Saturday, 13 October 2012

Court approves MCSN N5.2bn lawsuit against Multichoice


John Ugbe (Multichoice)
A Lagos State Federal High Court has dismissed the preliminary objection filed by media Company Multichoice Nigeria Limited against a N5.2bn counter-claim brought against it by the Musical Copyright Society Nigeria (MCSN) for the alleged illegal use of its works from 2006 till date.
It all started in 2011 when Multichoice earlier filed a writ of summons in Suit No. FHC/L/CS/1091/11 against MCSN, praying the court to grant a perpetual injunction stopping MCSN from asking or demanding from Multichoice to obtain copyright licence for the broadcast and communication to the public of musical works on the radio and television channels operated and distributed by the media company within Nigeria ‘because MCSN was not licensed or approved by the Nigerian Copyright Commission as a collecting society’.
MCSN then filed a counterclaim of N5.2 billion for the infringement of its copyright by Multichoice Nigeria from 2006 till date. The copyright society argues that Section 52 and Section 3 of the Fifth Schedule of the Copyright Act 2004 duly recognizes and save the rights of MCSN which it has acquired under several contracts.
The stage is thus set for trial on November 1, 2012.
MultiChoice is a South African company which operates the DStv Satellite Television service, the main satellite TV service in Sub-Saharan Africa. It is owned by the Naspers media conglomerate.
 BusinessNews

Aluu Killings: Community denies involvement in death, demand release of monarch


Seven days after four students of the University of Port Harcourt (UNIPORT) were killed by an irate mob in Aluu in Ikwere local government area of Rivers State, the community yesterday broke its silence on the matter.
The community denied that its members were involved in the incident and demanded the immediate release of its detained traditional ruler, Alhaji Hassan Welewa.
The people warned that they would not fold their hands against any further destruction of their community and the infliction of pains on them.They urged security agencies to take note of plans to attack Aluu community by some ethnic groups whose sons were victims of the mob action.
Spokesman of Aluu Garshon Benson, who disclosed this during a media briefing attended by the chairman, Aluu Council of Chiefs, Richard Kalu, called for the release of the detained traditional ruler.
Benson also called on security agencies to stop the harassment and arrests of innocent Aluu natives and urged the outfits to carry out a thorough investigation of the gruesome murder of the students and bring the culprits to book.
He said: “It has come to our notice that some ethnic groups in the state whose sons were among those murdered on our soil are threatening to attack Aluu. We really sympathise with them for the loss of their children and reiterate that no Aluu man has a hand in their death.
“We implore them to allow security agencies to fish out the actual killers of their sons, but also warn strongly that we will no longer fold our arms and watch further destruction of our communities and the infliction of pains and injuries on the good and law-abiding people of Aluu clan.”
 DailyPost

Why Igbo ought to be president in 2015 (1)

Why Igbo ought to be president in 2015 (1)

It is strange and unthinkable that despite the enormous contributions of Igbo to the economic, political and social development of Nigeria, they have never produced the executive president of Nigeria. Some persons have even, at several times, referred to Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s tenure as President in the First Republic as executive.
Nevertheless, those familiar with the political history of Nigeria know that Dr. Azikiwe’s presidency was ceremonial; that is without executive powers. In fact, in the power configuration at that time, executive powers resided with the Prime Minister – a position held by Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi. I must state without hesitation that power sharing among the regions that made up Nigeria at the time was equitably done. In fact, Igbo held strategic positions and virtually controlled the reins of power. They were everywhere – Police, Army, Navy, Air Force.
Interestingly, they showed competence in every assignment they were given. The period leading to the first democratic election in Nigeria saw a crystallisation of forces from the three major regions of Nigeria for the control of political power. This culminated in the emergence of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, as the first President and Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, as the Prime Minister. Between the two, political powers resided with Balewa as the Prime Minister. The role of Dr. Azikiwe in the government was ceremonial and aimed at stabilising the reins of power under Nigerians. Do not forget that the country was just smarting from the long control of power by the colonialists who were determined to put their stooges in control of key political offices. Some had argued that Dr. Azikiwe as the first indigenous governor-general had taken the share of Igbo in the power equation at that time. But from the power structure designed by the British colonial masters, it was clear that they wanted somebody with elitist and western orientation to hold that office.
And Azikiwe suited that purpose since he trained and worked abroad before returning to Nigeria to join the independence struggle. I have had the privilege of visiting the famous Pennsylvania University, Philadelphia. It is there that the great works of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe are deeply appreciated. It is also there that the Great Zik made his name in academics. Again, Azikiwe (fondly called Zik) was roundly detribalised and this made it easier for the colonialists to cede power to Nigerians without losing their overbearing influence at the same time. Ordinarily, it would have been very easy for Zik to scheme and clinch the coveted position of Prime Minister if he had shown the simplest interest. But he never did; rather he agreed that Balewa should take the office, for peace to reign and for democratic rule to take root.
Before I proceed with tracing the history of power control by the various ethnic groups, it is important to observe that it has never been in question that Nigeria has three major tribes, comprising Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba, and that each of them had ruled Nigeria for over eight years, except Igbo. Around these tribes are other multi-cultural, dialectical ethnic groupings that make up the corporate entity called Nigeria. From available records, there are over 350 of them. With time, the number will increase, as new dialects are discovered.
However, there seems to be undisputable squabbles among them for control and recognition. The ethnocentric differences among these various groupings spring from their age-long desire to assert themselves more autonomously. In fact, the struggle for autonomy has spanned the entire gamut of our socio-political set-up, throwing up all kinds of insurgencies and insurrections that have even seen brothers pitted against brothers.
Even those tribes that lack the capacity to stand alone in the struggle are also striving for recognition. It was the same agitation that led to the South-South producing its first democratically elected President for Nigeria. Nevertheless, some pundits and political commentators had thought that Igbo should have produced the President before the South-South, since the South-South is deemed to be one of the minority ethnic groupings in the country. But some visible factors accounted for the swift ascendancy to power by the South-South geopolitical zone. The first and most critical factor was the coordinated agitation they championed that saw the establishment of the Niger Delta Ministry by the late President Umar Musa Yar’Adua.
Again, the argument that the South-South had been raped and pillaged despite the fact that 70 per cent of the nation’s oil resources come from the zone became handy. It helped to disarm those that had any contrary views about it. Indeed, from the body language of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, it was clear that he had made up his mind to compensate the South-South Zone. Probably, he settled for this option to spite some persons and tribes that had opposed his tenure elongation agenda. By nominating the then Governor Goodluck Jonathan (now President) as deputy to sick Umar Yar’Adua, it was glaring that he had something up his sleeves.
That thing came to the fore with the death of President Musa Yar’Adua. Now back to the era before the first military coup in Nigeria. By 1966, the ominous signs were everywhere – an indication that the relative peace being enjoyed by the country was about to snap. The Chukwuma Nzeogwu coup of 1966 and the counter coup of the same year were the last straw that broke the camel’s back. The first coup threw up a renowned Igbo son, General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi as Head of State. He ruled for only six months and was brutally murdered in a counter coup masterminded by young northern military officers.
The latest coup saw the emergence of Yakubu Gowon as Head of State. Gowon held the reins of power throughout the period of the civil war, up till the time he was overthrown by another northern officer – General Murtala Mohammed – who was assassinated in 1975. Naturally, the power baton fell on a Yoruba army officer, Olusegun Obasanjo. Obasanjo was the Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters and the No. 2 man at the time.
It was Obasanjo that handed over to Shehu Shagari (from Sokoto) as civilian president. Shagari chose Dr. Alex Ekwueme from the then old Anambra State as his deputy. They were in office till December 31, 1983 when they were overthrown by the Major General Muhammadu Buhari/Tunde Idiagbon junta. They stayed in office until August 27, 1985 when Major General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida from Minna (North Central) led a coup that toppled them.
Babangida was in power from 1985 to 1993 when he stepped aside to give way to an Interim Government led by a corporate executive, Chief Ernest Shonekan. The interim government arrangement did not last, as it was booted out by Major General Sani Abacha in a bloodless coup on November 18, 1993. It is important to point out at this point that there was a failed attempt by a group of some northern young military officers to topple Babangida on April 22, 1990. The coup failed because the coup plotters, led by one Colonel Okar, were too ambitious when they called for the excision of some parts of the country from the rest of Nigeria.
It was a risk too heavy to take. They took and paid dearly for it. Had the coup succeeded, nobody could have hazarded a guess as to what would have happened to the country called Nigeria. The coup failed and Nigeria has continued to exist. After the death of Abacha on June 8, 1998, power vacuum existed that saw to the emergence of Major General Abdulsalami Abubakar as Head of State. True to his pledge to hand over power after a very short tenure, he exited from office on May 29, 1999. Before then, he had conducted a fairly generally acceptable election from which Olusegun Obasanjo emerged a second time as Head of State. It is vital to observe that it was easy for Obasanjo (representing the South West Yoruba) to emerge as President.
His presidency was substantially facilitated by the reasoning at that time to compensate the Yoruba for the death of Chief M.K.O Abiola – acclaimed winner of the June 12, 1993 Presidential Election. Obasanjo was in power for eight uninterrupted years with Abubakar Atiku (from Adamawa – North East) as deputy. At the expiration of his tenure, he handed over to former Governor of Katsina State, Umar Musa Yar’Adua, with Goodluck Jonathan as his deputy in 2007. Evoking the Doctrine of Necessity, the National Assembly voted for Goodluck Jonathan to act as President pending when Yar’Adua would be fit to return.
Unfortunately, Yar’Adua died in office as the mantle fell on his deputy, Goodluck Jonathan. Jonathan contested for President on his own recognition in 2011 and won. Though there was indignation among PDP members that the party’s zoning formula was jettisoned. What then will happen in 2015? Equity simply demands that since Igbo are yet to produce Nigeria’s executive president as other tribes had done, they should be allowed to do so in 2015. Some analysts argued that the presidency is not given to anybody, rather you fight for it.
But let me ask: did the South-South really fight for it before they got it? If it is a thing you get by fighting, Igbo would have got it long ago, having fought a bloody civil war for 30 months. That the South-South got it this time was a combination of factors – some of which I had already stated in the foregoing part of this piece. Nevertheless, it is significant to state here that there was no way Jonathan would have won the Presidency in 2011 without the support of Igbo.
Igbo, as a nation, threw their support solidly behind him. Ohanaeze Ndigbo, South East Governors’ Forum and numerous other socio-political groups supported the Jonathan/Sambo ticket agenda. In any case, followers of Nigeria’s development will attest, if they want to be honest, that no other tribal group had contributed to the development of Nigeria as much as Igbo. Applying every index of measurement, I wish to state categorically and without any fear of contradiction, that Igbo are overqualified to lead this country.
Igbo is the only tribe whose people live in every part of the globe. There is no place in the entire world you would not find Igbo, except there is no life in such a place. In business, education, politics, and the like, Igbo have played pivotal role. Nigeria is where it is today, developmentally, because Igbo have used their ingenuity and dexterity to reengineer it and reposition it. I had already mentioned the invaluable contributions of the Great Zik of Africa to the struggle for independence.
What of the other notable Igbo patriots, such as Akanu Ibiam, Michael Okpara, Eni Njoku, Sam Ikoku, Ojike Mbonu, K.O. Mbadiwe, Dennis Osadebey, Jaja Nwachukwu, Aja Nwachukwu, that worked with Zik to liberate Nigeria from the shackles of colonialism. The history of Nigeria cannot be complete without their names. There were other latter-day Igbo who played a significant role in the development of Nigeria. Under this category were great men, such as Chief Ukpabi Asika (former Administrator of East Central State), Chief Sam Mbakwe (former governor of old Imo State), Chief R.B.K. Okafor (of the Nigeria Peoples’ Party fame), Dr. Pius Okigbo (the renowned economist), Christopher Okigbo, Prof. Kenneth Dike (former President of Anambra State University of Science and Technology, Enugu), Professor Gordian Ezekwe (a former Director of PRODA, Enugu, and Minister of Science and Technology), Engineer Roy Umenyi (former governor of Old Anambra State).
There are others who fall into this category, but are still alive. They include Chief Mbazulike Amaechi (Transport Minister in the First Republic), Chief Philip Asiodu, Cyprian Amadi (the passionate writer), Flora Nwakpa (the tireless and elegant female writer). There are the younger generation of Igbo, who deserve some recognition. They include Chief Arthur Mbanefo (one-time Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations), Chief Prof. Chinua Achebe (the literary icon and author of the famous Things Fall Apart), Prof. Chike Obi (the indefatigable and cerebral mathematician), Philip Emeagwali (the computer whiz kid who amazed the world with his intellectuality and innovativeness), etc. The list is endless.
The Sun

IG turns down PDP’s request for more security

 by OLUSOLA FABIYI 

Inspector-General of Police, Alhaji Abubakar Mohammed
The insecurity situation in the country has forced the leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party to request extra security around its national headquarters in Abuja and offices at other state chapters.
The request was made when members of the party’s National Working Committee led by its Chairman, Bamanga Tukur, assumed office.
Its National Secretary, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, made the request on behalf of his party.
Oyinlola, a former governor of Osun State, wrote a letter to the Inspector General of Police, Mr. Mohammed Abubakar.
It was also learnt that he made a similar request in a letter to a former Minister of Defence, Dr. Bello Mohammed, asking that an Armoured Personnel Carrier be stationed directly in front of the party’s national secretariat at Zone 5, Abuja.
SUNDAY PUNCH, however gathered on Saturday that the request had been turned down.
Oyinlola then turned to the Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Abubakar, for more security for the party in Ogun State.
His memo on the request was dated August 27, 2012.
The letter to the IGP, with reference PDP/N5/08.12 was entitled, “Occupation of the Ogun State Secretariat of the PDP.”
Oyinlola wrote, “Further to my last correspondence to you notifying you of the recognition of a new state executive committee of the PDP in Ogun state by the national secretariat, I wish to inform you that the new executive committee headed by Senator Dipo Odujinrin is the body that should legitimately occupy the state secretariat of the PDP in Abeokuta, Ogun state.
“Accordingly, I should be most grateful for your assisting the Odujinrin-led executive committee to take effective possession of the PDP secretariat in Ogun state for its operation as the validly recognised body that is administering the PDP in Ogun state.
“Your directive for the compliance to the Commissioner of Police, Ogun State Police Command would be deeply appreciated in order to allow for peace and orderly conduct at the state PDP secretariat.”
A member of the NWC of the party, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the refusal of the IGP to act on the letter might have been the reason the secretariat was recently attacked by suspected hoodlums.
Before the request for Ogun State was made, Oyinlola in another letter to the Inspector General of Police, dated July 31 entitled, “Request for adequate police protection of the National Vice Chairman, South-South, at No. 1 Orisejobor Street Otovwodo, Ughelli, Delta State and Orderly” was said to have been turned down.
Oyinlola wrote in the letter, “The Inspector General of Police is earnestly requested to please consider and authorise the release of Police security to the National Vice Chairman South south PDP, Dr. Stephen Orise Oru.
“Consequently, I request your continuous gesture and assistance to the members of the NWC and the PDP in general in view of the current security challenges”.
The requests were said to have been turned down to prevent other political parties from making the same requests.
Punch

Confusion at Northern leaders summit over secession call

by:

Confusion at Northern leaders summit over secession call
• Govs boycott meeting over political undertone
• Danjuma, Ciroma demand withdrawal of remark
Confusion broke out yesterday at a meeting of eminent North East geo-political zone in Bauchi after the convener of the summit asked that the North should pull out of Nigeria ‘if need be’ to take ‘our destiny in our hands’.
Alhaji Bello Kirfi, a retired Federal Permanent Secretary spoke at what was scheduled to be the inauguration of North East Forum for Unity and Development (NEFUD), which he is promoting to address the peculiar socio-economic problems facing Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe States, which constitute the zone.
He was, however, called to order by former Chief of Army Staff and ex-defence minister, General Theophilus Danjuma, who first dissociated himself from Kirfi’s position and then asked him to withdraw the statement immediately.
He said he would not be a party to any move to dismember Nigeria having fought for its unity in the Civil War.
Gen. Danjuma described Kirfi’s statement as weighty.
“As someone who went to the war front and survived it, I must warn that this statement be withdrawn immediately,” he declared.
He got a supporter in former Finance Minister, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, who was the Chairman of the occasion.
The veteran politician and one time governor of the Central Bank announced the withdrawal of the offending statement contained in paragraph 15 at page 9 of Kirfi’s speech.
The crowd in the 5000 capacity Sports Hall, Bauchi applauded the decision.
Kirfi then formally withdrew the sentence although he said it was for the “meantime.”
The summit itself appeared doomed from the beginning following its boycott by Governors Murtala Nyako (Adamawa), Isa Yuguda (Bauchi), Kashim Shettima (Borno), Ibrahim Dankwambo (Gombe), Danjuma Suntai (Taraba) and Ibrahim Gaidam (Yobe), for ‘political reasons.’
They were primed as the key drivers of the forum but opted out on the suspicion that the organisers had not revealed their true intentions.
Gen. Danjuma himself was not comfortable with the governors’ absence and called for the postponement of the summit until the governors would be able to attend.
As the programme was about to get under way he drew attention to their non-participation and recalled that just a few days ago, one of the governors told him they had all agreed to stay away because they suspected there was a hidden agenda.
He said: “ one of the governors told me that all of them had resolved not to come and even advised me to stay away, that there’s a hidden agenda.”
Gen. Danjuma said based on this advice, he went back to read the minutes of the forum’s previous meetings, saying “I am not in a position to pass judgment but this development has created doubt in my mind regarding the motive of the forum. I therefore suggest that this meeting be adjourned immediately and reconvene at a later date when we would have been able to persuade the governors to join us in this noble undertaking.”
He said the inauguration of all the action committees save that of security be shelved.
“I suggest that the security committee when inaugurated should approach and persuade the governors and in fact should be the conveners of the meeting,” he added.
He volunteered to be a member of the security committee, which he suggested should meet the state governors.
Others at the meeting were former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Alhaji Yayale Ahmed, Professor Jubril Aminu, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, former Presidential Adviser on Food security, Professor Ango Abdullahi, Alhaji Adamu Maina Waiziri, Gen Timothy Shelpidi (rtd), Alhaji Bunu Sheriff, and Alhaji Aliyu B. Modibbo.
Also in attendance were: General Yakubu Usman; Deputy Senate Leader, Sen. Abdul Ningi; Senator Aisha Alhassan; former Minister of Women Affairs, Hajiya Inna Ciroma; and former Education Minister, Alhaji Dauda Brima.
The Nation recalled that the Forum’s first meeting was held on June 13, 2012 under the aegis of North East Forum of Concerned Leaders before it transformed into North East Forum for Unity and Development (NEFUD). The Forum according to its founders is concerned about the ongoing insecurity, unemployment and economic underdevelopment, marginalisation, and corruption challenges in the six states of the region.
TheNation

Ango Abdullahi: ‘Why the North can’t trust Jonathan’

By Soni Daniel
…Says ‘We documented OBJ’s anti-North actions’
In this concluding part of the interview with Prof. Ango Abdullahi, a former Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) and spokesman for Northern Elders Forum (NEF), a think thank for the 19 northern states, he speaks on the relationship of President Goodluck Jonathan and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo with the North.
What Alhaji Ahmadu Bello wanted was competetence. He showed  this in the civil service as  well as in the politics of the North at the time. The biggest story people will say about Sardauna’s attitude to good people was when he saw Ibrahim Imam from Borno State going to lose a seat in Borno to return to the Northern House of Assembly as an opposition leader and he was afraid to offend his party-the NPC.
The NPC in Borno insisted that Ibrahim Imam must not come back to represent them. But the Sardauna wanted Imam back and he had the problem of either fighting his party for Imam and that would create a major problem because the governor of the north came from Borno. So he called Joseph Tarka from Benue State to come to Kaduna but the latter refused to come initially wondering what he was calling an opposition leader to come and do in Kaduna. He might have thought he wanted his head being an opposition figure at the time.
He refused to come and then the Sardauna appealed to the Tor Tiv to ask Tarka to come and see him in Kaduna and he eventually went to see him.  On arrival in Kaduna, the Sardauna explained to Tarka that he wanted him to assist in  getting Ibrahim Imam to be allowed to continue in the House of Assembly as the opposition leader. Tarka was shocked. Tarka told the Sardauna he could allow Imam to contest in Borno and not in Benue and he said he did not also want any problem with his party.
So, he pleaded with Tarka to give Imam a seat in Benue and he accepted to give him a constituency in Benue. He contested and won election there. When Tarka went back to the Tor Tiv, he said he did not know that the Sardauna was such a wonderful and selfless leader. He was surprised that the Sardauna still found value in an opposition figure who nonetheless had so much to offer to the generality of the people. This is the kind of leader that he was. From that time on, Tarka was an active contributor to northern unity.
But what actually happened about the divisive thing in the North is that in our fathers’ days, there was really not much room for tribalism and religious hatred. Awolowo respected Azikiwe and so on. But what actually led to weakening the fabric of unity was the creation of states and, before you realise it, elements of statetism began to creep in-rivalry among leaders in the various states which was not there began to creep in but the most potent division which was introduced from outside was religion.  And this was done very well by no other person than former President Olusegun Obasanjo.
Buhari, IBB and OBJ
How did he do it?
He knocked heads, made pronouncements about the North demonizing the region and its people and he did not hide it. He even wanted to recruit Senator Joseph Waku into the demonic campaign of calumny against the North. Not only did he want to demonise them but he also wanted to cripple them. Waku was taken aback. He could not help but to remind him that he was a northerner. He said, ‘No, I am not talking about your kind. I am talking about Hausa-Fulani’. So whatever pretences Obasanjo might have had, it is clear that he was a major instrument in the introduction of divisive tendencies-tribal and religious that weakened the North as a geopolitical entity.
But Obasanjo can defend himself since there is no concrete evidence to support what you are accusing him of…?
No, no no, there is evidence. For a sitting president to call somebody to say that he wanted  to destroy a certain section of the country?
But what could the person do about it?
You mean Waku?
Yes.
Yes, he reported to us at a meeting what Obasanjo wanted him to do against the north and how he reminded him that he was also a northerner.  In response, Obasanjo said he did not mean the Tiv people but the Hausa-Fulani.
But what do you think Obasanjo would want to achieve by demonising the North and its people?
Obasanjo’s quarrel, I understand has to do with the fact that a northerner sent him to jail. And that he could easily remove his garment and show everyone the scars left on him by the beating he got from northerners.  So, all these actions have been properly documented by us. You remember how he wickedly retired so many military officers from the North on the grounds that they served as politicians whereas such postings were purely military assignments. He retired all of them without caring about their careers and future so that they would not work against him and his government.
But the retirements affected all parts of the country and not the North alone.
But it affected the North most. The North had the largest number of military officers retired by Obasanjo. Of course if he did not pronounce it, he would have had a hiding place.  But Obasanjo could not contain himself. He called somebody-a northerner but nor Hausa-Fulani-to tell him that he wanted to harm the North and its people and he reminded him that he was one of them and he quickly said no, not your type but the Hausa/Fulani people’.
And here is Obasanjo still running around, pretending that he is a Nigerian leader and that he wants to still impose his wishes on us. But just like we stopped him from imposing himself on Nigerians through a third term, we will stop him from any of his imaginations. He succeeded with imposing the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua for a simple reason.  Umaru was not a popular northern candidate. He was Obasanjo’s candidate.
But Yar’Adua could have served the interest of the North and Nigeria if he had not died.
No, that is not the point. The reason is that Yar’Adua’s upbringing is typical of northern leadership of the past, deeply rooted in selflessness and humility. You can go to Shagari’s village and check what is there and confirm if he kept anything there for his personal gratification. He was president of Nigeria but did not do anything for himself and his village. But he did for other places. This is the leadership style of the North. We have this culture rooted in our religious belief that you must do to others first before you do for yourself.
If you saying  Obasanjo weakened the North , why didn’t north confront him since then?
Yes, he did substantially. We did confront him otherwise we would not have succeeded in stopping  third term. He had already bought over the Igbo into his programme. He was confident of the South West with Bode George and the rest  of them and had already cornered all the PDP states. It took us a lot of effort outside ACF to stop him. We  created the Northern Union, with Olusola Saraki as the leader and myself as his deputy to run around, canvassing for support to stop Obasanjo’s third term and that was how we eventually worked together with people like Edwin Clark. That was what brought us to Edwin Clark.
You know I wrote Edwin Clark an open letter while he was canvassing for Jonathan to contest the 2011 election, reminding him of what we did with him under an arrangement that Obasanjo was a beneficiary of zoning. I sat with him in Otta and under the constitution he did his first four years and asked for another term as allowed by law. Obasanjo accepted it and signed. Audu Ogbe has the list of the 47 persons who attended the meeting in Otta in 2003. Only four persons refused to sign the zoning agreement. And Jonathan was there, representing his governor.
He signed as number 37 on behalf of his governor for Obasanjo to do another four years-that is the North conceding eight years under the zoning arrangement to the south so that it would take its eight years after Obasanjo. Obasanjo even tried to exceed the two terms by trying a third term. He may deny it but everyone knows that the man was working for a third term by sidelining our constitution. Here is a man who was the first to say that he was not aware of zoning in PDP.
That was what he said. He said he did not recognize zoning. But what is most surprising was that when Jonathan was about the contest the 2011 election,  he did not know about zoning the Presidency. What we were quite willing to accept was that since Yar’adua had died prematurely, he should serve out his remaining term as provided for in the constitution.
But people running around Jonathan said no and that he is the custodian of the mandate of Yar’Adua and he should be allowed to run as if Yar’Adua was not a candidate representing northern interest under the zoning arrangement reached with Obasanjo and other leaders of Nigeria in Otta in 2003. So, how could Jonathan then represent us under the zoning arrangement? He should have stopped at 2007 and for the North to take on the remaining four years.
But Jonathan went ahead and got the support of  some of these northern lackeys who were running around to get either second term as governors or ministerial appointments and the like to say that he could run. They manipulated the congresses and the primaries to his advantage. Each governor was given a box to return Jonathan otherwise they would forfeit their four years with a threat that only the party has the power to submit the names of candidates to the INEC. So the governors struggled to return Jonathan.
President Jonathan
Could that be the reason why some people say that the North is angry with Jonathan?
Yes, it is true. It is true because Jonathan is untrustworthy; he cannot keep a promise. There was a promise that the North would do eight years after Obasanjo. Yar’Adua died midway and they reneged. We had expected that the North would at least be given back power in 2011. But Jonathan argued it in his own way and was supported by some northerners who sold out and pretended that they are were out to protect the interest of the North and we will expose them at the right time.
But the people you are referring to are top political leaders from the North who are either governors or ministers and lawmakers who are playing normal course of politics and I doubt if there is anything anyone can do to them.
They are playing politics with the interest of their people and they want the people to respect and support them? Is that what you mean?  We will expose them at the right time. We will. When we reach the point, you will see their names in the paper.
There is controversy over the onshore/offshore dichotomy, which had long been laid to rest. Why the renewed agitation by the North?
No, it has not been laid to rest. There is a constitution even though some  say it is not good enough. But it is still there serving the people of Nigeria.
Under the law, there is a certain distance between  land and the continental shelf and this is what all other countries of the world apply in the sharing of resource from the sea. They use that law to decide what should go to the state and the entire country. This was the case and this is what really should have been the basis upon which the National Assembly should have based its decision. But the truth is that what drove the process was corruption.
Who was corrupted?
The National Assembly was influenced by those who were interested in abrogating onshore/offshore dichotomy.
But northerners were also in the National Assembly and they could not have been induced to work against their collective interest.
They were the ones who were induced and that is why I tell you that their names will be in the papers very soon. Northern lawmakers sold out. And this is costing the North at least N20 billion monthly. They may have been induced but now their selfish action is costing the North at least N20 billion every month.  But where were the governors?
They were there. Where were the members of the North who were serving in the National Economic Council and others? All the top persons in the government of Obasanjo from the North are all guilty of selling out the interest of the north as far as the onshore/offshore dichotomy is concerned.
But Masari has argued that the action was a national compromise position to save the country from protracted crisis since the oil producing states were insisting on revenue for oil taken from as far as 500 feet isobaths.
No it is absolute nonsense because it is still against international law. They could have adopted another approach and not violate the law.
So what does the North really want concerning the oil law?
Nigeria should comply strictly with the international law of the sea in sharing oil revenue. That is the position of the North. We should be able to decide what to do for the environmental degradation done to the oil producing states by giving those states some level of compensation above others but not to compromise international law the way we are doing. But as long as this law is being distorted to serve an interest that does not appear to be national, then it remains an area of contention.
Given what you have said about the breach of zoning arrangement by Jonathan in 2011, will the North want to support him to contest the 2015 election so as to complete his eight years?
Well I will answer that question by asking you to go and see those governors who supported Jonathan in 2011 and find out whether they are ready to support him in 2015. I never supported him in 2011 and I am not going to do so in 2015. The North that I know and belong to did not support Jonathan in 2011. It is governors who supported him on behalf of the people of the North and I think that question should be directed to them.
But what will the North do?
I can assure you that the North will not sit back for 2011 to repeat itself. That is what I can say at this point in time. We cannot support someone who reneged on a ‘gentleman agreement’ that disqualified him from contesting in the election on purely moral grounds. Again, it is left for Nigerians to judge whether the man has come close to being an effective president for Nigeria since he took power,  whether acting or substantial. And even on the basis of that I thought that the man should disqualify himself from seeking an office even if it is legally feasible for him to do so.
Why should he disqualify himself from seeking office?
He should do so because even those who supported him initially have come out to say that this is one of the most incompetent presidents that this country has ever produced. Incompetence is the key word. What has he done that this country wanted that he has done? Corruption is at its peak under his leadership and that is why the country is reversing to the debt trap.
Even Obasanjo left some substantial foreign reserves and virtually cleared the debt burden of the country before leaving office. But now the reserves are  gone and we are back in debts. Subsidy is at the forefront of corruption. Over N2.6 trillion gone in the name of oil subsidy and it is evident that most people who fronted this scam did so to return most of the money to the electioneering campaign of 2011. Many of them are anxious to go to court to say so and that is why the government is reluctant to prosecute them.
So, under this government, you can individualise cases of corruption and they have not had the courage to convict one person for stealing public wealth with impunity. And you have this cumulative exhibition of incompetent president in his pronouncements. When he was in Anambra the other day, he said, “I have come to my people”. So they are his people and other states are not his people?
All these crises that have happened in Jos, Maiduguri, or Yobe where hundreds of people have been killed, Jonathan never showed up even once. And he is claiming to be president of Nigeria. He has made all manner of statements that portray him as totally incompetent and totally unsuitable for a nationalistic disposition. He cannot be the national leader. And perhaps that is why Obasanjo his godfather has given up on him and abandoned  him to his fate.
Vanguard

Vigilantes Free Kidnapped Osun Speaker’s Wife In Ogun State-PREMIUM TIMES


Mrs. Muibat Salam
By Dimeji Kayode-Adedeji
The wife of the Speaker of the Osun State House of Assembly, Muibat Salam, who was kidnapped on Tuesday, has been freed.
PREMIUM TIMES learnt that Mrs. Salam was rescued by members of the Ogun State Vigilante Service on Saturday at about 5.30p.m.
Two of her abductors were also killed while three others were abducted by the vigilante.
The rescue operation is said to have occurred along Ogunmakin axis of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, located in Obafemi-Owode Local Government Area of Ogun State.
Mrs. Salam was kidnapped in Osun State as she left her goods store on Tuesday . The kidnappers then transferred her to Ogun where she was rescued.
The vigilante, established by the Ogun State Government, reportedly worked on a tip-off by residents of the area.
The kidnappers, realising that their hideout was exposed, tried to escape with their victim. They were engaged in a shootout by the Ogun vigilante, which led to the death of two of the kidnappers and arrest of three others.
The victim was rescued unhurt, PREMIUM TIMES learnt.
The victim and the arrested kidnappers are now in the custody of the Ogun police after they were handed over by the vigilante.
When contacted, the Ogun State Commissioner of Police, Ikemefuna Okoye, said he was on his way to the Eleweran Police Headquarters in Ogun over the matter.
“Please, I’m on my way to the police headquarters over the matter. I will get back to you later,” Mr. Okoye said on phone.