Wednesday, 26 September 2012

EFCC: Former PHB Boss Atuche Used Stolen Funds To Pay N45m Church Tithes


Francis Atuche
Elizabeth Atuche
By SaharaReporters, New York
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)  has accused a former managing director of Bank PHB, Mr Francis Atuche, of using depositors’ funds to pay N45 million in church tithes.

Lead prosecution counsel, Kemi Pinheiro, today made the accusation at the Lagos High Court, sitting in Ikeja, while leading in evidence a key witness, Mr Solomon Abolaji Ogunsola, a former staff of PHB Mortgages Limited.  Atuche paid the money from an account of PHB Mortgage Limited.

Pinheiro presented documents in court, some of them e-mails sent as an order to release the sum of N35million to St. Monica Catholic church, Ibusa, Delta State, and another sum of N10million to another St. Augustine Catholic Church.  Ogunsola told the court that Atuche sent the money to the two churches in Delta State because he hails from the state.

Ogunsola also admitted knowing two companies: Claremount Nigeria Limited and Claremount Asset Management.   He said that Claremount Nigeria Limited had a call account with his bank and the account was owned by Atuche.  

He explained that the only document on the call account’s file was a reference letter which bears Atuche's name.  The document was admitted as exhibit.

In addition, various transactions carried out by Atuche in his statements of account with Claremount Nigeria Limited and Claremount Asset Management Limited were read. Atuche had denied having anything to do with the two companies.

Justice Lateefa Okunnu admitted the accounts as exhibits.

The EFCC counsel also led in evidence, one Mr Andy Uzomor, another staff of PHB Mortgage Limited, who presented a 39-page document before the court as exhibit. The presentation of the document was opposed by lead defence counsel, Anthony Idigbe, who claimed that some of the documents had to do with a N20million transaction between his law chambers and Atuche. Idigbe urged the court not to admit the particular section as it will deny Atuche a right to a counsel of his choice. According to him, if the document was admitted either himself or his client will have to go into the witness box, which might force his chamber out of the case.

But Pinheiro insisted that Idigbe’s objections lacked substance in law. According to him, some of the documents pertained to an account that Atuche had disowned. Besides, he referred to Section 38, sub-section 1 of the EFCC Establishment Act which grants the EFCC power to seek and receive information from anybody. After listening to all their submissions, Justice Okunnu admitted the documents as exhibits and adjourned the case till October 4th, 2012.

Tight security at Edo Election Tribunal


JETHRO IBILEKE/Benin
Edo State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal began sitting this morning amidst tight security in Benin.
The tribunal heard the petition filed by Maj.Gen. Charles Airhiavbere, the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the July 14 governorship election in the state, challenging the victory of Governor Adams Oshiomhole of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).
The Tribunal also heard the challenge of the jurisdiction of the tribunal by the ACN governor.
Screening of journalists covering the hearing by stern-looking security men who took over the vicinity of the high court-venue of the Tribunal began as early as 7 am.
Many journalists were as a result prevented from gaining access into the court room.
This might not be unconnected with the alarm raised by the Chairman of Airhiavbere’s campaign Organisation, Okharedia Ihimhkpen, who in a press statement last Sunday alleged that some “political elements” were planning to ferment trouble at the tribunal by recruiting hoodlums to cause mayhem.
The court room was filled to capacity by politicians from both ACN and PDP with hundreds of their supporters, and scores of lawyers and other observers, who troupes into the court as early as 7 am.
Amongst notable politicians at the court was the State Deputy Governor, Dr. Pius Odubu.
Lead Counsel to Governor Oshiomhole, Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN), prayed the Tribunal to strike out and dismiss the petition for lack of competence and jurisdiction, arguing that only the Federal High Court has the jurisdiction to hear the case, citing several authorities to back his submission.
He submitted that the point of law is incontestable because the petition is fatally defective, said that as the petitioner relied solely on the electoral law instead of the Nigerian constitution.
Olanipekun further said that the court cannot adjudicate on an issue that is not an election matter, saying that the issue of forgery of result which is being pursued by the petitioner is not a civil case, but a criminal case which can only be pursued at the Federal High Court.
“The relief being asked for is as bad as asking the presiding judge to adjudicate on land matter in Benin,” he said.
Besides, he argued that since the competence and jurisdiction of the petitioner’s application is being challenged, the Tribunal cannot make any binding order.
In his argument, Counsel to the 2nd Respondent (ACN), A. O Aleghe (SAN) argued that the electoral act as stated in the petition did not prescribe any form of qualification. He therefore prayed the court to strike out the 4th and 5th respondents saying that they cannot be sued.
But counsel to the petitioner, Akpofure (SAN) said section 138 of the electoral act has dealt with the issue of non-qualification, just as he urged the Tribunal to dismiss 2nd respondent application with excruciating cost.
“None of the application has been able to convince the tribunal that the Supreme Court has overruled itself on the matter. The petitioner also has the right to sue all the parties,” Akpofure said.
Akpofure who said determining the petition at this stage will be premature, further pointed out that a Supreme Court judgment had ruled that such petition must wait because of time frame in election matters, even as he prayed the tribunal to compel the 3rd to 5th respondents to make available certified true compy of voters register in Esan North East, Esan South East and West respectively.
Having listened to the Counsel’s arguments, head of the Tribunal, Justice Suleman Ambrusa granted the petitioner’s application, but added that ruling on the issue of jurisdiction will be given priority.
“If the issue of jurisdiction stands, then the case is closed,” Ambrusa said, explaining that though the law says the judge cannot make an order if its jurisdiction is being challenged, but the law did not stop it from hearing an application.
PM News

Reforming our Dysfunctional Public Service

Nasir El-Rufai


[elombah.com] Public Service in Context - It is both a truism that no nation develops beyond the capacity of its public service, and there is broad consensus amongst Nigerians that our public service is broken and dysfunctional. The quality of public servants and the services they provide to our nation are both below expectations. From the glorious days at independence when the best and brightest graduates competed to join the
 administrative service up until 1970s, our public service is now seen as employer of the dull, the lazy and the venal.  We need to retrieve our old public service - effective, well paid and largely meritocratic, attracting bright people imbibed with a spirit of promoting public good.
The Nigerian civil service evolved from the colonial service with its historical British roots of an independent, non-political and meritocratic administrative machinery for governing the country. Each region then had its civil service  in addition to the federal service.
What is the public service? How did our public evolve from inception to excellence and now its current abysmal state of ineffectiveness? How can the public service be reformed, re-skilled and right-sized to provide the basic social services that will earn the trust of Nigerians and foreigners alike?
The Public Service - An Overview
The public service consists of the civil service - career staff whose appointment, promotion and discipline are under the exclusive control of the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC), national assembly service, the Judiciary, public officers in the military, police and paramilitary services, employees of parastatals, educational and health institutions. By September 2005, when the Public Service Reform Team (PSRT) was constituted, the number of federal public servants was slightly above one million. The estimated number working for the 36 states and the FCT was another 2 million, broken down as follows:
·         Federal Core Civil Servants, including some 2,000 directors                                        180,000
·         Uniformed Services - Military, Police and Paramilitary Services                                    457,000
·         Parastatals, Agencies, Educational and Health Institutions                                          470,000
·                         Total Federal Public Service                    1,107,000
·         Public Officers at the State Level - 36 States (Estimate)                                               856,000
·         Public Officers in the Federal Capital Territory Administration                                          19,000
·         Public Officers at the 774 Local Governments and 6 FCT Area Councils                          620,000
·                         Total Sub-National Public Service               1,495,000
·         TOTAL: Public Sector Employees in Nigeria           2,602,000
Adjusting for the increasing numbers of aides of the president, ministers, governors and legislators, it is not unreasonable to put the total number of those working directly for governments at about three million. So while our national population has increased by about 160% between 1960 and 1999, the size of our public service increased by 350% in the same period. Our public service is clearly over-bloated.
Other initial diagnostics and findings of the PSRT were sobering to say the least.  The civil service was rapidly ageing, mostly untrained and largely under-educated. Their average age then was 42 years, and over 60% were over 40 years. Less than 12% of the public servants held university degrees or equivalent. Over 70% of the service were of the junior grades 01-06, of sub-clerical and equivalent skills. About 20% of the public service employees were 'ghost workers' - non-existent people on the payroll which goes to staff of personnel and accounts departments. In the FCT, out of an initial headcount of 26,000, we found 3,000 ghosts in the first round of audit. By the time we introduced biometric ID and centralized, computerized payroll, we found nearly 2,500 who failed to show up for documentation!
While the public service pay is low relative to the cost of living, the overall burden of payroll as a percentage of the budget is huge. In most states other than Lagos, Kano, Kaduna and Rivers States, an average of 50% of the budget goes towards the payment of salaries - to about 1% of their population - an unfair and unsustainable state of affairs! Out of the N2,425 billion included in the 2011 Budget for recurrent expenditure, between 73% and 84% for each MDA constitutes personnel cost. We found in 2005 that the breakdown of federal public service emoluments by class of service as follows:
·         Core Civil Service                                           - 18%
·         Military, Police and Paramilitary                      - 35%
·         Parastatals, Education and Health                   - 47%
The PSRT inherited a federal public service whose central management organs - the FCSC and the office of the Head of Civil Service of the Federation had become inept and ineffective, and morally flexible at best. We learnt that appointments, promotion examinations, promotions, postings and discipline were bought and sold by civil servants the same way shares are traded on the stock market. Surprisingly and with some relief, we did not see these malfunctions in the armed services. The HR system of the Army, Navy and the Air Force were intact, and to some extent even the Police and other paramilitary services had better human resource management systems.
In a State of Denial?
The bulk of the public servants continue to be in denial and have refused to take responsibility for the sorry state of affairs, blaming their political masters for the dysfunction in the public service. They blame the collapse of merit and excellence in the public service on the Murtala-Obasanjo retirements "with immediate effect" that occurred in the mid-1970s. Others attribute the current situation to the Civil Service Reform Decree No. 43 of 1988 of the Babangida administration. The deterioration of pay and fringe benefits relative to the cost of living as a result of the Structural Adjustment Program in the late 1980s has also been identified as contributory to the de-motivation, deskilling and dispiriting of the public service.
The truth may be a combination of all three and more, compounded by the inability of the public service to update its attitudes, working methods, skills and technology. The public service has been short-term in its vision, self-centered in policy formulation and corrupt in programme implementation.  Instead, it has focused on taking care of itself and interests to the detriment of the nation and system which sustains it. The public service failed to reform itself between 2001 and 2005 when two successive Heads of Civil Service were tasked to do so. It was therefore inevitable that driving the public service reforms of 2005-2007 had to be transferred to the economic team, with President Obasanjo leading the charge himself. An outsider was needed to administer the required medicine, but still needed the cooperation of the patient, which was not forthcoming.

Public Service Reforms in Perspective
It is therefore uncontestable that the public service became dysfunctional following years of neglect and failure to reform. The public service was both large and unwieldy, accountability was weak and professional standards low. The federal bureaucracy has also sprawled with considerable overlap of functions between agencies, and between tiers and arms of government. There was an urgent need for both civil service and parastatals reforms, and in spite of all efforts, little progress has been made in that regard.
The need to improve the overall efficiency and effectiveness of the public service have been recognized from pre-independence days by instituting several administrative reforms. The first of these was the Tudor Davis Commission of 1945-46. The Morgan Commission of 1963 not only revised salaries and wages of junior staff of the federal government but introduced for the first time a minimum wage for each region of the country. The more recent ones include the commissions headed by Simeon Adebo (1971), Jerome Udoji (1972), Dotun Philips (1986) and the Allison Ayida Panel (1995). The Dotun Philips reforms properly and correctly aligned the civil service structure with the constitution and presidential system of government , designating permanent secretaries as directors-general and deputy ministers. Unfortunately, the reforms devolved human resource functions with respect to junior cadres to ministries with disastrous consequences which needed dealing with.
The Bureau of Public Service Reforms (BPSR) was established in September 2003 as an independent agency in the Presidency  to ensure the reform of all Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) of all arms and branches of the federal government, and submit quarterly reports to the President. The Public Service Reform Team (PSRT) had the BPSR as its secretariat and met weekly every Tuesday to deliver on its mandate.  Some of the achievements of that round of reforms include:
1.       Restructuring of Pilot Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs):  The PSRT produced two generic guidelines approved by the Federal Executive Council (FEC) in March 2006 for the reform and restructuring of MDAs and Parastatals. Initially 5 pilot MDAs volunteered for restructuring and this was expanded to 14. This entailed cleaning up the staff headcount and payroll, and redesigning the MDA structure to have between 4 and 8 departments and 2-4 divisions per department.  These were approved by the FEC on May 16th, 2007 and applicable to all MDAs immediately.
2.       Cleaning up of Civil Service and Parastatals Nominal Rolls: The Oronsaye committee of the PSRT developed eight criteria for the retirement of public servants to enable the clean-up of the headcount and reducing the negative impact of the devolution of HR functions to MDAs in 1988, and the failures of the FCSC and OHCSF to discharge their functions.  An appeals process was put in place to minimize victimization and errors.
For the civil service, about 45,000 names were prepared by MDAs and forwarded to BPSR for consideration and approval by PSRT, and then forwarded to the FCSC for removal.  An initial batch of 36,843 officers were put through pre-retirement training, disengaged and paid about N24 billion as their severance entitlements. Unfortunately, about 20,000 of these severed civil servants have found their ways back into the civil service, thereby defeating the clean-up exercise.
                   
For the 400 or so parastatals and paramilitary services, the estimated number of staff to be severed was 75,575 at a cost about N57 billion. Parastatals reform and right-sizing was to be undertaken jointly by BPSR and the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE). Sadly, this was never fully realized.
3.       Monetization of Fringe Benefits: All benefits-in-kind like free housing, furnishing, car and driver for various cadres of public servants and political office holders were abolished for ministers, permanent secretaries and equivalent cadres and below. All government-owned houses except 13 classes of official residences were sold to occupants or via public bids. All official vehicles were discounted by 50% and sold to officials. Other pool and utility vehicles were auctioned in public bids. Personal drivers, cooks and cleaners were laid off and made staff of the affected officials.
4.       Pay Reform and Medium-Term Pay Policy: The Ernest Shonekan Pay Review Report was referred to PSRT for consideration and implementation. Shonekan found that public service pay was on average 25% of private sector for the same or similar jobs. A pay increase of 15% was therefore recommended and effected in January 2007, with a plan to increase pay by 10% per annum but linked to productivity such that in 5 years, near pay parity with the private sector will be achieved.
5.       Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS): This is a computerized, biometric platform intended to provide a reliable and comprehensive database of employees in the public service to facilitate manpower planning, and eliminate headcount and payroll fraud. IPPIS approved by the FEC in February 2006 and implemented in phases. The first phase covering 6 MDAs and the central management organizations of the public service went live in April 2007, saving N416 million from the payroll of the 12 agencies in its first month! Sadly, the vested interests in the public service have frustrated its mainstreaming and application to cover all MDAs and other public service organizations since then.
6.       Review and Update of Public Service Rules and Financial Regulations: The BPSR undertook a holistic review of the Public Service Rules and Financial Regulations and produced a White Paper which was amended and approved by the FEC on 9th May 2007.
Another review committee led by Adamu Fika lamented the low morale and widespread malaise in the service and observed that the integrity deficits in the FCSC and the Office of the Head of Civil Service of the Federation are responsible for inefficiencies and corruption that have become pervasive in the service.  
Next Steps in Reforming the Public Service
This administration has a unique opportunity to correct these by appointing not only a reformist head of civil service, but the nomination of the chair and members of FCSC within the next few weeks with the mandate to clean up the service, and build on the reforms of 2005 to 2009.
The next steps are clear. Learn from recent past, build on foundations laid by PSRT and correct any errors we made. The quality of the public service must be improved by attracting the best and brightest. This requires reducing the current pay disparity  between the public and private sectors of the economy. To rejuvenate the service, new blood must be injected at all levels from the academia, private sector and Nigerian Diaspora based on merit. These will be impossible unless the ageing and un-trainable public servants take early retirement.
Who can perform in today's work environment without the knowledge of IT, of using Google, Twitter and BlackBerry messaging tools? Any public servant that cannot use the computer and its various tools ought to give way to our army of young people that can. The number of MDAs duplicating functions, and their manning levels must be reviewed downwards to enable our nation afford the higher pay that our public servants deserve. We cannot maintain the same numbers we have and pay them any higher.
All these require careful thought, thorough collection and analysis of data, and political will. Our public service is once again at a cross-roads. It is up to the President to make the choices necessary to make it better, or much worse. 
Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, OFR was Senior Policy Adviser to General Abdulsalami Abubakar (1998-99), Director-General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (1999-2003), Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Member of the Economic Team, (2003-2007) and Chairman of the Public Service Reform Team (2005-2007). 

Babangida’s $12.4bn Oil Windfall Theft Suit: Final Judgment In November


Hope for a definite legal pronouncement and accountability for the missing $12.4 billion oil windfall was yesterday kept alive as the Federal High Court in Abuja finally adjourned the suit to 23 November 2012 for judgment.
This development followed the hearing of arguments and re-adoption of written addresses by lawyers to the parties yesterday before Hon Justice Gabriel Kolawole.
This information was disclosed on today by Sola Egbeyinka of Falana and Falana Chambers, solicitor to the Registered Trustees of Socio-Economic and Accountability Project (SERAP) and five other right groups that instituted the suit.
At the hearing yesterday, the Federal Government insisted that the enactment by the former Chief Justice of Nigeria Idris Legbo Kutigi of the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 2009 “exceeded his Constitutional powers by liberalising the rules on locus standi, permitting public impact litigation, and allowing the inclusion of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights in the Rules.”
The government also said that it could not find the Okigbo report, and had no duty to render account on the spending of the accrued revenue. The Plaintiffs disagreed, arguing that “such duty exists on the basis of Article 9 of the African Charter, which has become part of our national laws. Also, the Freedom of Information Act has been enacted which also imposes a legal duty on public institutions and agencies to render account, and allow access to public documents.”
It was also argued for the government that “only the AGF as a defender of public interest has the right to seek information on the spending of the $12.4 billion oil windfall,” and that the Plaintiffs have no such right. The Plaintiffs countered by saying that it was “the failure of the AGF to carry out his duty in this respect,” that prompted their legal action against the government in the first place.
It would be recalled that the case initially set down for judgment on Thursday 24 July 2011 has suffered several adjournments. The case was previously adjourned to 16 March 2012 for re-adoption of written addresses but was not heard as the court did not sit.
When the matter first came up for judgment, the trial judge, Justice Gabriel Kolawole, said the judgment was not yet ready to be delivered. According to the judge then, “the judgment is not yet ready. I have to give priority to criminal cases which are very important. I have a backlog of judgments which are older than this case. I regret the delay.” The judge subsequently adjourned the case to October 21 2011 to deliver the judgment.
However, when the case came up on 21 October 2011 it was again adjourned indefinitely because the court did not sit. It was at this point that the suit became affected by the provisions of Section 194 (1) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which provides that, “Every court established under this Constitution shall deliver its decision in writing not later than ninety days after the conclusion of evidence and final addresses and furnish all parties to the cause or matter determined with duly authenticated copies of the decision within seven days of the delivery thereof.”
The suit no FHC/ABJ/CS/640/10 was brought under the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 2009.
The non-governmental organisations had dragged the Attorney- General of the Federation (AGF) and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) before the court over the much publicised 12.4 billion dollars oil windfall, which the country recorded between 1988 and 1994, while former military dictator, Ibrahim Babagida rode rough shod on the nation as the maximum ruler.
The plaintiffs asked the court to make an order compelling the apex bank and the AGF to publish detailed accounts relating to the spending of the colossal sum of money between 1988 and 1994. They also sought for an order of the court compelling the respondents to diligently and effectively bring to justice any one suspected of corruption and mismanagement of the 12.4 billion dollars oil windfall.
They also want an order directing the respondents to provide adequate reparation, which may take the form of restitution, compensation, satisfaction or guarantees of non-repetition to millions of Nigerians that have been denied their human rights as a result of the respondents’ failure and/or negligence to ensure transparency and accountability in the spending of $12.4 billion oil windfall between 1988 and 1994.
According to the plaintiffs, “The need for information regarding the spending of $12.4 billion oil windfall is important to promote transparency and accountability in the management of public resources and to fulfill Nigeria’s international obligations to promote the development of the country. Access to information of this nature is especially important in this country, which is struggling to establish the rule of law and democracy in the face of underdevelopment, poverty, illiteracy and diseases. The right of access to information is also crucial to the realisation of all other human rights, including the peoples’ right to their natural wealth and resources.”
The plaintiffs also argued that: “The diversion and/or mismanagement of the $12.4 billion oil windfall is a violation of Nigerians’ right to natural resources and wealth and to economic development, as recognised and guaranteed by 21 and 22 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act). Under the African Charter, the Nigerian government has a legal responsibility to utilise the natural resources of the country so as to benefit the whole people. Just as the people of every sovereign state have a permanent right to choose their form of government, so the people are entitled to insist that the natural resources of the nation be exploited in the interest of the people.”
It would be recalled that a coalition of six civil society groups led by Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) sued the AGF and CBN in September 2010, seeking information on how $12.4 billion oil windfall of between 1988 and 1994 was spent.
The other plaintiffs in the suit are: Women Advocates and Documentation Centre (WARDC); Human and Environmental Development Agenda (HEDA), Access to Justice (AJ); Partnership for Justice, and Committee for Defence of Human Rights (CDHR).
BusinessNews

Babangida, Otedola, Elumelu Win Bids For Nigeria’s Power Plants


Femi Otedola, Ibrahim Babangida and Tony Elumelu
By Ayorinde Oluokun/Abuja
Amperion Power Distribution Limited, a consortium made up of Israeli-based BSG Resource Limited, State Grid Corporation of China and Forte Oil Plc, in which billionaire businessman, Femi Otedola is the major stakeholder as the local partner has emerged the preferred bidder for 414mw Geregu Power in the financial bids for the power generation companies being sold under the privatisation programme of Federal Government opened today in Abuja.
The Consortium bid $132 million for the power plant located in Kogi State.
Amperion was the sole bidder for the Geregu plant and also submitted bid for Ughelli Power Station.
Femi Otedola with a humongous loan portfolio of $1.2 billion was last week named as Nigeria’s biggest debtor by the Central Bank of Nigeria.
Since CBN has also warned banks to steer clear of advancing further loans to him, questions were being raised on how he is going to pay his share of the bid for the power company.
However, Amperion bid for the Ughelli Power Company was unsuccessful as another consortium made up Transnational Company of Nigeria, Transcorp with offer of $300 million for the plant was declared the winner of the bid.
Transcorp is chaired by former Chief Executive Officer of UBA, Tony Elumelu, as his company Hiers Holdings has the single largest stake in the conglomerate.
Chinese Nigeria Power Consortium was declared winner of Sapele Power Plant with a bid of $201 million.
Mainstream Energy Solutions Limited won the contract to manage the Kainji Power Company with an offer of $50.8 million as fixed annual fees and $237.9 as commencement fees.
Also North-South Power, believed to be backed by former military President Ibrahim by Babangida was declared the preferred bidder for the Shiroro Power Plant with an offer of $111.7 million as fixed annual fees and $236.8 million as commencement fees.
However, the bid for Afam Power Plant, according to Atedo Peterside, Chairman, Technical Committee National Council of Privatisation was not opened as all the three bidders failed to meet the stipulated guidelines for the bids. All the winning bids are subject to the approval of the President.
“This is a milestone in the power privatisation process,” Darius Ishaku, Minister of State for Power, Ishaku, said during the bid opening ceremony in Abuja.
  Saharareporters

Monday, 24 September 2012

ACN Is Fraudulent And It’s National Leader A Shylock — PDP



image
PDP PUBLICITY SECRETARY, CHIEF OLISA METUH (L), ACN LEADER, ASIWAJU BOLA TINUBU
SAN FRANCISCO, September 13, (THEWILL) - The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) must rise beyond roadside sophistry and accept that the party and its national leader, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, were fraudulent to have lied that Tinubu was issued a gold card invitation by the Democratic Party of the United States to attend its recent national convention, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) said on Thursday.

It advised the opposition party to apologise to Nigerians for ridiculing the nation before a foreign political party.

In a statement signed by its national publicity secretary, Chief Olisa Metuh, PDP observed that ACN’s penchant for fraud made its image managers artfully focus on deceit, blindly and inaccurately interpreting the diet of lies the party serves the Nigerian public.

“This matter in question explains itself in clear terms. The ACN tried to force its dish of lies down the throat of Nigerians on the imaginary international exposure and connection of its national leader,” part of the statement read.

“This attempt by the party to ingeniously tap from the credibility of an American political institution through a spurious claim backfired. The Democratic Party Convention officials would have none of that and wasted no time in denying the ACN and Bola Tinubu. The implication of this on the image of Nigeria and on the pride of our good people is wantonly damaging.”

PDP recalled ACN’s “deliberate persistence on misinforming the nation” with a statement from its publicity secretary saying that “Tinubu received a gold card, which is prime... and ...  was invited to the Democratic Convention as the leader of the opposition and an influential figure in Nigeria.” 

The ruling party submitted that no matter how hard the ACN tries to water down this statement to suit latter-day whims, even a child understands that it means a special invitation and recognition.

“This is the falsehood that the ACN sold to the Nigerian public about its leader, which unfortunately backfired, thus necessitating a denial,” the statement further read.

“What the ACN has done in respect of  its fraudulent claims on the Democratic Convention and the manner the officials of the party off-handedly dismissed the ACN is big embarrassment to Nigeria as a sovereign nation that has in quantum stock, eminent men and women who have distinguished themselves internationally.

“It is particularly a sludge on the integrity of the Nigerian political class for which we advise the ACN to consider an apology for exposing the nation to an unnecessary shame. 
PDP also criticised ACN for “evangelising on integrity” without being an example of it, saying, “The state of origin of its national leader is still shrouded in controversy and when his academic records, to use the common Nigerian lingo, is traceable to ‘Toronto.’

“The ACN is moralising on integrity when Lagosians are groaning under its leader’s insatiable greed, with his companies in almost every business pie, collecting shylock taxes on mind-bogging commissions, as he is either the owner, buyer or agent of every choice property in Lagos.”

South-West is most marginalised - Investigations

 by Taiwo Adisa and Olawale Rasheed
THE South-West is the most marginalised region in the current administration, followed by the North-East, findings have shown.
According to investigations, the North-East got  its status redeemed with the election of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur as the national chairman of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) while the North-West is the most favoured region.

Investigations also showed that reports of northern marginalisation in the current administration could not stand in the face of evidence as the North-West geopolitical zone strongly dominates the security, finance and education sector appointments under the Goodluck Jonathan presidency.

Key northern leaders had, in recent times, accused the Federal Government of systematically sidelining the northern region both in terms of appointments into critical sectors and in terms of access of the zone to presidential decision-making caucus.

However, checks by the Nigerian Tribune  showed that the North-West has, so far, maintained its hold on decisive positions within the government, despite the fact that the South-South is holding the number one position in the administration. While the president maintains the number one spot in the administration, findings showed that one of the two most influential figures in terms of closeness to the president and his day to day actions and decisions is from the North-West, in the person of the Principal Private Secretary to the President, Mallam Hassan Tukur. The other influential position is the Chief of Staff, which is held by Chief Mike Oghiadomhe, from Edo State.

Tukur and the Chief of Staff to the President, Chief Oghiadomhe, are said to be the most powerful aides of the president who see to the day to day running of the presidency and the Federal Government as a whole.

Apart from the Principal Private Secretary, the North-West also produced the vice-president, who is regarded as one of the most powerful vice-presidents of this era. He oversees the all-important power sector reforms through the oversight on the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) and coordinates the National Economic Council.

The number four citizen in the government hierarchy, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, is also listed as one of the strong holders of levers of power in the administration.

Besides its strong presence on the political turf, the North-West also controls all the three major sources of revenue generation in the economy of the federation, including the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS). The Group Managing Director of the NNPC, the Comptroller General of the Customs service and the acting chairman of the revenue service are all from the North-West zone.
While the three agencies above are said to be the sources of over 90 per cent of national revenue, the North-West further adds to its control of the economy, when it produced the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. The Minister of State for Finance, who oversees the Federation Account Allocation, is also from the North-West.

Incidentally, a similar situation was obstructed by the Senate under Senator Anyim Pius Anyim, when a Yoruba man from Kogi State was to emerge as the Auditor General of the Federation. The Senate had argued then that it was opposed to concentration of all positions in the economic sector in the hands of the South-West, since the then governor of CBN was from the South-West.

Leaders of the South-West have, however, objected to the marginalisation of the region even while the institution, such as the Senate, refused to stand straight on such issues.  They had argued that while the appointment of a Yoruba from the North was obstructed by the Senate in 2003, the Senate later sanctioned the concentration of all economic positions in the South-East and now North-West.

“The South-West is the most marginalised in all these and the zone cannot continue to keep quiet,” a leader said, adding that some elders from the zone recently met President Goodluck Jonathan on the increasing marginalisation of the zone.

Curiously, if the North is well placed in the political and financial sectors, the zone is also maintaining its grip on the security sector, as its men dominate key positions across the security establishments.

Until the removal of the Minister of Defence, Dr Haliru Mohammed, who hails from Kebbi State, the region was holding tight to the number one slot in the Defence portfolio. Even at that, the North-West still has the National Security Adviser from Sokoto State, the Inspector General of Police from Kano State and the Chief of Air Staff, also from the zone.

An administration official, who craved anonymity, expressed surprise at the constant accusations of bias against the Jonathan presidency, declaring that “no zone has the level of high-profile presence the North-West enjoys in the present administration.”

“It is unfair to accuse Jonathan of bias against the North. He ceded so much powers and functions to the core North that I see no difference to when (Musa) Yar’Adua was in power,” the official, who is also from the North, said.

He stated that the president had also ensured a spread in the appointment of his personal aides.

But while the president appears to personally maintain a spread in the appointments, the same cannot be said of agencies under his watch. Only recently, the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Attahiru Jega was accused of breaching the Federal Character Principle by filling a majority of directorate positions in the commission with northerners.

How North-West rules Jonathan’s government

North-West
•Vice-President
•Speaker, House of Representatives
•CBN Governor
•GMD NNPC
•Acting Chairman, FIRS
•Comptroller-General of Customs
 (Chairman, FCCA)

North-East
•National Chairman, PDP
•Executive Secretary TETFUND
•Executive Secretary UBEC
•Head of Service

North-Central
•President of the Senate
•Attorney-General and Minister of Justice

South-East
•Deputy Senate President
•Secretary to the Government of the Federation
•Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives
•Minister of Finance
•Minister of Aviation
•Minister of Power
•Minister of Labour
•Minister of Health

South-West
•Minister of Agric
•Minister of Police Affairs
•Minister of Trade and Investments
•Minister of Foreign Affairs

South-South
•President, Federal Republic of Nigeria
•Senate Leader
•Minister of Petroleum

Nigerian Tribune