It’s good, I believe, that President Goodluck Jonathan and numerous
Nigerian officials traveled to Ghana last week to attend the funeral of
John Atta Mills, that country’s immediate past president. The death of
any man of power always strikes me as an occasion for other powerful men
(and women) of power as well as their would-be counterparts to
contemplate the finiteness of their lives, and to come to terms with
their ultimate feebleness in the grand scheme of things.
By media and eyewitness accounts, Ghanaians gave Mr. Mills a decent
send-off. Reports in Ghanaian and foreign newspapers portrayed the
solemn air of the man’s funeral. Ghana’s political class, including many
prominent members of the opposition, offered a harvest of celebratory
tributes. Numerous foreign dignitaries chimed in with statements that
highlighted the deceased president’s quiet grace, intelligence and
capacious pacifism.
For me, however, the most reliable measure of a leader’s stature must
be taken, not from the predictable – and obligatory – plaudits that
issue from the equally high and mighty. There’s often something
inherently self-serving in the tone of sentiments that come from such
exalted quarters. Few prominent politicians or public figures are
willing to risk publicly professing their unflattering views of a peer
brought low by death. To give vent to abusive (or plain frank) thoughts
about a deceased leader is, for the politically or socially elevated, to
court scandal and trigger a frenzy of repudiation and chastisement.
It’s not in the nature of well-placed figures to speak with brutal
directness about the foibles or flaws of their dead peers.
Luckily, the generality of the populace is not hampered by such
strictures. Yes, there’s the ostensible convention that the living must
refrain from unkind remarks about the dead. One wonders, however, if
this so-called tradition is legitimate, or represents one of those myths
that, left unchallenged, begin to resemble reality.
My own experience is that, on the death of any fellow whose conduct
was widely viewed as unrelentingly sinister, people frequently
intersperse emotions of awe with bold (even if whispered) references to
the deceased’s record of infamy and contemptible life. My experience is
that people hardly ever ascribe virtues to patently evil men and women.
My experience is that, when a so-called powerful politician passes
on, the streets are apt to be infinitely more honest than those who
haunt the rooms and corridors of power. So, last week, I rang a friend
of mine who has lived in Accra for more than ten years. He testified to a
marvelous, spontaneous outpouring of grief by the Ghanaian populace.
If Ghana were like North Korea, I would have suspected that my
friend’s palpable portrait of bereavement was a choreographed
performance, a feigned and overhyped display, a farce mandated by the
state. As leaders go, Mr. Mills was far from a genius. But people hardly
ever expect their leaders to rise to the stature of geniuses. It
suffices that a leader be fueled by a vision of transformation, and
lends himself, the best he can, to the realization of that vision. It is
often enough that a leader tries his best, and is seen to do so. Mr.
Mills failed to do many things as leader. Some critics assailed him for
going to sleep as Ghana slipped into a kind of ethical doldrums, with
the corruption index creeping up. Yet, he was hardly accused of pursuing
self-enrichment through questionable means. Some within his own party
found his style too uninspiring, and did not care for his reticent,
self-effaced personality. He was a rare politician who seldom raised a
voice to speak in anger, irrespective of the decibel of verbal abuse his
opponents heaped on him.
I’d be curious to discern what lesson, if any, Nigeria’s President
Jonathan and his delegation picked up from the funeral for Mills. As
they viewed the inert remains of the former Ghanaian leader, did they
reckon that this – that is death – is the destiny of us all humans,
including the supposedly powerful? Did they have the eyes to behold the
cloud of sorrow that had enveloped Ghana, the pulse of sorrow that had
quickened the hearts of the Ghanaian people? Gazing at Mr. Mills’
stilled body, did they figure out that vanity is the sorriest, scariest
bane of any human, but of leaders especially? Did it occur to them,
finally, that they themselves – like the rest of us – will one day draw a
last breath, and thenceforth be subject to the unscripted judgment of
history?
The first draft of that judgment is always written in the hearts of
fellow citizens, and our first intimation of its shape and content is
glimpsed from the streets’ reaction to a powerful man’s death. Former
Nigerian dictator Sani Abacha spent several years in office engaged in
depraved, primitive accumulation of riches. When he died – by many
accounts, in the company of several young women, foreign and local, he
was about to ravish – Nigerians exploded in a bolt of celebration.
Anybody who today suggests that Mr. Abacha was anything but a knave
would be arguing against the unambiguous verdict of history.
I always like contrasting Mr. Abacha with former Tanzanian leader
Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Unlike the Nigerian, Mr. Nyerere was an
enlightened, visionary and articulate man. Deeply human, he made
numerous mistakes as his country’s leader. Yet, for every mistake that
Mr. Nyerere made, Mr. Abacha committed several crimes. Unlike General
Abacha, whose central ethic was to gut and pauperize his country in
order to fatten his own pocket (and his minions’), the Tanzanian’s
missteps derived from policy and ideological choices that were
well-meaning but – in hindsight – inhospitable.
After leaving office, Mr. Nyerere had to take out a loan from a bank
to build himself a modest house in his village. Since he never stole
from the people, he had no need to ensconce himself in a hilltop
mansion, isolated from the reach of fellow villagers. No, he delighted
in living among his people. Each morning, neighbors and other visitors
would stream to his unfenced home to sit, drink, eat and converse with
the man they affectionately called Mwalimu, Swahili for “Teacher.” When
Mr. Nyerere died, with little in his bank account, Tanzanians did not
take to the streets in orgies of jubilation, as Nigerians did when Mr.
Abacha, our billionaire ex-dictator passed away.
Mr. Nyerere’s luck was to grasp an enduring truth, that a true leader
is distinguished by the quality of his/her leadership, his/her impact
on the lives of his people, not just the coterie of rogues that are
called “stakeholders” in Abuja. When Mr. Nyerere heard that a tested
leader should be invested in the L word, he knew that the letter stood
for Legacy, not Loot. He knew that the quantity of a person’s loot, the
size of ill-gotten wealth would not be reckoned with in the inevitable,
final account. Today, no serious Tanzanian historian would suggest that
Mr. Nyerere was less than a great leader.
The vast majority of those who pass themselves off as Nigerian
leaders are puny crooks capable of prying open a baby’s hand to steal
its bottled milk. Sold on the crappy creed that people are defined by
the sum of their possessions, these men and women chase after lucre with
such deranged zeal that they forget to ask the question: What, then?
After looting all the funds they can get their hands on, buying all the
expensive toys that there are – then what? Can money buy any magic to
stay Death’s cold hand? And is there ever enough money to whitewash
infamy, to deodorize a stinky legacy, or to bribe history?
Did the Nigerian delegation at President Mills’ funeral learn any
chastening lessons? Or did they leave Accra as obsessed with indulging
the desires of their vain minds as ever?
