of the nation’s legislature overrode a ‘reluctant’ Obasanjo with a two-thirds majority and passed the law in 2003; and a redrafted and corrected version of the bill was passed the following year during the speakership of Honourable Aminu Bello Masari. And all of them were to wise up to the tragedy only after the event.
To begin with, dichotomy is not a very pleasant word to pronounce; and perhaps as a result, the debate was either not properly understood then, or was merely glossed over by the many who had been put off by the repulsiveness of the contrived collocation in the term—onshore-offshore dichotomy—and its full implication was apparently realised only by the promoters of its abrogation. In the real battle to abolish the dichotomy, the representatives from the North were not exactly killed or taken prisoner; they were variously MIA, missing in action, AWOL, absent without leave, IPC, in pursuit of contracts—or, as Kwankwaso indelicately put it, they had ‘sold out.’
“The night before (the veto override) there was nothing I did not do to my members in Kano, especially,” Kwankwaso said. “I called all our members but to my dismay, they went and supported onshore-offshore (abrogation) and sold out. That is the most unfortunate thing that happened to the North in this political dispensation from 1999 to date. We know what happened. How could that bill get two-thirds (majority) without the support of our members? The unfortunate thing is that because our capacity is so low, even those who did that are (today) pretending to be heroes of the North.”
Indeed, some have already come clean with us about the dichotomy. Dr Dalhatu Sarki Tafida confessed that he refused to do anything to defend Northern interest in the onshore-offshore affair because Northern governors didn’t lobby him. But the person who played the most crucial and most dishonourable role in the whole affair was perhaps former Speaker Ghali NaAbba. Isn’t it time he spoke and told us what role he played and why? Was he also waiting for Northern governors to lobby him, or did a South-Southern governor prove quicker on the draw?
How the mighty are fallen at the altar of cash nexus! The typical Northern politician, previously known for character, has today been reduced by inordinate ambitiousness to the unenviable level of a character who can sell his honour and commitment to community for some miserable political pittance. And for him, it is anything goes; but the future wellbeing of this nation shouldn’t be made a hostage and subject to the idiosyncratic indignities of some Northern representatives.
Kwankwaso said the abolishing was unfair, but that was just half correct: it was not just unfair; it was wrong. The distinction is important, because something can be right but unfair, in which case an appeal to some sentiment can lead to magnanimous redress being made. But this one indeed was unfair precisely because it was wrong—in every material particular. He also said the abolishing had worsened the level of poverty in the North, which was true; but that was not the main reason why it must go; it must go because it is illegal. And while the abolishing of the dichotomy had, no doubt, deprived the North of much revenue, the grinding poverty in the region was not strictly speaking a consequence only of its removal. The cause of poverty in the North is the corruption of Northern governors—governmental poverty is a result of their thieving and public poverty a result of their incompetence.
Doubtless, the abrogation of the dichotomy was wrong for many reasons. First, offshore is offshore: it is certainly not onshore; and it is not even inshore—and all the three are different. Second, it is illegal—opposed as it is to the law, as affirmed by the Supreme Court of the Federation. Resorting to pulling the rank of the arrogance of lawmakers over the primacy and learned expertise of its interpreters will not forever wash with this nation. Third, since the constitution of the land has spelt out the constituent local governments of each state, the Niger Delta states should tell us how many offshore local governments they have.
Fourth, if state territoriality extends in all directions without limit as the offshore argument implies, what percentage of the revenues accruing to the Federal Government from its many bilateral air services agreements on the use of air space have the Niger Delta states been collecting from the Federation Account? Because it makes little sense that territory extends out to sea but not up in the air. Fifth, if the fact of pollution and environmental degradation has been used to show the impact of oil exploitation, prove ownership of land and justify need for increased revenue, what impact does offshore drilling have on their fishing?
Sixth, the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, the Petroleum Act, the Exclusive Economic Zone Act, and the Territorial Waters (Amendment) Act vest the ownership, control and management of the nation’s oil and gas in the Federal Government. And the crux of the matter in the dichotomy debate is really so self-evident that it stands in no need for demonstration or proof. Something is on land and another is in water out there at sea—and ne’er the twain shall meet.
In its search for the right revenue allocation formula, this nation has experimented with many criteria—derivation, need, absorptive capacity, population, balanced development—for the sharing of its wealth. The objective has always been to attain that balance required by the egalitarian society that has remained the goal of successive governments in Nigeria.
In the First Republic, the regions retained 50 per cent of revenues earned; and what is really fair today is that the nation should revert to 50 per cent derivation, in which case oil producing areas should retain 50 per cent, but only of what is earned from wells within their territories. Offshore oil belongs to the Federal Government, and this fact cannot be changed simply because some governors were able to bribe their way across all levels of the nation’s legislature. Nor should we, because of the fear, allow Niger Delta militancy force an unsustainable arrangement over the head of this nation.
It is, of course, easier not to have done a deed than to seek to undo it, especially after it has created its own new interested parties—the beneficiary state governments, their ‘prebendalist’ collective and a fawning press. But the abolishing of the onshore-offshore dichotomy must be abolished, and the dichotomy reinstated and made to prevail so long as this nation subsists. And even though states in the northern parts of the country stand to benefit, this is not a struggle on behalf of the North: it is a battle for the long-term survival of Nigeria. As it was before, it would be misunderstood—deliberately in some quarters, inadvertently but no less inaccurately in others—and derided for all it is worth, and made to look self-serving. But as the region did it in the past when it was the benefactor, it must still do it today—indeed even more so—now that it is the beneficiary. But the nation cannot long endure half-poor, half-rich; nor yet with the wild inequality that the next few decades will almost certainly spawn.

Goodluck Jonathan And The Expectations Of Nigerians.


Festus Keyamo
Lecture delivered by Festus Keyamo on the occasion of the marking of Isaac Adaka Boro Day in Port-Harcourt on Sunday, May 15, 2011.
Permit me to wholeheartedly thank the organisers of this event for having considered me worthy enough to stand before you to say a few things to mark this day. It was only a few days ago that my friend and brother, Mujahid Dokubo-Asari informed me that I have been chosen to say some things on this occasion. He duly informed me that the topic would be “Goodluck Jonathan and the expectations of Nigerians”.

It is so apposite that today, being a day set aside to celebrate the life and times of Isaac Adaka Boro,  we are discussing Goodluck Jonathan, the first person (whether military or civilian) from the South-South extraction to become President and Commander-In-Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. There is no gain-saying the fact that the central theme of the life and times of Isaac Adaka Boro was the struggle against the marginalisation and oppression of the minorities from the South-South region especially the Ijaw nation. He was prepared to live and die for that cause.

Coincidentally, it was the same time in history that Adaka Boro lived and died for his people that Martin Luther King also lived and died for his race in America . Curiously, it is now the same period in history that the dream of Martin Luther King to have one of his own (a black man) become the President of America on the principle of equality that he preached, that one of the dreams of Isaac Adaka Boro which is the emergence of an Ijaw man, (a minority) to become the President of Nigeria has also materialised.

It is because of this long wait for the presidency and long- suffering of the people of the South-South region that it has become almost impracticable for Jonathan to do any wrong in the eyes of some of our people from the South-South region. That is why it is so difficult to criticise your own brother or blood in public. People would normally expect you to make such matters a family affair. Hence, this topic given to me today is a difficult one from the point of sentiments, but an easy one from the stand point of truth and statistics. So my brothers here today must forgive me if I appear too hard on the side of truth and honesty in assessing Goodluck Jonathan.

The sentiments that preceded the emergence of Jonathan as President when a cabal that was beholden to the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua treated him so shabbily as Vice-president and tried to prevent him from wielding executive powers, coupled with his minority status that gives him the character of an underdog in a shark infested political environment, are the major twin reasons he has enjoyed some level of sympathetic support and consideration from political bystanders and even from normally critical sections of the country.

However, let me warn that this is where the danger lies, that is, if we treat the administration of Goodluck Jonathan with kid gloves because of these sentiments mentioned above and especially because he is one of us from the South-South region. I think it is enough of the holiday Jonathan has enjoyed from the critical section of the country. If we turn the blind eye and a deaf hear when we see evil and hear evil under the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, we shall have no moral basis to mount any crusade in future against bad governments if the heads of those governments happen to be from other parts of the country. There is also a danger of allowing a government rest on its oars if we do not put it on its toes. Therefore, this is a clarion call to all of us not to ethnicise corruption and bad government under the administration of Goodluck Jonathan. Because, really, shorn of these sentiments I mentioned earlier, Goodluck Jonathan is really not a breath of fresh air that he professes to be. He is same of the same. These are my reasons:

Goodluck Jonathan has been a top member of the PDP since the return to democracy in 1999. He was first Deputy Governor of Bayelsa State , and later Governor, then Vice-president, then Acting President and finally President. All these positions are some of the highest positions given to him by the ruling party since 1999. So Goodluck Jonathan cannot claim not to have been part of the rigging machine of the ruling party and mal-administration of the ruling party since 1999 till date. When it is convenient, they tell us that Goodluck Jonathan has a lot of experience that even that of Atiku Abubakar could not match his own, and when it is not convenient, he distances himself from other politicians and they tell us that he is a breath of fresh air. How fresh that air is, I don’t know. Yet, because he is one of us, we are told that we must accept him and tolerate him. We have no choice.

Two, if we are angry at Obasanjo for sending soldiers to kill hundreds of innocent lives in Odi and Benue State during his tenure under the guise of looking for some militants or miscreants, what can we say about Goodluck Jonathan who ordered soldiers to invade the Ijaw village of Ayakoromo in Burutu Local Government Area of Delta State immediately he became President last year to kill, maim and burn the houses of innocent souls?. And even last week Thursday, May 12, 2011, Goodluck Jonathan again, ordered troops back to Ayakoromo village and in the guise of looking for John Togo, an acclaimed Militant, properties were again destroyed and innocent lives were lost. What a breath of fresh air indeed! Yet we are told that we must accept him and we must tolerate him because he is one of our own

Three, if we accuse previous Government of condoning corruption, what has Goodluck Jonathan done about those high ranking public officers that have been accused and investigated for corruption and corrupt practices and yet Goodluck Jonathan have not done anything about them. For instance, I have openly accused the Comptroller-General of the Nigeria Customs Service, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko Inde, of forging all his Certificates to become the Comptroller-General of Customs, which accusations and claims have been confirmed by the Institutions concerned by their refusal to confirm that he attended them and obtained those degrees, yet Goodluck Jonathan has turned a blind eye and a deaf ear to this issue because the Comptroller-General of Customs is an in-law to the wife of his late boss, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. In fact, in order to appease Jonathan and to thank him for condoning him, the Comptroller-General of Customs recently commissioned a whole housing scheme in Abuja for Customs officers and named it after Goodluck Jonathan.

The present Speaker of the House of Representatives, Honourable Dimeji Bankole, has also been investigated by various security agencies for corruption, yet the President has prevented his trial for corruption because of political consideration. That is why when Bankole accepted his woeful defeat in my mother’s State, Ogun State , I said that is not the end of the matter. He must still account for all his misdeeds whilst in office. In shielding him from prosecution, Goodluck Jonathan has shown us that he is a breath of fresh air, indeed! Yet, we are told that we must accept him and we must tolerate him because he is one of our own.

Four, let us not forget also that Goodluck Jonathan cannot claim to be a fresh of breath air because the election that produced him as Vice President (which placed him in the pole position he was to become President at the death of President Yar’Adua) is still adjudged till tomorrow to be one of the worst elections the world has ever seen. Therefore, Goodluck Jonathan cannot claim to find himself where he is today without mentioning one of the greatest frauds ever perpetrated against the masses of this country. Yet when he became President finally through that fraudulent process, we were told we had to accept and tolerate him because he is one of us.

Five, one of the greatest conspiracies of silence we have witnessed of recent and one of the greatest lie we have been told is that the 2011 election that has produced Goodluck Jonathan as President was totally free, fair and credible. Whilst it is true that there was a slight improvement to that election conducted by Prof. Maurice Iwu in 2007, if you look strictly at the statistics, you will discover that fundamentally the little improvement was not commensurate with the N87billion we spent trying to restart the electoral process and is not worth the innocent lives that were needlessly lost in the post election violence. Let us look at some of the statistics:

In the 2003 Presidential election, the registered voters were 60,823,022. The purported voters’ turnout was 42,018,735 which represented 69.1% of the total voters. Meanwhile, PDP scored 24,456,140 which is 61.94% of the total votes cast. However, the 2003 election was adjudged to be heavily flawed and was condemned by both local and international observers.

In the 2007 Presidential election, the number of registered voters were 61,567,036 whilst the purported voters’ turnout was 58%. PDP scored 24,638,063 which was 69.60% of the total votes cast. That was the election we said was the worst in the history of Nigeria .

Now, in the 2011 Presidential election, the total number of registered voters was 73,528,040 and the purported voters’ turnout was nearly 54% which is just 4% less than that of 2007. And Goodluck Jonathan of PDP this time scored (or was allocated) 22,495,187 which is just less than two million of the votes Yar’Adua was given in 2007.

It is also laughable to come to terms with the percentage of votes the PDP secured in the South-South and the South-Eastern States . These are the figures:

1.     In Anambra State, PDP scored 1,145,169 which is 98.96% of the total votes cast.
2.     In Enugu State, PDP scored 802,144 which is 98.54% of the total votes cast.
3.     In Akwa Ibom State, PDP scored 1,165,629 which is 94.58% of the total votes cast.
4.     In Imo State, PDP scored 1,381,357 which is 97.98% of the total votes cast.
5.     In Ebonyi State, PDP scored 480,592 which is 95.57% of the total votes cast.
6.     In Bayelsa State, PDP scored 504,811 which is 99.63% of the total votes cast.
7.     In Abia State, PDP scored 1,175,984 which is 98.96% of the total votes cast.
8.     In Delta State, PDP scored 1,378,851 which is 98.59% of the total votes cast.
9.     In Rivers State, PDP scored 1,817,762 which is 98.04% of the total votes cast.

In 2007, this was the same trend of unjustifiable figures that did not match normal voting patterns that discredited the election. What, then, is the fundamental difference between both elections? Yet we are told one was the worst and the other the freest and fairest. This is nothing but a joke.

Unfortunately, the international observers in their various reports avoided commenting elaborately on the collation process which was where the fraud actually took place. Paradoxically, almost all the reports of the international observers consistently mentioned the issue of underage voting, especially in the North. Yet they painted their report with beautiful, flowery language and declared it free, fair and credible. Here are some of those reports:

The National Democratic Institute, in its report of April 18, 2011, made the following report:

“The delegates noted the complicated and multi-tiered collation process that is vulnerable both to human error and malfeasance as tabulation proceeds from the polling unit to INEC headquarters. Despite efforts in this election to fast-track election returns, this process created added work for INEC officials and observers”.

Yet, after this observation, the NDI said the election was free, fair and credible. Pray, what can be credible about a result that was not properly collated and cannot be a true reflection of what was actually cast at the polling units?

The International Republican Institute had this to say:

“Among the issues to be covered in those  will be: 1) revising recommendations of the Electoral Reform Committee which were not adopted by the National Assembly; 2) improving the voter list to ensure people are properly registered; 3) strengthening civic education so all Nigerians fully understand the nature of the election process and their role; 4) ensuring that the political parties evolve into constructive actors in the process, respecting democratic values in their internal behaviour and commitment to transparent election; 5) addressing the problem of underage voting; and 6) ensuring polling stations have a manageable number of registered voters”.

Again, if under-aged persons voted massively, how come they concluded that the election was free, fair and credible?

The African Union in its own report said as follows:

“Voting by under-age was one of persistent problems observed in the recently held elections. To address this, the Mission suggests that INEC, in conjunction with other relevant authorities, should put in place measures for proper screening and registration of prospective voters, in strict compliance with constitutional and legal requirements”.

Once again, the African Union also concluded that the election was free, fair and credible.

The Commonwealth Observer Group in its statement signed by its Chairman, his Excellency, Festus Mogae had this to say:

“There remain shortcomings with the voter registration, based on the number of people with voter cards but missing from the voter register. This needs to be urgently addressed.

There’s need to be stricter safeguards against underage voting, a phenomenon witnessed in parts of the country.”

Once again, it concluded that the election was free, fair and credible.

The European Union Election Observation Mission was the most honest in its report. It first complained about those unjustifiable figures from South-South and South-East when it wrote the following:

“Nevertheless, during voting, inconsistent implementation of procedures and attempts to influence voters were noted. Moreover, the INEC results coming from the States in South-South and South-East show percentages close to 100 percent…”

“While the shift from accreditation to voting was smooth and carried out in a timely manner, shortcomings were noted during voting. In 17 percent of the sampled polling units, attempts to influence voters were observed; in 26 percent there were instances of interference by party agents in the process and in 47 percent the secrecy of vote was not respected. General lack of organisation was noticed in 19 percent. These figures indicate deterioration since the National Assembly elections. The share of underage voting remained constant in both elections at 12 percent, while in a few cases serious malpractices, such as double voting and ballot snatching were observed.

The observed polling units closed on average around 16:00 hours, leaving time for the counting to be conducted during daylight. In a sixth of the observed polling units, the unused ballots were not properly accounted for and their number was not recorded. The copies of the results were in general distributed to all party agents and the official results were posted outside the polling unit in 87 percent of the cases, which is a remarkable improvement over the National Assembly elections (when the procedure had been followed in only 54 percent). Nevertheless, the results forms were packed in tamper-proof envelopes only in two-thirds of the observed polling units. In spite of some procedural deficiencies, counting was overall evaluated positively in 91 percent.

Arithmetic errors were noted in 70 percent of the visited ward collation centres and in 87 percent of the observed LGA collation centres. This demonstrated insufficient training of the Collation Officers. The results were posted outside the ward collation centres only in 49 percent, which is still a tangible improvement compared to the 9 April elections. However, at the LGA level results were posted outside only in 35 percent of the cases. This had a clear negative impact on the transparency of the election process. It is commendable that the final stage of the collation of the Presidential results and its announcement was broadcast live on NTA and AIT”.

Funny enough, unlike other observers, the European Union refrained from specifically concluding that the election was free, fair and credible.

From all we have seen above, it is obvious that the malpractices were not the exclusive preserve of the ruling party. Because of massive underage voting and some malpractices, many of the figures in the northern states credited to the CPC were indefensible and unjustifiable, just like many of the figures in the South-South and South-East region of the country credited to the PDP.

So, the scenario was that whilst manipulation was going on in the far North through underage voting, manipulation was also going on in the far South through manipulation of figures. The result only shows that the far South out-rigged the far North. That is why General Buhari and his CPC have absolutely no moral leverage to lead a campaign of civil disobedience and bloodshed in the North because they also did not come to equity with clean hands. It is also obvious that General Buhari, cannot, in his true conscience, claim to have won the Presidential election, because if he was so confident, he would not have embarked on those last minute efforts he made to  form an alliance with the ACN and some other parties.

On the other hand, it is quite obvious that Jonathan got more popular and evenly-spread votes than Buhari because of the structures of the PDP in all parts of the country, but whether he won with the margin that was credited to him and whether he won outright on a first ballot is highly debatable. But we must accept Jonathan because we have no choice in our continuous search for an acceptable democratic system. The only thing we must resist and my conscience cannot accept is to call black “white” and to call white “black” all because we want to support our brother at all cost.

The sad thing about our situation is that those who are supposed to speak up and tell the President these home truths so that he can make adjustments and we can all make progress, are busy chasing him and his wife all over the country for appointments in the new government. Even the President had to run away from Aso Rock to Obudu Ranch recently, yet, the lobbyists chased him all the way to the mountains of Obudu.

So, one of the expectations of Nigerians concerning Goodluck Jonathan is that he will shun these sickening sycophants, political jobbers, shameless praise singers and bootlickers in picking a team that would work with him for the next four years.

Sadly, I have not heard Goodluck Jonathan say he would strive to continue to improve on the electoral system since the last election. In other words, it would appear that the President is content with the process that produced his recent victory at the polls and that is the standard he would want to continue. That is most unfortunate. Like his late boss and predecessor, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, he must admit that there were fundamental flaws in the process that produced him and he must seek to partner with everyone to continue to improve the process.

Nigerians also expect that in the next four years Goodluck Jonathan would stop sending troops to kill innocent persons in Ijaw villages or any other village for that matter. Instead of massive troops deployment to the villages, we want to see massive deployment of construction equipments to the villages. He should not do this just because he is from the South-South region. He should do this as a matter of equity and justice because even previous President before him agreed that there was need to pay special attention to the Niger-Delta region, even though they paid only lip-service to this commitment.

The pattern of votes that were actually counted during the last election and the riot that greeted the victory of Jonathan in the far North reveal that this country is still a highly-fractured country and there is urgent need for him to extend a hand of love and fellowship to those areas where people were killed and maimed because of his victory at the polls. But he must bring the actual culprits to book. He must not deny the North of the massive development it urgently needs because of the post election violence and he must not deny tested and capable hands in the far North of key appointments into his government because of those incidents.

What Nigeria needs urgently is a total recreation and rebirth. Nigeria urgently needs one particular infrastructure that is inevitable when you are creating a new environment. In the book of Genesis, Chapter 1, verse 1-3, we read:
“(1) In the beginning, God created the heaven and the     earth
(2) And the earth was without form and void and darkness was upon the face of the deep; and the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters.
(3) And God said: Let there be light; and there was light”

 Like in the beginning, Nigeria is now without form and void and darkness is upon the face of the Nation. There is no power supply.

And so just like in the Bible since Nigerians expect a new Nigeria under Goodluck Jonathan, they expect Goodluck Jonathan to make the pronouncement, followed by action, “Let there be light”, and then, we should have light!

Thank you and God bless you.


FESTUS KEYAMO, ESQ.



Budget 2012: Rubbing salt on our collective injury – Olufemi Adebiyi.


The average honest Nigerian is the subject of this piece. He is currently injured physically, spiritually, emotionally and financially. As if these are not enough, his ability to rationalise events and move on, in spite of all the odds, is now being abused by those who should counsel him not to lose hope. He wakes up not sure of what a new day has in stock for him – whether or not he would be able to survive the day in the light of deteriorating security in the land. The day he summons courage to go out, not only is he unsure what lies in the field, he is full of apprehension and prayers, all at the same time, to return home intact. The day he chooses to remain at home, the epileptic power supply makes life unbearable. He runs to the church or mosque to find solace; there also, if he is not afraid of the terrorists’ bombs, he is thinking of how he can cope with, or escape so much ungodliness and worldliness that have now taken over what ought to be holy places.
The average Nigerian is believed by many to be educated, yet those who govern him treat him and relate with him as if he has never been to school. Or, what can you make of the melodrama surrounding the fuel subsidy saga? The tongue of the Nigerian has been waggling as to how a budget line could be over-spent by more than 500 per cent in an election year without the chief executive and driver of the budget knowing. Despite his current low estate, the Nigerian still has his senses intact and is waiting to see how the whole matter will end. He is interested in knowing whether the Nigerian CEO was ignorant of this unusual and unprecedented budget variance or whether he simply turned his eyes the other way to enable the spending spree serve a pre-determined and intended purpose.
Then, we have the unprecedented appointment of the wife of a sitting president as Permanent Secretary in Bayelsa State. While agreeing that the Permanent Secretary position is now a political appointment which the governor of a state has the power to make (no thanks to one of the most unfortunately reforms that destroyed the once globally acknowledged best civil service in Africa), it would have been nice to know what her last career position was before taking sabbatical for her first lady role. The Nigerian should have been spared the justification and rationalisation by the beneficiary of this unusual act, but no; he must be further insulted because it is assumed he has lost his senses to the rat race he is now forced to run. This was the nutrient-deficient meal the Nigerian was still struggling with on his now contaminated and germ-laden plate when the story broke that a piece of land once allocated to a former First Lady with proper documentation, has now been re-allocated to another First Lady, both of the same party. As a matter of fact, the latter used to be the second in command to the former. Although this matter is in the court (or is it for out-of-court settlement), the Nigerian feels he should be spared this type of insult, which is driving him to insanity because all attempts to justify this, rather than blow the particles away, are turning them to sediments.
Of all the special projects started by Nigeria’s ‘First Ladies, right from the time of the late Mrs. Mariam Babangida, who brought glamour and attention to this constitutionally unrecognised office, how many of them are still alive? Who said the one the incumbent is pursuing, which is now bringing her in conflict with her predecessor, will outlive her? Instead of hurting her former boss the more (having lost her husband in office – otherwise he probably would still be president now in his second term), shouldn’t the Christian in her prevail – even if the Abuja politicians are nudging her to the contrary? Well, as my late mother used to say, ‘the cane that was used in beating the senior wife is still in custody for the junior one’.
You can see how badly injured the Nigerian’s sensibility is. But as if that is not enough, the National Assembly is now rubbing insult on this wound with its action on the 2012 budget. It started at first like a “suffering and smiling” matter (apologies to the late Fela Anikulapo Kuti) for the Nigerian until the House of Representatives bared its teeth at the Presidency. It became a matter for deep regret, when the Senate, known for its usually mature and calculated interventions, also joined the fray, threatening the Minister of Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, to appear before it. What was the matter? That a budget that was passed in April had only been implemented by less than 40 per cent; that the minister lied by canvassing a figure of 56 per cent; that the Executive must know that it (the Legislature) has the statutory power to do what it is doing! Haba! And when the minister eventually appeared, the lawmakers swallowed the humble pie. The questions that popped up at my face are: What does it take to be properly educated over a subject matter before blowing your top in ignorance? Is financial allocation and spending equivalent to budget implementation or value-for-money projects that can be verified? Given the huge deficit in the 2012 budget, shouldn’t someone know that 100 per cent implementation depends on government’s ability to source funds for the deficit? Even if such funds are available, when has Nigeria suddenly transformed to a perfect economy with the capacity to implement her budget 100 per cent?
Please, we need sanity in this land. We know, in the words of John Maxwell, that a person who becomes a leader by virtue of his position should grow up to it, otherwise he cannot claim to be a leader. Our legislators should use their positions judiciously. In exercising their power to summon citizens, there should be mutual respect at such meetings. It is basic courtesy that when you ask someone a question, you allow him to answer. Interjecting him while still speaking does not suggest civility. Our legislators, who truly are our representatives, should always remember that the average Nigerian is a courteous person and that should be reflected in the discharge of their functions. In areas where there are knowledge gaps, they should make efforts to fill the gaps.
The recent noise on budget implementation amounts to rubbing salt on the injury of the Nigerian. Such should not happen again. In the words of one of my professor friends: “The illiterates of the 21 century are not those who have never been to school, but those who refuse to learn, unlearn and re-learn.” I commend this word of wisdom to all our leaders – whether at the Federal, State or Local Government levels. Readers are leaders, and knowledge is power. Our leaders must spend more time developing themselves and deepening their intellectual capacity. It is a requirement for outstanding leadership in this century.
•Olufemi Adebiyi, Managing Partner, R&S Consulting Limited, Maryland. Lagos.

Northern Governors Jittery, To Inaugurate Reconciliation And Healing Committee.


Northern Governors Forum
By SaharaReporters, New York
A prominent Northern politician who is close to some of the zone’s governors has told SaharaReporters that the conference of Northern governors is determined to act in order to stem the monster of sectarian violence ravaging the northern part of Nigeria.
“The governors are jittery and panicking over the lingering violence spreading in the North,” said the source. He added that the 19 governors were now determined to act decisively to end or drastically reduce the waves of Boko Haram insurgency and ethno-religious violence sweeping the region.”
According to the source, the governors have realized that it is impossible to achieve any meaningful development if they continue to spend billions of naira on seemingly intractable security crises.
The source quoted one governor as stating that “The North is heading to the brink where serious financial crises will ultimately bring governance to a complete halt.” Our source added that only Kano and Kaduna states are financially solid enough to partially pay the salaries of public workers without strain, but the rest of the Northern states are too deep in financial distress to meet minimal obligations of governance.
“We have serious problems owing to violence,” said the source. According to him, most companies in the North-East have closed or are closing. He added that the dismal economic picture was taking shape in Kano, Plateau, and Sokoto. “And now Kogi [State] has been added to the fold,” he said.
Our source disclosed that the region’s governors, under the auspices of Northern States Governors’ Forum (NSGF), plans later this month to inaugurate a 30-person committee on Reconciliation, Healing And Security.
SaharaReporters learnt that some well known public figures have been slated for membership in the committee. Its members may include former Chief of General Staff, Gen. Martin Luther Agwai, Mr. Abubakar Tsav, Justice Umaru Abdullahi, Mr. Ibrahim Sulu Gambari, Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah, and Ambassador Zakari Ibrahim. In addition, other members of the Northern political elite, clergy and conflict resolution experts are being recruited to serve on the committee.
Northern governors have been criticized for taking no initiative to tackle the rising spate of religious violence. But in a recent statement, they denied the charge of apathy and nonchalance. “The Northern Governors’ Forum has left no one in doubt about its concern for the general welfare of the people in its areas of jurisdiction,” said the statement. It added that the forum had “made several attempts to address the unabated security challenges confronting the region that have not only led to massive loss of lives and property but also severely altered the harmonious community relations established and nurtured over several decades, with negative potential for gravely affecting the longstanding freedom, liberties and thriving economic activities within the Northern States.”
Our source disclosed that the main mandate of committee was to bring about reconciliation and healing in the Northern states. He added that the committee was likely to face stiff problems arising from already soured relations between Christians and Muslims in many parts of the North.