Saturday, 13 October 2012

IG turns down PDP’s request for more security

 by OLUSOLA FABIYI 

Inspector-General of Police, Alhaji Abubakar Mohammed
The insecurity situation in the country has forced the leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party to request extra security around its national headquarters in Abuja and offices at other state chapters.
The request was made when members of the party’s National Working Committee led by its Chairman, Bamanga Tukur, assumed office.
Its National Secretary, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, made the request on behalf of his party.
Oyinlola, a former governor of Osun State, wrote a letter to the Inspector General of Police, Mr. Mohammed Abubakar.
It was also learnt that he made a similar request in a letter to a former Minister of Defence, Dr. Bello Mohammed, asking that an Armoured Personnel Carrier be stationed directly in front of the party’s national secretariat at Zone 5, Abuja.
SUNDAY PUNCH, however gathered on Saturday that the request had been turned down.
Oyinlola then turned to the Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Abubakar, for more security for the party in Ogun State.
His memo on the request was dated August 27, 2012.
The letter to the IGP, with reference PDP/N5/08.12 was entitled, “Occupation of the Ogun State Secretariat of the PDP.”
Oyinlola wrote, “Further to my last correspondence to you notifying you of the recognition of a new state executive committee of the PDP in Ogun state by the national secretariat, I wish to inform you that the new executive committee headed by Senator Dipo Odujinrin is the body that should legitimately occupy the state secretariat of the PDP in Abeokuta, Ogun state.
“Accordingly, I should be most grateful for your assisting the Odujinrin-led executive committee to take effective possession of the PDP secretariat in Ogun state for its operation as the validly recognised body that is administering the PDP in Ogun state.
“Your directive for the compliance to the Commissioner of Police, Ogun State Police Command would be deeply appreciated in order to allow for peace and orderly conduct at the state PDP secretariat.”
A member of the NWC of the party, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the refusal of the IGP to act on the letter might have been the reason the secretariat was recently attacked by suspected hoodlums.
Before the request for Ogun State was made, Oyinlola in another letter to the Inspector General of Police, dated July 31 entitled, “Request for adequate police protection of the National Vice Chairman, South-South, at No. 1 Orisejobor Street Otovwodo, Ughelli, Delta State and Orderly” was said to have been turned down.
Oyinlola wrote in the letter, “The Inspector General of Police is earnestly requested to please consider and authorise the release of Police security to the National Vice Chairman South south PDP, Dr. Stephen Orise Oru.
“Consequently, I request your continuous gesture and assistance to the members of the NWC and the PDP in general in view of the current security challenges”.
The requests were said to have been turned down to prevent other political parties from making the same requests.
Punch

Confusion at Northern leaders summit over secession call

by:

Confusion at Northern leaders summit over secession call
• Govs boycott meeting over political undertone
• Danjuma, Ciroma demand withdrawal of remark
Confusion broke out yesterday at a meeting of eminent North East geo-political zone in Bauchi after the convener of the summit asked that the North should pull out of Nigeria ‘if need be’ to take ‘our destiny in our hands’.
Alhaji Bello Kirfi, a retired Federal Permanent Secretary spoke at what was scheduled to be the inauguration of North East Forum for Unity and Development (NEFUD), which he is promoting to address the peculiar socio-economic problems facing Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe States, which constitute the zone.
He was, however, called to order by former Chief of Army Staff and ex-defence minister, General Theophilus Danjuma, who first dissociated himself from Kirfi’s position and then asked him to withdraw the statement immediately.
He said he would not be a party to any move to dismember Nigeria having fought for its unity in the Civil War.
Gen. Danjuma described Kirfi’s statement as weighty.
“As someone who went to the war front and survived it, I must warn that this statement be withdrawn immediately,” he declared.
He got a supporter in former Finance Minister, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, who was the Chairman of the occasion.
The veteran politician and one time governor of the Central Bank announced the withdrawal of the offending statement contained in paragraph 15 at page 9 of Kirfi’s speech.
The crowd in the 5000 capacity Sports Hall, Bauchi applauded the decision.
Kirfi then formally withdrew the sentence although he said it was for the “meantime.”
The summit itself appeared doomed from the beginning following its boycott by Governors Murtala Nyako (Adamawa), Isa Yuguda (Bauchi), Kashim Shettima (Borno), Ibrahim Dankwambo (Gombe), Danjuma Suntai (Taraba) and Ibrahim Gaidam (Yobe), for ‘political reasons.’
They were primed as the key drivers of the forum but opted out on the suspicion that the organisers had not revealed their true intentions.
Gen. Danjuma himself was not comfortable with the governors’ absence and called for the postponement of the summit until the governors would be able to attend.
As the programme was about to get under way he drew attention to their non-participation and recalled that just a few days ago, one of the governors told him they had all agreed to stay away because they suspected there was a hidden agenda.
He said: “ one of the governors told me that all of them had resolved not to come and even advised me to stay away, that there’s a hidden agenda.”
Gen. Danjuma said based on this advice, he went back to read the minutes of the forum’s previous meetings, saying “I am not in a position to pass judgment but this development has created doubt in my mind regarding the motive of the forum. I therefore suggest that this meeting be adjourned immediately and reconvene at a later date when we would have been able to persuade the governors to join us in this noble undertaking.”
He said the inauguration of all the action committees save that of security be shelved.
“I suggest that the security committee when inaugurated should approach and persuade the governors and in fact should be the conveners of the meeting,” he added.
He volunteered to be a member of the security committee, which he suggested should meet the state governors.
Others at the meeting were former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Alhaji Yayale Ahmed, Professor Jubril Aminu, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, former Presidential Adviser on Food security, Professor Ango Abdullahi, Alhaji Adamu Maina Waiziri, Gen Timothy Shelpidi (rtd), Alhaji Bunu Sheriff, and Alhaji Aliyu B. Modibbo.
Also in attendance were: General Yakubu Usman; Deputy Senate Leader, Sen. Abdul Ningi; Senator Aisha Alhassan; former Minister of Women Affairs, Hajiya Inna Ciroma; and former Education Minister, Alhaji Dauda Brima.
The Nation recalled that the Forum’s first meeting was held on June 13, 2012 under the aegis of North East Forum of Concerned Leaders before it transformed into North East Forum for Unity and Development (NEFUD). The Forum according to its founders is concerned about the ongoing insecurity, unemployment and economic underdevelopment, marginalisation, and corruption challenges in the six states of the region.
TheNation

Ango Abdullahi: ‘Why the North can’t trust Jonathan’

By Soni Daniel
…Says ‘We documented OBJ’s anti-North actions’
In this concluding part of the interview with Prof. Ango Abdullahi, a former Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) and spokesman for Northern Elders Forum (NEF), a think thank for the 19 northern states, he speaks on the relationship of President Goodluck Jonathan and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo with the North.
What Alhaji Ahmadu Bello wanted was competetence. He showed  this in the civil service as  well as in the politics of the North at the time. The biggest story people will say about Sardauna’s attitude to good people was when he saw Ibrahim Imam from Borno State going to lose a seat in Borno to return to the Northern House of Assembly as an opposition leader and he was afraid to offend his party-the NPC.
The NPC in Borno insisted that Ibrahim Imam must not come back to represent them. But the Sardauna wanted Imam back and he had the problem of either fighting his party for Imam and that would create a major problem because the governor of the north came from Borno. So he called Joseph Tarka from Benue State to come to Kaduna but the latter refused to come initially wondering what he was calling an opposition leader to come and do in Kaduna. He might have thought he wanted his head being an opposition figure at the time.
He refused to come and then the Sardauna appealed to the Tor Tiv to ask Tarka to come and see him in Kaduna and he eventually went to see him.  On arrival in Kaduna, the Sardauna explained to Tarka that he wanted him to assist in  getting Ibrahim Imam to be allowed to continue in the House of Assembly as the opposition leader. Tarka was shocked. Tarka told the Sardauna he could allow Imam to contest in Borno and not in Benue and he said he did not also want any problem with his party.
So, he pleaded with Tarka to give Imam a seat in Benue and he accepted to give him a constituency in Benue. He contested and won election there. When Tarka went back to the Tor Tiv, he said he did not know that the Sardauna was such a wonderful and selfless leader. He was surprised that the Sardauna still found value in an opposition figure who nonetheless had so much to offer to the generality of the people. This is the kind of leader that he was. From that time on, Tarka was an active contributor to northern unity.
But what actually happened about the divisive thing in the North is that in our fathers’ days, there was really not much room for tribalism and religious hatred. Awolowo respected Azikiwe and so on. But what actually led to weakening the fabric of unity was the creation of states and, before you realise it, elements of statetism began to creep in-rivalry among leaders in the various states which was not there began to creep in but the most potent division which was introduced from outside was religion.  And this was done very well by no other person than former President Olusegun Obasanjo.
Buhari, IBB and OBJ
How did he do it?
He knocked heads, made pronouncements about the North demonizing the region and its people and he did not hide it. He even wanted to recruit Senator Joseph Waku into the demonic campaign of calumny against the North. Not only did he want to demonise them but he also wanted to cripple them. Waku was taken aback. He could not help but to remind him that he was a northerner. He said, ‘No, I am not talking about your kind. I am talking about Hausa-Fulani’. So whatever pretences Obasanjo might have had, it is clear that he was a major instrument in the introduction of divisive tendencies-tribal and religious that weakened the North as a geopolitical entity.
But Obasanjo can defend himself since there is no concrete evidence to support what you are accusing him of…?
No, no no, there is evidence. For a sitting president to call somebody to say that he wanted  to destroy a certain section of the country?
But what could the person do about it?
You mean Waku?
Yes.
Yes, he reported to us at a meeting what Obasanjo wanted him to do against the north and how he reminded him that he was also a northerner.  In response, Obasanjo said he did not mean the Tiv people but the Hausa-Fulani.
But what do you think Obasanjo would want to achieve by demonising the North and its people?
Obasanjo’s quarrel, I understand has to do with the fact that a northerner sent him to jail. And that he could easily remove his garment and show everyone the scars left on him by the beating he got from northerners.  So, all these actions have been properly documented by us. You remember how he wickedly retired so many military officers from the North on the grounds that they served as politicians whereas such postings were purely military assignments. He retired all of them without caring about their careers and future so that they would not work against him and his government.
But the retirements affected all parts of the country and not the North alone.
But it affected the North most. The North had the largest number of military officers retired by Obasanjo. Of course if he did not pronounce it, he would have had a hiding place.  But Obasanjo could not contain himself. He called somebody-a northerner but nor Hausa-Fulani-to tell him that he wanted to harm the North and its people and he reminded him that he was one of them and he quickly said no, not your type but the Hausa/Fulani people’.
And here is Obasanjo still running around, pretending that he is a Nigerian leader and that he wants to still impose his wishes on us. But just like we stopped him from imposing himself on Nigerians through a third term, we will stop him from any of his imaginations. He succeeded with imposing the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua for a simple reason.  Umaru was not a popular northern candidate. He was Obasanjo’s candidate.
But Yar’Adua could have served the interest of the North and Nigeria if he had not died.
No, that is not the point. The reason is that Yar’Adua’s upbringing is typical of northern leadership of the past, deeply rooted in selflessness and humility. You can go to Shagari’s village and check what is there and confirm if he kept anything there for his personal gratification. He was president of Nigeria but did not do anything for himself and his village. But he did for other places. This is the leadership style of the North. We have this culture rooted in our religious belief that you must do to others first before you do for yourself.
If you saying  Obasanjo weakened the North , why didn’t north confront him since then?
Yes, he did substantially. We did confront him otherwise we would not have succeeded in stopping  third term. He had already bought over the Igbo into his programme. He was confident of the South West with Bode George and the rest  of them and had already cornered all the PDP states. It took us a lot of effort outside ACF to stop him. We  created the Northern Union, with Olusola Saraki as the leader and myself as his deputy to run around, canvassing for support to stop Obasanjo’s third term and that was how we eventually worked together with people like Edwin Clark. That was what brought us to Edwin Clark.
You know I wrote Edwin Clark an open letter while he was canvassing for Jonathan to contest the 2011 election, reminding him of what we did with him under an arrangement that Obasanjo was a beneficiary of zoning. I sat with him in Otta and under the constitution he did his first four years and asked for another term as allowed by law. Obasanjo accepted it and signed. Audu Ogbe has the list of the 47 persons who attended the meeting in Otta in 2003. Only four persons refused to sign the zoning agreement. And Jonathan was there, representing his governor.
He signed as number 37 on behalf of his governor for Obasanjo to do another four years-that is the North conceding eight years under the zoning arrangement to the south so that it would take its eight years after Obasanjo. Obasanjo even tried to exceed the two terms by trying a third term. He may deny it but everyone knows that the man was working for a third term by sidelining our constitution. Here is a man who was the first to say that he was not aware of zoning in PDP.
That was what he said. He said he did not recognize zoning. But what is most surprising was that when Jonathan was about the contest the 2011 election,  he did not know about zoning the Presidency. What we were quite willing to accept was that since Yar’adua had died prematurely, he should serve out his remaining term as provided for in the constitution.
But people running around Jonathan said no and that he is the custodian of the mandate of Yar’Adua and he should be allowed to run as if Yar’Adua was not a candidate representing northern interest under the zoning arrangement reached with Obasanjo and other leaders of Nigeria in Otta in 2003. So, how could Jonathan then represent us under the zoning arrangement? He should have stopped at 2007 and for the North to take on the remaining four years.
But Jonathan went ahead and got the support of  some of these northern lackeys who were running around to get either second term as governors or ministerial appointments and the like to say that he could run. They manipulated the congresses and the primaries to his advantage. Each governor was given a box to return Jonathan otherwise they would forfeit their four years with a threat that only the party has the power to submit the names of candidates to the INEC. So the governors struggled to return Jonathan.
President Jonathan
Could that be the reason why some people say that the North is angry with Jonathan?
Yes, it is true. It is true because Jonathan is untrustworthy; he cannot keep a promise. There was a promise that the North would do eight years after Obasanjo. Yar’Adua died midway and they reneged. We had expected that the North would at least be given back power in 2011. But Jonathan argued it in his own way and was supported by some northerners who sold out and pretended that they are were out to protect the interest of the North and we will expose them at the right time.
But the people you are referring to are top political leaders from the North who are either governors or ministers and lawmakers who are playing normal course of politics and I doubt if there is anything anyone can do to them.
They are playing politics with the interest of their people and they want the people to respect and support them? Is that what you mean?  We will expose them at the right time. We will. When we reach the point, you will see their names in the paper.
There is controversy over the onshore/offshore dichotomy, which had long been laid to rest. Why the renewed agitation by the North?
No, it has not been laid to rest. There is a constitution even though some  say it is not good enough. But it is still there serving the people of Nigeria.
Under the law, there is a certain distance between  land and the continental shelf and this is what all other countries of the world apply in the sharing of resource from the sea. They use that law to decide what should go to the state and the entire country. This was the case and this is what really should have been the basis upon which the National Assembly should have based its decision. But the truth is that what drove the process was corruption.
Who was corrupted?
The National Assembly was influenced by those who were interested in abrogating onshore/offshore dichotomy.
But northerners were also in the National Assembly and they could not have been induced to work against their collective interest.
They were the ones who were induced and that is why I tell you that their names will be in the papers very soon. Northern lawmakers sold out. And this is costing the North at least N20 billion monthly. They may have been induced but now their selfish action is costing the North at least N20 billion every month.  But where were the governors?
They were there. Where were the members of the North who were serving in the National Economic Council and others? All the top persons in the government of Obasanjo from the North are all guilty of selling out the interest of the north as far as the onshore/offshore dichotomy is concerned.
But Masari has argued that the action was a national compromise position to save the country from protracted crisis since the oil producing states were insisting on revenue for oil taken from as far as 500 feet isobaths.
No it is absolute nonsense because it is still against international law. They could have adopted another approach and not violate the law.
So what does the North really want concerning the oil law?
Nigeria should comply strictly with the international law of the sea in sharing oil revenue. That is the position of the North. We should be able to decide what to do for the environmental degradation done to the oil producing states by giving those states some level of compensation above others but not to compromise international law the way we are doing. But as long as this law is being distorted to serve an interest that does not appear to be national, then it remains an area of contention.
Given what you have said about the breach of zoning arrangement by Jonathan in 2011, will the North want to support him to contest the 2015 election so as to complete his eight years?
Well I will answer that question by asking you to go and see those governors who supported Jonathan in 2011 and find out whether they are ready to support him in 2015. I never supported him in 2011 and I am not going to do so in 2015. The North that I know and belong to did not support Jonathan in 2011. It is governors who supported him on behalf of the people of the North and I think that question should be directed to them.
But what will the North do?
I can assure you that the North will not sit back for 2011 to repeat itself. That is what I can say at this point in time. We cannot support someone who reneged on a ‘gentleman agreement’ that disqualified him from contesting in the election on purely moral grounds. Again, it is left for Nigerians to judge whether the man has come close to being an effective president for Nigeria since he took power,  whether acting or substantial. And even on the basis of that I thought that the man should disqualify himself from seeking an office even if it is legally feasible for him to do so.
Why should he disqualify himself from seeking office?
He should do so because even those who supported him initially have come out to say that this is one of the most incompetent presidents that this country has ever produced. Incompetence is the key word. What has he done that this country wanted that he has done? Corruption is at its peak under his leadership and that is why the country is reversing to the debt trap.
Even Obasanjo left some substantial foreign reserves and virtually cleared the debt burden of the country before leaving office. But now the reserves are  gone and we are back in debts. Subsidy is at the forefront of corruption. Over N2.6 trillion gone in the name of oil subsidy and it is evident that most people who fronted this scam did so to return most of the money to the electioneering campaign of 2011. Many of them are anxious to go to court to say so and that is why the government is reluctant to prosecute them.
So, under this government, you can individualise cases of corruption and they have not had the courage to convict one person for stealing public wealth with impunity. And you have this cumulative exhibition of incompetent president in his pronouncements. When he was in Anambra the other day, he said, “I have come to my people”. So they are his people and other states are not his people?
All these crises that have happened in Jos, Maiduguri, or Yobe where hundreds of people have been killed, Jonathan never showed up even once. And he is claiming to be president of Nigeria. He has made all manner of statements that portray him as totally incompetent and totally unsuitable for a nationalistic disposition. He cannot be the national leader. And perhaps that is why Obasanjo his godfather has given up on him and abandoned  him to his fate.
Vanguard

Vigilantes Free Kidnapped Osun Speaker’s Wife In Ogun State-PREMIUM TIMES


Mrs. Muibat Salam
By Dimeji Kayode-Adedeji
The wife of the Speaker of the Osun State House of Assembly, Muibat Salam, who was kidnapped on Tuesday, has been freed.
PREMIUM TIMES learnt that Mrs. Salam was rescued by members of the Ogun State Vigilante Service on Saturday at about 5.30p.m.
Two of her abductors were also killed while three others were abducted by the vigilante.
The rescue operation is said to have occurred along Ogunmakin axis of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, located in Obafemi-Owode Local Government Area of Ogun State.
Mrs. Salam was kidnapped in Osun State as she left her goods store on Tuesday . The kidnappers then transferred her to Ogun where she was rescued.
The vigilante, established by the Ogun State Government, reportedly worked on a tip-off by residents of the area.
The kidnappers, realising that their hideout was exposed, tried to escape with their victim. They were engaged in a shootout by the Ogun vigilante, which led to the death of two of the kidnappers and arrest of three others.
The victim was rescued unhurt, PREMIUM TIMES learnt.
The victim and the arrested kidnappers are now in the custody of the Ogun police after they were handed over by the vigilante.
When contacted, the Ogun State Commissioner of Police, Ikemefuna Okoye, said he was on his way to the Eleweran Police Headquarters in Ogun over the matter.
“Please, I’m on my way to the police headquarters over the matter. I will get back to you later,” Mr. Okoye said on phone.

Aluu Killings: “The students I served for 35 years, have destroyed all I worked for” – Lecturer


As the police continue with their investigations into the circumstance surrounding last week’s killing of four students of the University of Port Harcourt, CHUKWUDI AKASIKE reports that those behind the act will suffer the burden of guilt for a long time
Rivers, a state that prides itself as the Treasure Base of the nation, has been battling flood disasters in three local government areas before it received with shock the news of the grisly murder of four students of the University of Port Harcourt by a lynch mob.
The people of Omuokiri Aluu in Ikwerre Local Government Area, one of the host communities of the tertiary institution, ohave been on the defensive since then about the circumstances that led to the lynching of the undergraduates.
The four students – Chidiaka Biringa, Kelechi Ugonna, Lloyd Toku and Tekena Erikena- were branded thieves, brutalised and set ablaze by some members of the community for allegedly stealing a laptop computer and a BlackBerry phone.
The incident, which occurred on Oct. 5, 2012, has attracted condemnation from the international community. Not a few believe that the jungle justice meted to the UNIPORT Four gave out those behind the act as uncivilised, barbaric, cruel, inconsiderate and heartless.
Though many stories have been peddled about the circumstances that led to the killing of the students, the one that appears to be logical was that the students were forcibly held by some indigenes of Omuokiri Aluu community, after a student purportedly owing one of the slain students raised a false alarm that sent community members coming for Erikena, Ugonna, Toku and Biringa’s jugular.
For over two hours, the lynch mob stripped the students and beat them with cudgels, while a huge crowd urged them on.
The gory episode went on even as one bloodthirsty man was seen in a video tape taking it upon himself to hit the obviously defenceless and almost motionless undergraduates until they began to gasp for breath.
Not satisfied, the man gave the students the final blows before mobilising his fellow executioners to set them ablaze.
Surprisingly, a group of policemen that came from Isiokpo could not save the situation. By the time operatives of the Joint Task Force and some parents of the students came to the scene of what many termed a disgraceful act by a community, three of the undergraduates had died. The remaining one that was gasping for breath died before the JTF could get him to the University of Port Harcourt Teaching Hospital.
Satisfied that the students were dead, people of Omuokiri Aluu community went about their normal business, giving the impression that they did nothing wrong. Last Sunday, the State Police Command swung into action and arrested 13, including a community leader, who allegedly endorsed the killing of the four students.
It was at that point that the people of Aluu realised that they goofed by lynching the UNIPORT Four. Since the arrest, community members have been leaving their houses in droves in order to avoid being arrested by the police.
Again, the rumour of a possible reprisal by UNIPORT students to avenge the slaying of their colleagues, sent shivers down the spines of the hitherto fearless people. Ultimately, Omuokiri Aluu was deserted by its inhabitants, whose burden of guilt was not difficult to notice. The saying that a clear conscience fears no accusation came to the fore. In this situation, the conscience was not clear and there was no need to be stubborn about leaving the area to avoid being arrested.
But those who agreed to stay waited and got a large dose of UNIPORT students’ anger. The students, who were mobilised by the National Association of Nigerian Students, blocked the busy East-West Road for many hours on Tuesday. They later stormed the community to vent their spleen on the people of Omuokiri Aluu. Houses, cars and other valuables were set ablaze within 30 minutes of the raid in the area, which is 3km from the institution.
Sensing that they were now on the defensive, the inhabitants of the area insisted that they were not involved in the killing of the undergraduates. Not even one of them (Omuokiri Aluu people) could point at one man or woman that was among the killers of the slain students. But those whose properties were damaged lamented their loss and sought government assistance to restore whatever amount their burnt property would cost.
When Saturday PUNCH visited the area, some indigenes of the community were seen in a pensive mood over the loss of their valuables. One of the leaders of the community, Elder Sunday Ahanonu, said that he lost all he laboured for to the reprisals by students of the university. Ahanonu, whose house was torched by students on Tuesday, expressed shock that security agents could not stop the rampaging students from their destructive mission.
Explaining that he worked with UNIPORT for 35 years before retiring, Ahanonu said he had lost everything he achieved in the past to the rage of the students of the university. He appealed to the state government and the management of the university to compensate him for the destruction of his property, adding that he and members of his family were not involved in the killing of the four UNIPORT students.
“I am a retired civil servant. I worked with UNIPORT for 35 years. But all I have achieved for many years have been destroyed by students from the university. I don’t know where my family and I will lay our heads when my only house has been burnt. I lost the sum of N850,000 cash, which I kept in my house to the students. I could not take the money to the bank because I was not feeling okay and went to the hospital. It was at the hospital that I learnt that my house was burnt by students,” the 65 year-old father of 15 children lamented.
A woman, Pauline Nwankwo, told Saturday PUNCH that she left the village when she learnt that security agents had embarked on the mass arrest of residents, but came back to notice that her beer parlour had been burgled. Nwankwo stated that the rampaging students forced their way into the beer parlour and carried away her freezer and drinks.
“As a woman, I had to run away when we noticed that the police were embarking on a mass arrest of people. The students broke the door to my beer parlour and took away a freezer I bought for N66,000. I want the government to pay me back all I have lost. The students were killed far from here at the Borough pit. We don’t know anything about the killing of the students,” she said.
Members of the community were also seen leaving their homes in droves to other places in order to avoid being attacked by angry students of the university. One of them, Comfort, told our correspondent that she was taking her children to Elele and would only come back whenever normalcy returned to Omuokiri Aluu. An artisan, Mr. Wisdom Ajuwon, who deals in repairing home appliances along the Omuokiri Aluu Road, said he lost property worth N500,000 to the rioting students. Showing our correspondent a list of what he lost to the fire ignited by students, Ajuwon appealed to the state government to come to his aid. A cleric in the area, Pastor John Paul, described the situation in the community as terrible. Paul observed that people were running out of their fathers’ land like refugees.
While the heavy presence of security agents in Aluu to forestall further breakdown of law and order is appreciated, many are of the view that the mere refutation of the crime was not enough to give the people of the area a clean bill of health. A Port Harcourt-based social commentator, Mr. Ben Amachree, said the killing of the UNIPORT Four would forever haunt the people of the community. Amachree pointed out that those involved in the killing of the students could forever suffer the burden of guilt if nothing was done to address the injustice against the slain undergraduates
Though, the university has been shut down indefinitely to prevent any further ugly incident, it is the prayer of every discerning mind, especially the grieving parents of the deceased, that those responsible for the killing of the young undergraduates are brought to book.
 DailyPost

Obasanjo In Nigerian History

Abba Mahmood's picture
I was reading Mr. Femi Fani-Kayode’s article where he replied Chief EK Clark’s attack on him recently. In that article, former aviation minister Fani-Kayode listed three Nigerians as the greatest leaders the country ever had. These, according to him, were Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Ahmadu Bello and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. He mentioned in that article that all three were persecuted and even went to jail at various times but ended  up triumphant by going ahead to not only lead but they led the people effectively too.
Yours sincerely was still thinking about all these things that Femi wrote when I saw an interview by Kano State governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso in which he mentioned how Obasanjo refused to sign the bill passed by the National Assembly that abrogated the onshore/offshore dichotomy because he considered it unfair, unjust and inequitable in a federation like Nigeria. Of course, that got me thinking on the place of Obasanjo in Nigeria’s history.
The Hausa have a saying: Allah ya hana ranar yabo (God forbid the day of praises). It only goes to show that it is very difficult to pay tribute to a living person; such praises are usually reserved for when the person is dead. But it seems anyone who does worthy and noble deeds ought to be celebrated while he or she is still alive – to encourage him or her to do more or to make others emulate the good deeds.
One may hate or love Obasanjo for whatever reasons one may have, but one thing no one can take away from him is the fact that he is passionate about Nigeria, Africa and those things he holds dear. He fought for the unity and indivisibility of Nigeria – he was the commander who received the instrument of surrender from the Biafra commanders in 1970 at the end of the civil war. He subsequently served in the Gowon administration as federal commissioner (minister) of works. When the military overthrew Gowon because he had no programme for transition to civil rule in July 1975, Obasanjo emerged as the effective No.2 man in the new administration under Gen. Murtala Muhammed.
With the assassination of Gen. Murtala, Obasanjo emerged head of state in February 1976. He faithfully implemented the transition programme and kept faith by handing over to elected civilians in 1979 – the second African to ever do that voluntarily.
More than anything, that raised his profile around the world. But before then, as military ruler he did so many laudable things: the launch of the Universal Primary Education programme; the establishment of functional river basin authorities across the country to boost agriculture in addition to the Operation Feed the Nation; and the building of roads, schools, universities and other institutions across the country. He also continued with the radical, pan-African foreign policy that helped the decolonisation process across the remaining countries that were still under foreign domination in Africa.
He could also be fair and just. For instance, soon after assuming office as head of state, there was a delegation from the old Bauchi State, now Bauchi and Gombe, who came to complain to him that they had no one in the Supreme Military Council and no governor or minister (federal commissioner then) from that state. Obasanjo listened to them patiently. He then told them that if they agreed he would be the representative of their state in all the three organs of the government. They happily accepted. He subsequently influenced the siting of Steyr Motor Assembly plant in Bauchi
In 1999, when the military was totally discredited for overstaying their welcome in power, Obasanjo easily got the overwhelming support of most Nigerians and got elected as the second democratically elected executive president of Nigeria. He refocused the nation’s foreign policy and re-established Nigeria as an important member of the comity of nations; he repaid almost all the external debts of the country; he embarked upon fundamental reform of the nation’s economy and polity by bringing many young technocrats into his government such as Okonjo-Iweala, Soludo, el-Rufai, Ribadu and Ezekwesili, particularly during his second term.
There was an unsuccessful attempt to amend the constitution to enable Obasanjo go for a third term which really soiled his credibility. The electoral process has also been deteriorating with every successive election, which has rubbed negatively on his integrity. There were also many allegations of corruption under Obasanjo even though he was the first leader to embark upon a sustained struggle against the corruption monster in Nigeria. With the death of the constitution amendment process in 2006, Obasanjo quickly organised an election and handed over to the YarAdua/Jonathan regime in 2007.
Regardless of what anyone may say, Obasanjo has been a recurring decimal in Nigerian history for almost 50 years now. One thing no one can take away from him is the fact that he knows and loves this country very well. He shares this attribute with one other former president as well. In spite of some of his shortcomings as a human being and as a leader, history will be kind to him because he has been able to transcend many primordial considerations in the discharge of his duties.
He has already said he will not seek any elective office again. But there are many things the present and future generations will learn from Obasanjo. Fortunately, he likes writing and his next books will be very rich, given his experience, exposure and expertise in both private and public spheres.
And for the next coming decades, there is no government that will come without some Obasanjo loyalists, because he was able to mentor many young and old people all over the country who will continue to be relevant now and in the foreseeable future. Such is his breadth of network that he has intimate friends and associates in virtually all the local government areas in Nigeria and in many countries of the world.
When the centennial history of Nigeria will be written in the next two years – during which the nation will be 100 years – Obasanjo’s name will appear in many pages because his history is inextricably intertwined with Nigeria’s history. While some will see him as cunning, foxy and manipulating, others will see him as a great patriot, nationalist, pan-African and reformer whose impact reflects dedication to the nation.
But, surely, it will be written that there was one man impervious to obstacles, impatient with petty calculations, unapologetic about his African roots and undisturbed by latent and apparent tensions: Baba Obasanjo. God save Nigeria
Leadership

‘Blood oil’: Exploring the illegitimate oil trade in Nigeria

 by Katharine Dennys
e
Speaking at a G8 summit in 2008, the late Nigerian president, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, first used the term ‘blood oil’ to describe the illegal oil trade in Nigeria, calling on the international community to bring it to an end.(2) Four years later, the illegal oil trade, known as bunkering, is at an all-time high. Nigeria is estimated to lose US$ 24.64 billion (N 3.7 trillion) in revenue to illegal bunkering per year.(3) This activity is focussed on the Niger Delta, a historic centre for oil related gang violence and crime, where it is estimated that 150,000 barrels of crude oil are stolen daily.(4)
As well as presenting a pervasive threat to oil and gas investment in Nigeria, oil theft serves to exacerbate social tensions and preserve the status quo of clan violence in the region. Due to the complex web of inter-related parties currently promoting the continuation of oil theft, a pragmatic and efficient response to the problem has not yet materialised. This point was made clear in a BBC report, in which a source close to  Nigeria’s former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, stated: “This is an industry that makes £30 million (US$ 60 million) a day, they'd kill you, me, anyone, in order to protect it…they could bring the state down.”(5) This paper examines the nature of and motivations behind this illegal oil trade in Nigeria, and analyses the economic and social implications of its continuation.

Method and motives

Oil bunkering is the process whereby crude oil is illegally siphoned straight from the pipeline onto barges, which transfer the load onto ships waiting offshore. This oil is then sold without a licence or authorisation from the state-run Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), and without payment of taxes, levies, and dues to the Nigeria Government.(6)
Illegal bunkering is a response to the inequality of wealth in Nigeria, both an economic and social condition whereby great wealth is accrued by a marginal elite within the oil and gas industry. This is made possible due the Nigerian Government‘s inability to control corruption within the oil and gas sector. Many of the oil thieves operating in the Niger Delta believe they are taking oil that is rightfully theirs, but which has been denied them by the corrupt elite of the Nigerian oil industry.
Thieves are able to access the crude oil due to exposed pipelines, the source of stolen crude oil. A leaked copy of a confidential report by Shell describes a method known as ‘hot tapping’, also known as ‘under pressure drilling’, whereby thieves use hacksaws to damage pipelines, forcing oil companies to shut down oil flow on the affected pipeline.(7) Once this is done, the oil thieves install bunkering points on the hacked portion of the exposed pipes and attach hoses and suction instruments to the pipes. Once oil starts flowing through the pipelines again, they are able to siphon the flowing crude to locally made barges or large canoes named Cotonu boats. These barges are said to be able to store up to 40,000 barrels of crude oil at a time.(8) The alternate method, known as ‘cold-tapping’, is the process whereby oil bunkering gangs blow up a pipeline, using dynamite or any other available explosive, putting it out of use long enough for them to attach their spur pipeline. This method requires prior knowledge of the oil companies’ operational hours, so that they can target at an opportune moment.(9)
The oil thieves sell their stolen oil both on the domestic and international markets. The oil is either sold to local refineries in the creeks or to large offshore tankers waiting to transport the cargoes to the international markets.The leaked Shell report confirms that the portion that is sold to the local refineries in the creeks is refined into diesel, transferred to a storage depot and then sold in the local Nigerian market. The stolen and locally refined diesel is sold at about N150 (US$ 00.95) per litre compared to the official price of N190 (US$ 1.20) per litre.(10) The illegal oil has also been known to be traded in international waters. Once it reaches international waters via boat, illegal oil receives a “stamp of legitimacy” from international corporations, thereby transforming it into a legal commodity.(11) The proceeds of the crude oil are then able to be legitimately transferred back to Nigerian banks disguised as the proceeds of a legal transaction.
The perpetrators of oil theft in the Niger Delta are expert in navigating the creeks of the Delta, making their activities virtually undetectable. Benefitting from the complex networks of creeks, the thieves operate at night to further disguise their activities. Mpaka Jack, head of surveillance for Shell pipelines in the area has stated that “They are quite brilliant at it. They are hard to detect because there are so many creeks, you can’t block all of them and these guys are native to the area - they know all the creeks.”(12) Krakrama-Bille community located in the Rivers State part of the Niger Delta is a well-known host of illegal oil refineries, as are Bodo in Ogoniland, Awoba Riser, and Ekulama, also located in Rivers State.(13)

Effects on social welfare

Aside from the obvious impact the illegal oil trade is having on the Nigerian economy and the resulting rising cost of production, the illegal trade has also had a negative impact on those who feel forced to partake in the theft as well as on people living in the areas where bunkering takes place. High unemployment and a lack of alternative employment opportunities have meant that individuals often partake in the illegal oil trade despite the significant risks involved. The illegal oil trade is extremely dangerous, particularly for those utilising the ‘cold-tapping’ method which involves the use of explosives. While the explosions themselves can cause injury, those involved are also vulnerable to injury from a gas explosion, a common result of the practice, and from rashes due to contact with the harsh chemicals. Furthermore, people living around busted pipelines are also susceptible to disease and rashes from benzene contamination of the surrounding water for example.(14)
The oil trade also has the effect of fuelling conflict and violence in the Niger Delta. The area has had a violent history due to warring factions fighting over the resources in the oil rich region. Sabotage, and kidnappings have long been perpetrated by criminal gangs and militants who claim to be fighting to gain the local population a greater share of the country's oil wealth.(15) This resource-fuelled violence has decreased dramatically since the amnesty deal for militants in the Niger Delta by the Nigerian Government aimed at reducing unrest was implemented in 2009. However, since then a precarious peace has resided in the Niger Delta, which the illegal oil trade threatens to upset.
It has been estimated that the majority of the illegal bunkering, perhaps 80%, is organised and controlled by local warlords.(16) These warlords each exert control over their specific territory and buyers, dissuading other warlords from entering their territory through bribery and force. Further to this, ‘passage communities’, villages on the route to the offshore tankers must be ‘settled’. This results in thieves hiring boys from the local villages to carry out the bunkering work, including the hiring of local armed boys to provide ‘security’.(17)

Who is to blame?

The illegal oil trade is made possible by an intricate and complex web of relationships, which span all levels of society and which often result from political, ethnic or cult relationships. As a result, accountability for the crime is difficult to ascertain.When asked if local people, security forces or Government officials were responsible for the oil theft, Brigadier General Elias Zamani, the general once leading Nigeria's fight against rebels in the Niger Delta, simply stated, “All.”(18)
It has been suggested that the syndicate making the illegal trade possible consists of “powerful and well-connected Nigerians many of whom are capable of destabilising the country if a serious attempt is made to stop the trade.”(19) Furthermore, it is claimed that militants have threatened to blow up pipelines if their lucrative business is threatened. “It is not unusual to hear militants in the Niger Delta boast that they will make the [G]overnment uncomfortable if they are prevented from stealing crude oil.”(20) Due to the Nigerian Government’s reliance on crude oil exports for 90% of its overall revenue, it is reluctant to take this risk.(21) These factors have resulted in a lack of intervention and the continuation of the illegal oil trade.
Many parties benefit from preserving the status quo, and the illegal oil trade has been described as “a business in the community.”(22) The Trade Union Congress (TUC) and the Joint Task Force (JTF) in the Niger Delta have both received accusations for their involvement in illegal oil bunkering and the vandalising of petroleum pipelines in the region. Hyginus Onuegbu, Chairman of the TUC in Rivers State, points the finger squarely at the JTF: "any helicopter overfly of the Niger Delta waterways will clearly show that those involved in illegal oil bunkering are not hiding. They are in active partnership with members of the JTF."(23) However, a source from within the JTF has claimed that some of the barges and other sea-going vessels used in the illegal bunkering business belong to some members of the TUC, stating that “they are shouting now so that they can divert the attention of the federal [G]overnment from knowing what they are doing."(24) Although it is not possible to place the blame solely on one organisation, what these accusations and counter-accusations show is the scale of the illegal oil theft and the widespread involvement of elements of regulatory bodies in the crime.
Due to the fact that people higher up the chain of command are protected by people ‘on the ground’, it is currently impossible to stop the crime at its source. As Sola Owoeye, an economist and former lecturer at Lagos State University maintains, “It is only the people on the field that are caught and not the financiers of the crime. And if they are not caught, we can’t end the crime.”(25)

Conclusion

Due to the reasons put forward in this paper, the illegal oil trade in the Niger Delta will continue into the future with a disproportionate level of opposition from both the Nigerian Federal Government and security forces. This is due to the fact that the perpetrators of illegal bunkering are spread throughout society, and exist on many social levels. While there is a wealthy elite profiting from the actions of local communities within the Niger Delta, the illegal trade will continue.
This problem is not just confined to Nigeria but also involves international partners, further embedding the crime in an international web of benefitting parties. Due to this fact, and the fact that illegal oil trade is rooted in the social and economic conditions from which it was created, an effective solution seems an improbable goal at present. Aside from the financial loss felt by investors in the region, the long term effect will be felt by the local populations of the Niger Delta, due to the “culture of armed insecurity” being nurtured through this illegal trade.(26) Although the financial losses to companies are widely documented, what should not be forgotten are the social effects of this widespread crime.
Consultancy Africa Intelligence (CAI)