Monday, 3 September 2012

First Lady Patience Jonathan's Health Update: Illness Started In Dubai.

Dame Patience Jonathan
By SaharaReporters, New York
The “food poisoning” condition that landed Mrs. Patience Jonathan in a hospital in Germany reportedly started in Dubai eleven days ago where she had gone to see a doctor because her hands were twitching.
Presidency sources said she had gone to Dubai after the recent African First Ladies Summit in Abuja, an event that imposed an unfamiliar and grueling schedule of meetings and late nights on Mrs. Jonathan, saying she needed some rest.
Her visit to Dubai was explained as a vacation but our sources said it involved a medical procedure, while in Dubai, she reportedly had "food poisoning" alongside her medical doctor,  soon after she returned to Abuja last Monday, the emergency broke and she had to be airlifted to Wiesbaden, Germany for food poisoning.
Since SaharaReporters broke the news yesterday, the Presidency has officially kept mum about the First Lady's condition.  Despite a media arm recently fortified to give Mrs. Jonathan a more aggressive press presence, it has provided neither denial nor confirmation.
Last night, Ayo Adewuyi, the First Lady’s media aide, told us that he had himself only just returned from vacation, and pleaded for time to respond to our inquiries.
When we called him today to find out if he had found out Mrs. Jonathan’s whereabouts, he confirmed that she was in Germany and pleaded to let him send a press statement regarding the issue.  Several hours later, he insisted that he was still working on a statement.
There have, however, been half-hearted denials and spins in some newspapers and blogs claiming that Mrs. Jonathan is only resting, but none of those outlets have provided her location or shed light on her condition.

Presidency denies First Lady’s foreign medical trip, insists she is just resting abroad.


There are concerns at the weekend over First Lady Patience Jonathan as information filtered saying she has gone on a foreign medial trip, though her office said she only went abroad to take a rest.
Sources told Daily Trust that Mrs. Jonathan left Abuja a week ago to a German hospital to treat an undisclosed condition.
The First Lady, whose local and foreign trips normally enjoy wide coverage in state-run media, travelled out on Monday with no official announcement of where she was headed.
But her absence at public events has been conspicuous.
During the past week, Mrs. Jonathan, 55, has not been seen at any public function.
She has not accompanied President Jonathan on his trip to Addis Ababa for the funeral yesterday of the late Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
Mrs. Jonathan was not with her husband in Anambra State on Thursday where he launched the Orient Petroleum facility.
Also, she did not join the president on his two-day trip to Senegal on August 22. The last foreign trip the First Lady embarked on with the President was to Trinidad and Tobago at the beginning of last month, few days after she hosted the African First Ladies Summit in Abuja.
A source told Daily Trust at the weekend that Mrs. Jonathan has gone to a hospital called Horst Schmidt Klinik in Wiesbaden, Germany, but did not say what condition she went there to treat.
Horst Schmidt Klinik is where the late President Yar’Adua was once hospitalised for kidney-related ailments.
But the office of the First Lady said last night that Mrs. Jonathan’s foreign trip was “to take time off to rest” and not for medical purposes.
First Lady’s spokesman Ayo Osinlu confirmed that Mrs. Jonathan has travelled abroad since last week but that she was only away to take a “moment’s rest” given that she has not taken a rest since President Jonathan’s election last year.
Osinlu told Daily Trust by telephone that after the African First Ladies Summit which she hosted late July, Mrs. Jonathan decided she should take some time off to rest.
“If you look at her itinerary in August, you will be wondering how she was able to accomplish that,” Osinlu said.
Asked when the First Lady is expected to return to Nigeria, Osinlu said, “In the course of this week she will be back home. But remember, it all depends on her plans.”
He added that she may decide to extend her stay abroad.
The Dr. Horst Schmidt Hospital Corporation is the Municipal Hospital of the city of Wiesbaden, according to its website. It serves as a teaching hospital for the University Medical Center.
“With 21 clinics, four institutes and 1027 beds we offer our patients a very sophisticated and high-quality treatment range for the necessary care in our region,” information on the website said.
The hospital says it has more than 3000 workers.



Source: Daily Trust.

Tales Around Ibori’s $15 Million By Okey Ndibe.


Okey Ndibe

As if anybody was still in doubt, there was more proof last week that Nigeria is an organized criminal enterprise. That proof came in the form of some young man’s brazen attempt to use the courts to stow away with $15 million that, clearly, did not belong to him. The man in question is named Chibuike Achigbu.
For those who missed the story, here’s a brief background. In 2007, Nuhu Ribadu, then the chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, reported that former Governor James Onanefe Ibori of Delta State had tried to bribe him with $15 million – in cash. At the time, Ribadu’s EFCC was hot on the heels of Mr. Ibori, a man who, like many Nigerian public officials, apparently didn’t respect any demarcation between public funds and his private pockets.
A self-aggrandized personality who gave himself the pompous name of Ogidigbodigbo of Africa, Mr. Ibori had started his criminal career as a petty thief in London. Then, with two convictions in London under his belt, he landed in Nigeria during the reign of Sani Abacha, the bespectacled emperor whose favorite sport was to raid the Central Bank for hard cash. One thing led to another, and Mr. Ibori was installed as a Nigerian stakeholder, which implied that he was certified to eat his people’s steak, drive a stake into the starved hearts of the self-same people, and say to them, I don’t give a damn! By the time the ruling PDP smuggled Ibori into Government House, Asaba, the small-time thief had metamorphosed into a grand looter and embezzler.
Mr. Ribadu once told a foreign TV interviewer that Mr. Ibori perhaps stole as much as 75 percent of the Federal allocation that accrued to his state during his two-term, eight-year rule. The EFCC’s sleuths were snooping into the ex-governor’s mishandling of state funds when, according to Mr. Ribadu, Mr. Ibori sought to tempt him with cash of $15 million.
We know that the offer was made at the Abuja residence of Andy Uba, at the time a senior aide on domestic matters to President Olusegun Obasanjo. Not only did Ribadu rebuff the offer, he also caused the funds to be deposited at the Central Bank of Nigeria. It was important, he decided, to present the cash as evidence both of Mr. Ibori’s corruption and his attempt to subvert justice.
In the end, Mr. Ibori had his day in a Nigerian court. After a sordid affair, an unimpressive outing for all participants in the trial, Justice Marcellus Awokulehin dismissed all charges. Were it up to the judge, Mr. Ibori would have been canonized that day as St. James the Pious of the Delta. Today, the same Ibori is holed up in a maximum security jail in the UK. Rather than face the prospect of a proper, rigorous trial in Britain, the former governor caved, pleading guilty.
His swagger was gone. Back in Nigeria, there was still the unresolved matter of $15 million with which Mr. Ibori had allegedly tried to entice the EFCC to call off its scrutiny of his handling of state funds.
A few weeks ago, it emerged that the Delta State government had filed suit seeking to reclaim the money. The principle seemed sound: cash that was pilfered from a state ought to go back to that same state. Of course, some people worried whether the state’s current governor, Emmanuel Uduaghan, could be trusted to responsibly husband the funds, once recovered. A medical doctor, Mr. Uduaghan is Mr. Ibori’s cousin. He was also a top confidante during the former governor’s tenure.
At any rate, the state’s legal pursuit of the “bribe” funds was proceeding with relatively little drama – until last week.
Suddenly, ten lawyers appeared in an Abuja court armed with an affidavit by Mr. Achigbu. The burden of the affidavit was that the $15 million cash belonged to this virtually faceless Achigbu.
To read the document is to confront the most facile form of fiction masquerading as an assertion. Mr. Achigbu claimed that he had collected the money as a campaign contribution for PDP candidates running in the 2007 elections. However, on learning that such a large transaction donation needed to be made through a bank, he claimed he gave the cash to Andy Uba. Mr. Uba, he asserted, undertook to hand over the cash to the EFCC to enable the agency to authenticate the legitimacy of its source. Thereafter, the money was to be disbursed to party candidates.
It’s easy to recognize the narrative for what it is: an audacious attempt to hijack funds that belong, properly, to the people of Delta State. Why would Mr. Achigbu try a scheme that’s so patently jejune? How could he have hired so many ostensibly senior lawyers, without a single one of them raising alarms about the ludicrousness of the whole thing? Were there, perhaps, other sponsors of the charade, other well-placed “steakholders” who encouraged this possibly criminal undertaking?
One of the affidavit’s claims is that “Dr. Andy Uba has offered to depose to the foregoing facts on oath before this Honorable Court to clear his name and restore himself to the confidence of the Intervener/Applicant.”
Once Mr. Achigbu’s claim received media attention, the man quickly ordered his lawyers to withdraw it. He saved himself the certainty of making a big fool of himself in court. But the fact that he withdrew his preposterous application should by no means be the end of the matter.
The police ought to question Mr. Achigbu about this whole messy affair. How did the idea germinate in his head to go for the $15 million? Did he raise millions of dollars for PDP candidates in 2007? If he did, what were the sources? And what are the contributors’ sources of income? Did he ever hand Mr. Uba millions of dollars in cash? If he did, what was the purpose? Did he consult with Mr. Uba before he decided to stake out a claim on Ibori’s “bribe” funds?
One thing is clear from Mr. Achigbu’s now withdrawn claim. It’s either he handed Mr. Uba some millions of dollars in 2007 that’s not accounted for, or he set out to steal $15 million that doesn’t belong to him. It’s up to the police to find out which it is.

Oby Ezekwesili: Corruption, national development, the Bar, and the Bench – Part 4.


Being the text of a paper presented by Obiageli “Oby” Ezekwesili On August 28, 2012 @ the 2012 Nigeria Bar Association Conference, Abuja, Nigeria.
Part 1 of this Series
Part 2 of this Series
Part 3 of this Series
What then can be done to uproot the scourge of systemic corruption in society? In fact more appropriately since we now see how deeply structural the problem really is should we not be eager to first address the fundamental issues of dysfunction of our overall Governance architecture? Should our question then not be “is there any prospect that Nigeria can ever reverse the seeming descent into an implosive cesspool of systemic corruption?”
A very comprehensive picture of the quality of governance in Nigeria emerges from the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) studies. The WGIs aggregate existing measures of governance to produce cross-country performance indicators for six different dimensions of governance, including voice and accountability, government effectiveness, political stability, regulatory quality, rule of law, and control of corruption. The good news is that once upon a time not too long ago, the world saw evidence that even Nigeria had begun making early progress to reversing the misfortune those decades of stifling poor governance and its symptom corruption has had and continues to have on it. As the globally relevant World Governance Indicators studies showed then, Nigeria made progress over the period 2000 – 2008 in such governance dimensions as Rule of Law, Regulatory Quality and Control of Corruption.
It is evident that, key supply-side governance and anti-corruption initiatives including those that serve as deterrent to bad behavior amongst public officials such as the ICPC and the EFCC;those with the objective of instituting structural and institutional mechanisms in the way of running government such as the NEITI, the Due Process Office, the Budget Office and the Office of the Auditor-General; and those efforts aimed at re-orientating Nigerians through enlightenment programs such as the Code of Conduct Bureau, are largely responsible for the significant improvements in many governance indicators such as the percentage of firms reporting bribery; responses on leakage of public funds as well as bureaucracy as constraints to business. ​A closer look at these indicators show that the country made more progress in on voice and accountability, regulatory quality, rule of law and control of corruption.
For added measure, other global studies aligned with the finding of the WGI. In the Competitiveness Report work of the World Bank it found that efforts at ensuring greater integrity in public service during the Obasanjo Administration led to significant improvements in many governance indicators such as the percentage of firms reporting bribery; responses on leakage of public funds as well as bureaucracy as constraints to business.  For instance, over the three year period to 2005, the percentage of firms reporting bribery declined significantly from 98% in 2002 to 60% in 2005.  The largest area of improvement was in public procurement.  Similarly, the proportion of firms reporting diversion of public funds to companies and/or individuals dropped from 100% in 2003 to 70% in 2005. And by the way, the latest edition of the same exercise shows a reversal of that improvement following the release last Monday of the study conducted in 26 states in Nigeria. The report indicated that about 80 per cent of businesses in the country paid bribes to government officials in 2011 to stay in business. The message to take away from the evidence enumerated is that institutions matter and when government direct attention to key governance dimensions, it makes a difference. To consolidate the progress made under the reform agenda of 1999-2007, key supply-side governance initiatives such as the ICPC, EFCC, the BMPIU now the Bureau for Public Procurement, need to be strengthened and made to work as should such other agencies as the Public Accounts Committee.
However, the fight against corruption and demand for good governance must go beyond the actions or efforts of government.  Citizens must get involved as beneficiaries of public policy.  This is why of recent the issue of social accountability and the increased role of civil society and community-based groups have begun to gain prominence.   Demand side approaches to policy and service delivery are currently high on the agenda of governments in the developing world and Nigerian civil society and professional groups like the Bar Association have many countries to learn from.  These countries have promoted the complementary demand side agenda in recognition of the fact that supply-side interventions have had limited success in a number of areas, including improved service delivery which is what increases the chances of poverty reduction amongst majority poor in the society.  The growing importance of social accountability therefore is because of its promise and potential to strengthen governance, increase development effectiveness and empowerment through an approach that relies on civic engagement in demanding accountability from public officials, service providers, and decision-makers (World Bank, 2004).
In the context of Nigeria, demand side approaches have a strategic importance because they provide the platform for strengthening transparency and accountability: In practice, this involves strengthening federal and state systems for procurement, internal auditing and internal control functions, statistical capacity and public financial management to allow Nigeria to better manage its resources.  As part of efforts in these regard, the Government of Nigeria not only makes public the federal allocations to States and Local government but also publishes a large percentage of federal government’s contract awards above a threshold through the Bureau of Public Procurement.   To complement these supply side reforms, there is a need to build in demand-side tools to hold public officials to account.  For example, civil society organizations or non-state actors can play a significant role in making public budgeting more transparent and accountable and can engage in various stages of the budget process that can strengthen the oversight process and accountability in the use of public resources.  They can also partner with MDAs and project implementation units implementing development projects in the delivery and monitoring as well as evaluation of the impact of their interventions. Such tools as Citizen’s Score Card, Beneficiary Assessment and Report, Civil Society Independent Evaluation and other participatory feedback mechanisms in project design and implementation have often been adopted.
For example, under the Education Sector Reforms of 2006, the Community Accountability and Transparency Initiative (CATI) was borne out of the need to ensure that federal funds earmarked for projects that would enhance Nigeria’s Universal Basic Education targets were efficiently used.  The CATI therefore allowed citizens across the country to scrutinize the information provided and with it monitor the actual implementation of the projects and by so doing hold government accountable.  True to promoting the ideals Demand for accountability, we rolled out CATI under our partnership with the Civil Society Action Coalition on Education for All (CSACEFA), an umbrella body for all CSO groups committed to advocacy for education.   Unfortunately I doubt that the initiative which received unsolicited endorsement many years later on the floor of the British parliament may not have lasted beyond my own days in the Education sector. In one of Lambsdorff’s interesting causative analysis, he found that “Democracy obtained the expected positive impact on absence of corruption. However, this impact was more complex. Only countries with high levels of democracy, or electoral systems with high rates of participation, are able to reduce corruption. Medium levels of democracy can even increase corruption. The effect of democracy is also not immediate but takes decades rather than years. Thus, democracy reduces corruption in the long run, but not the lukewarm type of democracy.
Thus such strategic importance of demand side approaches and the absolute engagement of citizens in its processes and activities have several important implications. One such is the need to come to terms with a changing institutional landscape with new and evolving configurations of actors and relationships.  Strengthening the demand-side of accountability by deepening support to wider stakeholder involvement in decision making, monitoring and implementation is critical.  The desired outcomes of such an emphasis are improved service delivery, enhanced public participation and local ownership of reform agendas, greater transparency of decision-making and wider public access to information. Governments that involve the public will be in a better position to make good decisions, and decisions will enjoy more support once taken. Therein lays the linkages in our topic for it is all of the aforementioned that sustained over time become the solid pillars for national development.
So beyond the usual platitudes on the important role of the judiciary, the bar and their law enforcement colleagues in causing or tackling poor governance manifesting as corruption what else is new? I mean nothing that is short of a new burst of ideas in their respective roles can succeed in repositioning our Judiciary and Bar in Nigeria. Of course, I should still raise the usualby reiterating how they could help improve governance by strengthening the mechanisms that detect and prevent corruption. In the justice sector, having the Judiciary with its new leadership that we have been told interlaces the distinctively feminine attributes of resilience with a strong intellectual knack and determination to leave a legacy, it may not be long before we began to see the fruits of effort at improving the administration of justice and promoting professionalization of the judiciary and a more transparent justice system with ease of access to all judicial information; perhaps even introduce the novelty of Justices negotiating a code of ethics for all Judges like your Moroccan counterparts (the Moroccan judges’ association vigorously promotes adherence to its Charter of Judicial Ethics by its members) . and such other measure common to any ambitious program of judicial reforms. Yet, such progress will be lasting only to the extent that it is the result of the profession and the judiciary fully asserting and inserting their true powers and roles for society which for too long has been subordinated to individual caprices. For the latter; the power to sanction as a veritable tool of deterrence and for the former, co-leading and building a vibrant coalition to promote the Demand Side for accountability role of citizens(including particularly a rainy season clean out of the profession’s Augean stable through a “Bring Back Our Ethics and Values” initiative by your association). You can then perhaps even go further again like your Moroccan contemporaries who have been working to fight the country’s endemic corruption by using their association, The Union of Young Lawyers to open an anti-corruption legal advocacy center (ALAC) in 2010. The advice would further be to do thiswithin the same ambit of deterrent, preventive and advocacy/activism measures of the other two arms so that it fully completes the tripod in any comprehensive set of integrated anti-corruption menu.
Whatever may be the level of epiphany that the new leadership could lead the Judiciary and the rest of their profession to undergo I must still insist that no durable structural change of the corrupted Nigerian society will crystalize without our going back to where I started from- Good Governance! The keys to good governance, as articulated by the United Nations Development Program being the rule of law, participation, and accountability and transparency means that theinstitutions of the judiciary branch and the legal profession at large have an indispensable role toplay in these two areas: “the judiciary is the bedrock of a society functioning according to the rule of law, and it can ensure that other institutions of government and individual leaders are held accountable for their actions”.
The foundation of every democracy is of course the Constitution. A good (note that I did not say perfect) constitution is one that evolves out of the multiple experiences and aspirations of a people who though divided along the lines of diverse persuasions yet being divinely co-located to become one nation become adept at using principled dialogue to build their consensus on certain core values, ethos, principle, structures, processes and functions that promote equitable development of their country and constantly improve the well-being of their citizens. The experiences of many other nations have shown that any constitutional process which from the very beginning anchors its fundamentals on the twin concepts of incentives and sanctions have often delivered better political, economic and social outcomes for citizens both as individuals and as a collective. Therefore, if we all agreed that our problem is deeper than what an even solid comprehensive anti- corruption program can solve then the next thing should be an to discuss if there is an agreement that engendering a new Nigerian constitution from such an incentive-sanctions framework is an imperative.
Should there be a consensus around that, then some key questions that should arise would be “How can we realign the incentives and sanctions in a functional structure of our entity called Nigeria?” “How substantive and germane to the fundamentals of our structural deformity are the current priorities of the National Assembly Constitution Review Committee?” “What can we learn from our sister country Kenya (similarly troubled by governance challenges) and which upon experiencing an explosive and costly wake-up call seized the moment and commenced a structural overhaul of their polity and its entire governance framework through citizens’ driven constitutional review process”.
I should expand some more on the last question. The Kenyan constitutional process produced a new 2010 Constitution that every Kenyan stands protective of because of their true ownership of its content through a Referendum. Today, most citizens and outsiders who are abreast with the politics and economics of Kenya as I was in my previous position at the World Bank all acknowledged that there are indeed early signs of salutary impact on Governance and what changed in their judicial arrangement is a major contributor to this fresh optimism. For Kenya, receiving cautious praise on Governance even from renowned skeptics is already a signal that they have taken that legendary right step in the direction of the 1000miles travel.

Is it farfetched to imagine that our Judiciary can courageously step up its leadership on the constitutional debate? Could it demonstrate the strength of will by reaching beyond the shores of our land to learn some of the lessons of the Indian judiciary which has earned a reputation for being the arm of government that pushes the boundaries in ensuring that Good Governance is rarely compromised and undercut by the short term and shifting political incentives of the parliamentary and executive arms of government. Justice Y.K. Sabharwal, Chief Justice of India until 2007 said in an inspiring speech during his tenure that “in order to guarantee that the role of law would inure to, and for, everyone and the promises made by the Constitution would not remain merely on paper, the Constitution makers made provisions for independence of the judiciary. Judiciary in India enjoys a very significant position since it has been made the guardian and custodian of the Constitution. It not only is a watchdog against violation of fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution and thus insulates all persons, Indians and aliens alike, against discrimination, abuse of State power, arbitrariness etc. but borrowing the words of one of the founding fathers of the American Constitution, James Medison, I would say that the Judiciary in India is “truly the only defensive armor of the country and its constitution and laws”. If this armor were to be stripped of its onerous functions it would mean, “The door is wide open for nullification, anarchy and convulsion”.
The Kenyan lawyers were activists and advocates for this first of a kind participatory and substantive constitutional process since their independence. Can we ever dare to hope that the voice of our Bar Association will be heard on the on-going process that unwittingly seems like a purely politicians led constitutional review in Nigeria in that despite the best intentions of the leaders of the national Assembly it still the credible voice and participation excludes the larger majority of citizens? Should our modern democracy be allowed to miss one major opportunity to fully practice that key concept of participation and inclusion that Good Governance advocates by ensuring that the broader society with careful attention to minority and vulnerable groups are brought into the discussions that will determine those thorny but strategic issues that are fundamental to the structural overhaul and re-balancing of our polity? Does your Bar not have an incentive to complement my proposed judicial activism just like your colleagues in India who were applauded by their Chief Justice?  Further on in the same speech that detailed the primus role of the judiciary in promoting good governance by insisting adherence to the rule of law he stated, “The rule of law, one of the most significant characteristics of good governance prevails because India has an independent judiciary that has been sustained, amongst others, because of support and assistance from an independent Bar which has been fearless in advocating the cause of the underprivileged, the cause of deprived, the cause of such sections of society as are ignorant or unable to secure their rights owing to various handicaps, an enlightened public opinion and vibrant media that keeps all the agencies of the State on their respective toes.
“An independent judiciary is important for preserving the rule of law and is, therefore, most important facet of good governance. The judicial system has an important role to play ultimately in ensuring better public governance. There may be a plethora of regulations, rules and procedures but when disputes arise, they have to be settled in a court of law. There is no area where the judgments of Supreme Court have not played a significant contribution in the governance – good governance – whether it be – environment, human rights, gender justice, education, minorities, police reforms, elections and limits on constituent powers of Parliament to amend the Constitution.”
Appreciating such a judicial context as remarkable as the Indian one, should our own Judiciary at a time like this when the discussions on the amendment of the constitution is reaching a crescendo not be more courageous in aligning with the voices of agitation that seek to have your own arm of government become truly independent and not beholden to corrupting interests. In so doing, would it not offer renewed hope to our society which has watched with great distress and even despondent resignation the not at all dignifying trend in adjudication of corruption charges (both political and economic) in our recent history? May be you already know, but I shall take the liberty of your inviting a “not so learned” chartered accountant cum public policy expert like me to your event and pass on a message generally given by those who knew of your kind invitatio1n to me “Nigerians are at once disappointed and worried for your profession and the entire Justice system”.
Most now say that we crossed the Rubicon once even our Judiciary, that same very last hope if the common man and woman in the golden era of your profession, became engulfed in what seems like an orchestrated “Kidnap of Justice?” I heard that term poetically used by one of the prodigiously talented young Nigerians that recited an Ode to Justice only this past weekend at a youth event by The Future Award, a youth group determined to behold The New Nigeria. If you heard the words of that poem, something tells me that some of you would rise into action and become that Remnant group that has always historically paid the price for the greatness of the multitude. There is a price to be paid for the return of our Lady Justice. So my last word is “who among us is ready to let character be their destiny?” Count me in should you need a slightly learned friend!

Major Marketers Raise Depot Price of Petrol over Shortage.


Diezani Allison-Madueke 0707.jpg - Diezani Allison-Madueke 0707.jpg
 The Minister of Petroleum, Mrs Diezani
By Ejiofor Alike
Fear of petrol scarcity loomed at the weekend as most of the six major oil-marketing companies and NIPCO Plc have exhausted their stock of the product.

THISDAY learnt that the shortage has led to an increase in the depot price of petrol.

Investigations revealed that some depot owners have capitalised on the tight supply situation to sell at ex-depot price of between N93 and N100, as against the official price of N89 per litre.

However, sources said while the pump price of petrol would still be maintained at N97 per litre in Lagos and its environs, the marketers could capitalise on the increase in depot price to jack up the price in the hinterland where there is less supervision from regulatory agencies’ officials.

The drop in fuel supply, it was learnt, was worsened by the refusal of the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) to allow fuel cargo imported by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to discharge its products for the marketers at Apapa Port, since last Tuesday over unresolved financial issues.

Deputy Director and spokesperson of the DPR, Mrs. Belema Osibodu, however, told THISDAY that the vessel was allowed to discharge yesterday after all the relevant documents requested by the agency were presented.

“They had issues with the bill of lading, regarding the mother vessel but the issues have been resolved. The product is of good quality and they have been allowed to discharge,” she said.

A spokesperson of the NNPC, Dr. Omar Farouk Ibrahim, told THISDAY that the vessel was prevented from discharging because it had “a financial lien.”

“It has nothing to do with the quality of the product. It is essentially a financial matter. It was supposed to make some payment and I believe they are going to pay or they must have paid by now,” he said.

Sources within the six companies that constitute the Major Oil Marketers Association of Nigeria (MOMAN) and NIPCO Plc, whose depots are located in Apapa, Lagos, told THISDAY that the seven companies had a two-day stock level as at last Wednesday, which was largely exhausted by Friday.

THISDAY gathered that Conoil, for instance, had 159 metric tonnes of petrol as at Wednesday; while Forte Oil had 5,486 metric tonnes.
The stock levels of other five companies as at last Wednesday included, MRS Oil and Gas, 1,276 metric tonnes; Mobil Oil Nigeria Plc, 743 metric tonnes; NIPCO Plc, 3,100 metric tonnes; Oando Plc, 1,000 metric tonnes; and Total Nigeria Plc, 2,000 metric tonnes.

This product, which amounted to 13,764 metric tonnes or 18,237,600 litres, represented only two-day load out, as Apapa accounts for 60 per cent of the country’s fuel supply.

It was learnt that the six major marketers and NIPCO have stopped importation of products due to the accumulated unpaid subsidy claims and interest charges on loans.

The marketers rely on the NNPC, which has been rationing its imported products to the marketers, to keep their supply chain active.
The marketers’ woes worsened last week after the NNPC vessel was prevented from discharging products at the Apapa Jetty.

One of the marketers, who spoke to THISDAY, blamed their inability to import products on the delay in the payment of their subsidy claims and the interest charges on loans by the banks.

“When you owe N200 billion and you have only been able to pay out less than N50 billion, it is not enough. Our position is that those with major infractions in the Aig-Imoukhuede report should be isolated, while others should be paid immediately. But the payment has been too slow and even the money being paid goes straight to our bankers because a huge amount of interest has accumulated,” he said.

Subsidy: NU Warns Jonathan Against Providing Soft Landing For Culprits.


The Northern Union (NU), has warned President Goodluck Jonathan against providing soft landing for those involved in the oil subsidy scam in the name of plea bargaining.
The NU further advised the federal government to publicize the amount of money it recovered from the ‘oil thieves’ and as well name those involved in the scam.
The political group also demanded that the government should announce to Nigerians what it intends to do with the recovered oil subsidy money.
It opined that transparency in the deployment of the recovered funds was necessary, “to justify public trust and increase confidence in his (President Jonathan) administration’s agenda”.
The union in a statement signed by the national coordinator of its youth wing, Comrade Kolo Jerry and publicity secretary, Muhammed Katun, added that, “our stand and resolve against oil subsidy scam is for the federal government to resistantly find the courage amidst these revelations and manipulation to see through the prosecution of the culprits and their accomplices within and outside the public service.”
“We strongly advise the president not to provide a back door exit for the scammers in the name of plea bargaining for soft landing.
“Also, the federal government should bring to public domain how much it recover at the end and the names of those involved”.
The NU called on other stakeholders like the organized labour unions, civil society organization and opposition parties to stand firmly by the federal government on the prosecution of those involved in the oil theft.

UN, EU lament Nnaji’s exit •N/East, S/East divided over appointment of power minister •Gains in power sector irreversible -FG .

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Former Minister of Power, Prof. Barth Nnaji
THE international community, especially development partners, have sought assurance from the Federal Government that the legacies of the former Minister of Power, Professor Barth Nnaji, would be sustained.
The partners had stormed the Ministry of Power at the weekend, to seek assurance that the progress made in the power sector during the tenure of the former minister were pursued diligently to an impressive end.
Country Representative of the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO), Dr Patrick Kormawa, who led others to the ministry, said the organisation was working in concert with other agencies for rural electrification of the country, especially in renewable energy sector.
The European Union (EU) Head of Cooperation, Mr P. Phillipe, said when the EU headquarters got the news, it was alarmed and expressed concern over the continuity of the reforms in the sector.
The partners also sought to know the stage of the privatisation process and whether Nigeria was still committed to the time lines.
The World Bank representative, Erik Feinstiom, said he was at the last power summit in Asaba, Delta State, which was presided over by Nnaji.
The Minister of State for Power, Mr Darius Ishaku, in his reaction, said everybody in Nigeria was as alarmed as the international partners at the exit of the former minister.
However, the Federal Government, on Sunday, reaffirmed that in spite of the resignation of Professor Nnaji, the progress already made in the sector would be consolidated.
It also assured Nigerians that President Goodl-uck Jonathan was committed to ensure investors’ confidence and credibility in the power sector were protected.
A statement issued by the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Affairs, Dr Doyin Okupe, in Abuja, noted that necessary structures and institutions to drive them had already been firmly established.
It said President Jona-than expected that before the end of December, with the progress being made in the area of gas supply to the National Integrated Power Project (NIPP), the present improvement in the electricity supply for domestic and industrial use would not only be sustained, but would be also improved.
The statement pointed out that the president had set a target for the actualisation of uninterrupted power supply to drive economic development.
Meanwhile, following the resignation of Professor Nnaji, North-East politicians and their counterparts from the South-East have been divided over who becomes the next power minister.
Leading South-East politicians, comprising Third Republic senator, Ebenezer Ikeyina; former Anambra State governor, Dr Chukwuemeka Ezeife; leader of the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Chief Ralph Uwazuruike; First Republic Minister of Aviation, Chief Mbuzulike Amaechi; insurance guru and former president-general of Igbo socio-cultural organi-sation, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Professor Joe Irukwu and the president’s Special Adviser on Inter-Party Affairs, Senator Ben Obi, were reported to be clamouring for the appointment of another Igbo man as power minister.
But a group of northern elite, Junkun of Taraba, had kicked against the plan of the president to replace the former minister with another Igbo man.
The group expressed its displeasure with the president during a news conference at the weekend, saying that the appointment of another Igbo man for the position was against true federalism..
The official spokesman of Jukun kingdom, Chief Ibrahim Sangari, noted that “at no time in the history of this country have the Jukuns been so unfairly treated as under this present administration,” adding that we have the mandate of the Aku Uka of Wukari, Dr Shekarau Angyu Masa Ibi, to express our sadness at the turn of events.”