Thursday, 25 October 2012

NDLEA discovers drugs inside native cloth, arrests 8 suspects


From Top Left : Tembo gideon,Obiora Celestine,muogbo uchechukwu,Udeh Lazarus.Obinna Christian,ogbonnaya Kalu,Orabusinze Chukwuka
The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) has discovered substances suspected to be methamphetamine inside some native clothe called Asho-Oke. Eight suspected drug traffickers were also apprehended with a total of 10.635kg of narcotics. The arrests and seizures took place at the Murtala Mohammed International Airport (MMIA) Lagos. One of the suspects, Tembo Gideon AKA Benson Okechukwu a Nigerian travelling to Thailand with a Zambian passport concealed 2.522kg of methamphetamine inside some native clothe.
The breakdown of drugs recovered includes 4.460kg of methamphetamine, 4.030kg of heroin and 2.145kg of cocaine. Apart from one of the suspects caught attempting to smuggle 3.455kg of heroin from India, others were going outside the country with different quantities of drugs.
NDLEA Commander at the Lagos Airport, Mr Hamza Umar gave the names of the suspects as Onyekwere Wisdom Chinedu, 26years, Obinna Christian Chigbo, 37years, Muogbo Uchechukwu Sixtius, 25years, Tembo Gideon aka Benson Okechukwu, 25years and Orabusinze Chukwuka Joseph, 28years. Others are Ogbonnaya Kalu Robert, 54years, Obiorah Celestine Nonso, 31years and Udeh Lazarus Makwe, 44years.
Chairman/Chief Executive of the NDLEA, Ahmadu Giade in his Sallah message urged members of the public to shun drug trafficking and criminal acts capable of truncating their God ordained destinies. In his words, “it is sad that these suspected drug traffickers are behind bars when they ought to be with their families this festive season. Drug trafficking and other criminal acts will only lead to misery, shame and unfulfilled dreams”.
The suspects will be charged to court soon.

DailyPost

Air Nigeria cargo handler arraigned for stealing BlackBerry phones worth N1.4 million


The police in Lagos on Wednesday arraigned a cargo handler of Air Nigeria Airlines, Olushola Ajetunmobi over an alleged theft of 12 Blackberry telephone handsets valued at N1.4 million.
Ajetunmobi, 33, a resident of 10, Orbit Close, Rumuokoro, Port Harcourt, is facing a one-count charge before an Ebute Meta Magistrates’ Court, the Nes Agency of Nigeria.
The prosecutor, Insp. Moses Uademevbo, said the cargo handler committed the crime between  January 17 and January 21 on Medical Road, Ikeja.
He said that the handsets belonged to one Ndubuisi Okoli who came to Lagos from Port Harcourt to purchase the handsets.
Uademevbo said that Okoli carried the goods to Air Nigeria for transportation to Port Harcourt, and that the defendant stole the goods and sold them.
He said that the offence contravened Section 285 of the Crimimal Code, Laws of Lagos State, 2011.
Okoli, however, pleaded not guilty.
The Magistrate, Mrs O.O. Olajuwon, granted the defendant bail in the sum of N200, 000 with two sureties in like sum, and adjourned the case till Nov. 12, for further hearing.
Also, a 25-year-old driver who allegedly burgled his employer’s office and stole N3.2 million, on Wednesday appeared before an Ebute Meta Magistrates’ Court in Lagos on a two-count charge.
Kingsley Umeh was accused of breaking into Chief  Labode Adesina’s office in the night and stealing the money.
The prosecutor, Insp R. Odigie, said that Umeh, who resides at 52, Market St., Oyingbo in Ebute Meta, Lagos, committed the crimes on October 5 at No. 7, Western Ave, Iponri, Lagos.
He said that the offences contravened Sections 285 and 307 of the Criminal Code, Laws of Lagos State, 2011.
The defendant, however, pleaded not guilty.
The Magistrate, Mrs. O.A. Ogala, granted the defendant bail in the sum of N500,000 with two sureties in like sum.
She adjourned the case till November 11 for mention.
 DailyPost

Group gives Oshiomhole condition to withdraw Airhiavbere’s petition from Tribunal

Group gives Oshiomhole condition to withdraw Airhiavbere’s petition from Tribunal
A group called the Concerned Citizens of Edo State, yesterday advised Governor Adams Oshiomhole to make his controversial certificate(s) available so that it would prevail on Major General Charles Airhiavbere, the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party in the July 14 governorship poll to withdraw the petition from the tribunal.
It said, three months after the election that returned the Comrade Governor for a second term, Edo State has gone into a deep slumber. All development activities have ground to a halt. This is against the tenets of good governance.
The group, in a seven-paragraph statement signed by its spokesman, Mr. Osariemen Enohense stated that “If he (Oshiomhole) presents the genuine certifi
cates we will make 30, 000 photocopies each and march to Major General Charles Airhiavbere’s house to prevail on him to withdraw the petition from the tribunal.”
The group restated that one of the major grounds of the petition is that the comrade Governor is not qualified to contest the elections following allegations that some of the certificates tendered were forged, altered or misrepresented. The group believes that tendering certificates is not such a difficult thing to do, if the governor has them.
The statement read in parts, “As a result of the contentious certificate issue, all development projects in the state have come to a stop: the roads, hospital and other projects have been suspended. Edo State is not working.” It is speculated that several billions of Naira have been spent on lawyers by the state government.
On the other hand, “If the governor knows that he does not have these certificates, he should do the most honourable act and resign now. Edo State must wake up from this deep slumber.”
via: Support GC 2012 for Gov. Edo State

Wednesday, 24 October 2012

Insured By the Mafia…


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The Verdict according to Olusegun Adeniyi.
There used to be a popular car sticker with the inscription, “Insured by the mafia. You hit me, we hit you!”, which seems to have vanished from our streets. The message therein is simple: It is based on a notion of equating vengeance with justice and the absence of proportion between offence and punishment. Unfortunately, that is the situation in our country today as more and more Nigerians boycott the court in favour of judicial black market where “justice” is swift and without mercy. It is then little wonder that almost every day comes with stories of killings, most of them based on revenge for real or perceived injury.
If we will also be honest, our justice administration system has reached a point where it is almost impossible to secure conviction even for crime suspects caught in the act and for that reason, many Nigerians would rather take the laws into their own hands. Today, there are too numerous homicide cases that remain unresolved, and given our collective amnesia as a nation, the criminals in our midst also know this so they continue to ply their trade, almost certain they would get away with it.
Following the recent campus killings in Port Harcourt and Mubi, there has been a public outrage by several Nigerians. But very soon we will move on, as we always do, and the cases will be forgotten while the suspects will be freed either as a result of pressure from some big men or for want of diligent prosecution. There are too many cases I can cite to highlight that unfortunate scenario but I recall how I felt on July 10, 1999 when the news broke that some cultists entered Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife campus and brutally hacked to death some promising students. Who remembers them again?
A new book, titled “Water Must Flow Uphill (Adventures in University Administration)” by Prof. Roger Makanjuola, has captured the incident we all seem to have forgotten in a way that will draw tears to many eyes. Appointed V.C. in the wake of the tragedy to replace Prof Wale Omole (current Chairman of the Guardian Editorial Board), Makanjuola’s book is highly revealing of what happens on our campuses, and the things most Professors do (including the use of juju), in their bid to become vice chancellor! The bit that is, however, of interest to this discourse is the narrative of what led to the July 10, 1999 tragedy at Ife and what followed afterwards. From the excerpts, we can draw our own conclusions as to why Nigeria is fast becoming a killing field:
On Saturday, 7 March 1999, a group of Black Axe members held a meeting in Ife town. After the meeting, they drove back to the campus. On the main road, Road 1, leading into the campus, they were overtaken by some students in another car. For whatever reason, they were enraged and gave chase to the students. The students, seeing them in pursuit, raced hastily to the car park outside Angola Hall and ran into the adjacent Awolowo Hall for safety. The Students’ Union, which had also received information that secret cult members were gathering in a house in the senior staff quarters, mobilised in response to the incident. Led by George Iwilade, the Secretary-General, a group of them drove to the house, officially occupied by Mr. F.M. Mekoma, and forced their way into the boys’ quarters. They found nine individuals inside, eight of them students of the University, with a submachine gun, a locally manufactured gun, an axe, a bayonet and the black clothing and regalia of the Black Axe cult. The University authorities were informed, and the members of the secret cult were handed over to the Police. They were held in police custody and taken to the Chief Magistrate’s Court where two weeks later they were granted bail.
The case was heard on 31 March, and to the utmost amazement of everyone, the Chief Magistrate discharged and acquitted the arrested individuals. The students who had apprehended the cult members were not called as witnesses. The investigating police officer, Corporal Femi Adewoye, claimed that the witnesses could not be located and actually stated in Court, “I tried to contact the complainants in this case, all to no avail. To date, there is no complainant in the case. Since all the accused persons denied the allegations against them and there is no complainant, there is no way the allegations can be proved.” This was the submission of the prosecuting police officer! Usually, in such cases, witness’ summons were served through the University Administration but this did not happen. The trial was concluded in two court appearances in eight days.
The Chief Magistrate also ordered that the submachine gun be sent to the police armourer and the other exhibits be destroyed, thus eliminating all the evidence, and making it impossible to re-open the case. The Judicial Enquiry recommended that the Magistrate be reported to the Judicial Commission for appropriate disciplinary action. Nothing came of this, as nothing came of all the other recommendations of that Panel.
After the arrests of the cult members, the University, under pressure from the students, issued a release suspending them without serving them with letters of suspension. Shortly afterwards, the University was closed as a result of a student crisis. When it re-opened three months later, the cult members returned to the campus and were seen attending lectures. The students raised an alarm once more. In response to this, the University issued a release on 2 July re-affirming the suspensions of the cult members. The letters of suspension were dated 8 July and it is doubtful whether those affected actually received them before the tragic events two days later. Even then, one of the students, Bruno Arinze, was left out. I eventually suspended him on 23 July.
The cult involved in the episode of 7 March was the Black Axe. Four major reasons have been advanced as to the genesis leading to the mayhem on 10 July. One, to which I subscribe, was that the Black Axe was avenging the humiliating treatment of its members by the Student Union leaders in March 1999.
On the night of 9 July 1999, the Kegites, members of the Palm Wine Drinkers’ Club, held a “gyration” (party) in the cafeteria of Awolowo Hall. The party was in full swing, when, at around 3.30am (now 10 July), a group of masked individuals, wearing black clothing, drove through the main gate and proceeded to the car park next to the Tennis Courts in the Sports Centre. They disembarked there and went on foot along a bush path to Awolowo Hall, where they violently interrupted the gyration, firing guns and also wielding axes and cutlasses. The group was probably all young men, although there is a persistent story of at least one woman among them. Some of the partygoers were shot, though none of them was killed. The partygoers ran for their lives, a few actually throwing themselves through glass doors.
A group of the gunmen chased the partygoers as far as Mozambique Hall. Other groups proceeded to the rooms. They first entered Room 184, where they shot and killed Efe Ekede, a Part II Psychology student. In Room 230, they shot Charles Ita, a Part II Law student. A group of the attackers then shot Yemi Ajiteru, a Part II Religious Studies student, through the head in the corridor outside the Kegites’ headquarters. In Room 273, they found George Iwilade (Afrika), the Secretary-General of the Students’ Union and a Law student, and shot him through the head, along with another occupant, Tunde Oke, a Part 1 student of Philosophy, who was shot in the abdomen. When the attackers got to Room 271, the room allocated to the suspended Students’ Union President, Lanre Adeleke (Legacy), they found that he had escaped. Legacy was in his room when he heard the first gun shots. He hurriedly went to his door, looked out, and saw two of the attackers on the next floor, firing shots. He ran back into his room and broke through the partition of the kitchenette into the next room’s kitchenette. He heard them shouting, “Legacy, come out!” and escaped into the next room. During the course of the incident, the attackers also shouted the names of “Afrika”, George Iwilade, and “Dexter”, the Chief of the Kegites, demanding that they come out.
The band of thugs proceeded to Fajuyi Hall on foot, where they shot and killed one more student. That individual, Eviano Ekelemo, a medical student, was certainly not a student activist, but they shot him anyway. The murderers left Fajuyi Hall on foot and went through the bush path behind the Hall back to their vehicles. They drove to the Students’ Union building, which they ransacked. They returned to their vehicles and drove out of the University through the main gate. The security staff, having heard gunfire, fled for their lives. Thus the exit of the marauding thugs was unchallenged.
The students with gunshot wounds were taken to the Health Centre and from there to the Teaching Hospital. Tunde Oke was still alive but died on the operating table. Four others, George Iwilade, Yemi Ajiteru, Efe Ekede and Eviano Ekelemu, were brought in dead. Eviano Ekelemu bled to death from gunshot wounds to the groin and thigh. The other three died from gunshot wounds to the head. In each case, the weapons used were shotguns, fired at close range. Charles Ita and  five others who were shot in the Awolowo Hall cafeteria, survived. Twenty-five others received minor injuries, which were sustained during the stampede out of the Awolowo Hall cafeteria and later on during the attack.
In the aftermath of the attack, the whole university was enveloped in fear and there was chaos in the halls of residence. However, within a short time, the President of the Students’ Union, Lanre Adeleke, was able to restore order and mobilise his colleagues. The students went to the town searching for the perpetrators in locations where cult members were thought to be living. They “arrested” three individuals and brought them back to Awolowo Hall. These were Aisekhaghe Aikhile, a Part I student of Agricultural Economics, Emeka Ojuagu, and Frank Idahosa (Efosa). Efosa and Ojuagu were arrested in a public transport vehicle that was about to leave Ife.
The students exhibited black clothing, two berets and two T-shirts, that had been found in Ojuagu’s bag, which was claimed to be the Black Axe uniform. Efosa was a known member of the Black Axe. He had been expelled from the University of Benin and was later admitted for a diploma programme in Local Government Studies in Ife. The three of them were savagely beaten and tortured in the Awolowo Hall “Coffee Room”, the traditional venue for such events. The inverted commas have been employed because coffee had not been known to be served there for many years. Efosa and Oguagu are said to have confessed to participating in the attacks during their “interrogation”, and Efosa is said to have gone further to state that the attack was organised to avenge the humiliating treatment of the Black Axe members who had been arrested in Mr. Mekoma’s house on 7 March.
In the course of the interrogation, Aisekhaghe Aikhile died, and his body was taken to the hospital mortuary. The interrogations also yielded the information that 22 Black Axe members were involved, six from the University, four from the University of Lagos, four from the University of Ibadan, and eight from the University of Calabar. There was also a separate claim that more students from the University of Benin were also involved.
The VC, Professor Wale Omole, had been out of the country  on 10 July 1999, the day of the attack and in his absence, the Deputy VC (Academic), Professor A.E. Akingbohungbe, was in charge. Soon after his arrival, the VC was summoned to Abuja to give a report of the incident the day after he returned to campus. On 14 July, his suspension was announced by the Government. It was against this background that I was tracked to the UK and summoned to return immediately and assume duty as the acting VC of the University.
When I arrived on the campus on 18 July, I promised the students and the rest of the university community, that the university would do everything in its power to bring the perpetrators to justice. I took this undertaking extremely seriously.
The first step was to visit the Commissioner of Police, Mr. J.C. Nwoye, in Osogbo. I raised the issue of the nine individuals who had been arrested in March and discharged by the Chief Magistrate. He promised that a vigorous and thorough investigation was in progress on the matter. He then expressed concern that the University authorities had not officially reported the murders to the Police despite repeated requests. On my return to the University, I wrote the required letter, once more indicating our strong fears concerning a connection between the March episode and the murders, and requesting that the nine individuals involved be re-arrested.
A total of 12 individuals were arrested and charged to court over the three weeks following the murders, including Efosa and Ojuagu. Only one of those involved in the March episode was among those arrested. The other eight could not be located. Two of them had obtained their transcripts and resumed their studies in France. The students brought information on the whereabouts of a major suspect, Babatunde Kazeem (Kato), and we provided a vehicle so that the Police could go with the students to the address in Lagos and arrest him. Kato was a former student who had been “advised to withdraw” from the University as a result of academic failure. He had been apprehended by the Students’ Union in August 1997 when he admitted to being a secret cult member. He was subsequently handed over to the Security Department, but there is no record of what happened after that. We also provided the Police with information on three other individuals, “Innocent”, “Yuletide” and “Ogbume.” Sadly, nothing came of this, even though we provided Ogbume’s address in Victoria Garden City, Lagos. The arrested persons were charged to the Ile-Ife Magistrate’s court for the murders.
The Judicial Commission of Enquiry was eventually inaugurated in Abuja on 18 October, but did not start work until 24 November, and eventually arrived in the University on Sunday, 28 November. The Chairman was Justice Okoi Itam. There were six other members, including Professor Jadesola Akande, an experienced and highly respected academic and university administrator, and Ray Ekpu, the journalist. Ms. Turi Akerele was later deployed as legal counsel to the Commission. A flamboyant but highly capable alumnus, Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika, led a team representing the students.
The Commission’s report was submitted in February 2000 and was released, along with the Government’s white paper, later that year. The Commission expressed its strong belief that seven named individuals had participated in the killings—Frank Idahosa (Efosa), Didi Yuletide, Kazeem Bello (Kato), and four individuals who were identified only by their nicknames or Christian names—Innocent, Athanasius, “Ochuko”, and “Chunk.” The last was identified as the then head of the Black Axe secret cult. The Commission also recommended the investigation of 16 other individuals, including Emeka Oguaju and the nine involved in the 7 March episode. The Panel criticised the police investigation of the case and recommended that the Inspector-General of Police should set up a special task force to take it over. I have already mentioned the recommendations concerning the Chief Magistrate who hastily tried and acquitted the 7 March culprits, as well as Efosa’s lawyer.
It took me several months, and a number of visits to Abuja, to obtain the Commission’s report and the White Paper. Dissatisfied with the progress of the court cases, and armed with the report, I visited the Attorney-General of the Federation, Chief Bola Ige. After I had expressed my concerns over the case and highlighted the Commission’s recommendations concerning its investigation, he assured me that, although the case was being prosecuted by the Osun State Attorney-General’s office, his Ministry would work with that office. He sent for the Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Musiliu Smith, who agreed that he would immediately establish the recommended special task force. This he did, and a senior police officer, ACP Tonye Ibitibituwa, soon arrived in Osogbo with a team. However, in spite of the efforts of this task force, no further arrests were made. We also liaised with the Osun State Attorney-General, who assured us that his office was seriously following up the case. I must say that he did personally prosecute the case.
As I have stated, the cases against those charged in the Chief Magistrate’s Court for belonging to an illegal organisation eventually came to nothing. However, we were very hopeful of a successful prosecution of the murder cases against Efosa and company. The case in the Osogbo High Court, which commenced on 9 April 2001, wound on. Evidence for the prosecution was taken from a number of students and some other witnesses. There was adjournment after adjournment. In mid-2002, the Judge hearing the case was transferred to Iwo, and the case along with it. There was a further delay while the exhibits were also subsequently taken to Iwo. To the amazement of everyone, the Judge upheld a “No Case” submission by the defence on 5 November 2002. The three accused persons were released and they subsequently disappeared…
NOTE: What the foregoing, which is just an abridged version of Prof. Makanjuola’s very detailed account of the tragedy, reveals very clearly is that it is indeed very easy for people to get away with murder in our country. And that has contributed to the culture of impunity that we witness today. For readers who may be interested in the book, they can contact Mosuro Publishers in Ibadan through mosuro@skannet.com<mailto:mosuro@skannet.com> while the website is www.mosurobooks.com<http://www.mosurobooks.com/>. The contact numbers are 08033229113 and 027517474.
Tinubu Should Watch It!
When the ‘Bata’ drum is sounding abnormally loud, according to a Yoruba adage, it is about to burst. I hope some of the people around Asiwaju Bola Tinubu can whisper to him that he needs to be careful. In the build-up to last Saturday gubernatorial elections in Ondo State, it was very distressing watching some of his henchmen as they demonised respected Yoruba leaders. Chief Ayo Adebanjo was called names; Dr Olu Agunloye whose aspiration was upended at the midnight party “primaries” in Bourdillon suddenly became a traitor for leaving the party in protest. Even Chief Olu Falae, who hails from Ondo State and should know what is good for his people, was abused for pitching tent with the incumbent Governor Olusegun Mimiko. And then Mimiko himself had to endure all manner of insults from Tinubu and his men for no reason other than that he refused to join ACN. The charge against him was that he “betrayed” Tinubu and nobody told us how, except for some nebulous claim of “forensic assistance” to the Governor when he was prosecuting his case at the election tribunal. Now what is that?
Since we cannot all sleep and lay our heads in the same direction, as the Yoruba would say, there is significant value in the opposition platform that Tinubu offers. But he cannot be mouthing democracy based on free choice yet deny others their right to decide which political party to belong or who to associate with. As an admirer of Tinubu, I will advise that he takes a step back to reflect on his politics and see where he might need to make course correction before he loses the plot.
ThisDay

Cynthia Osokogu: FG to Ban Date Rape Drug


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Late Cynthia Osokogu
Muhammad Bello in Abuja
The Federal Government is set to ban the sale of Rohypnol, otherwise known clinically as Flunitrazepam, a sedative with hypnotic effects that was administered on Miss Cynthia Osokogu by friends she met through the social media before she was killed in a Lagos hotel.
Also described as a ‘date rape’ drug, Rohypnol, which is sold over the counter in many countries worldwide, is a prescription drug in Nigeria although many drug stores hardly restrict its sale. It has also been banned in some countries where it was used for similar nefarious purposes.
Shortly after Osokogu was killed, four persons – Okwumo Echezona Nwabufo (33), Ejike Ilechukwu Olisaeloka (23), Orji Osita (32) and Maduakor Chukwunonso (25) – were paraded by the police in Lagos for her murder in August.
Nwabufor and Olisaeloka told the police how they had lured her from her base in Nasarawa State, drugged and strangled the victim in order to steal her valuables.
Minister of Health, Prof. Onyebuchi Chukwu, told State House correspondents yesterday at the end of the weekly Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting in Abuja that the decision to ban the drug was informed by the need to curb its abuse.
Act No. 43 of 1989, which established the National Drug Formulary and Essential Drugs List, empowers the government to prohibit importation into and manufacture in Nigeria of any drug not on the list.
Chukwu said his ministry had directed the National Drug Formulary and Essential Drug List Committee to look into the possibility of banning the drug.
According to him, “I have directed the appropriate body, which is the National Drug Formulary and Essential Drug List Committee, which is established by a separate law in this country, to immediately look into whether we should ban the drug or not.”
He explained that the decision was informed by the fact that “in some countries, the drug has now been banned and it was also for a similar reason (rape) that those countries decided to ban that particular drug”.
The FEC, presided over by Vice-President Namadi Sambo, also approved the establishment of the Nigeria National Pharmacovigilance Policy (NNPP) to ensure that adverse drug reactions are properly managed.
The minister said this was done because of the need for reporting, adequate records, follow up and collection of data on the issue.
“Today (yesterday) at the Federal Executive Council, the council approved the Nigerian National Pharmacovigilance Policy. It is a policy to ensure that adverse drug reactions are properly managed in this country. And in managing adverse drug reactions, there is need for prompt reporting, and for the reporting to be made to the appropriate authority.
“There is need for documentation of such reports. There is need for follow up of such reports. There is also need for clear guidelines as to how such reports will be investigated.
“There is also need for further research to be done, which will entail the collection of data from across different centres. The policy was actually approved by the National Council on Health at its 55th meeting in July.
“The normal process should be that after the National Council on Health, which is the highest policy formulation body in the health sector that involves not only the Federal Government but also the state governments, has approved any policy, then it has to be sent to FEC for final approval.
“The policy will be formally implemented by the National Pharmaco-Vigilance Centre which is located within the National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration and Control (NAFDAC),” the minister said.
FEC also approved the award of consultancy services for the engineering design to extend the East-West road.
According to the Minister of State for the Niger Delta, Hajiya Zainab Ibrahim Kuchi, the contract is for the fourth segment of the extensive road from Oron in Akwa  Ibom State to Calabar in Cross River State, and is expected to be completed in nine months.
ThisDay

Kukah: Rotational Presidency Defective


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Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah
Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah is the Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese. In this interview with Mohammed Aminu, Kukah speaks on security situation in the country, endemic corruption and other sundry issues
What is your impression of the country at the attainment of 52 years of nationhood?
We have made progress despite the difficulties that the nation went through. The first problem we had in Nigeria was the tragic decision of the military to take away 30 years of our independence because had it been we were on the road like other countries during independence, the changes would have been tremendous. Thus, had it been we did not have such military interruption and instability, which coincided with massive upsurge of resources, Nigeria would have been one of the top economies in the world. I thank God that the military has left us and we are on the path now to doing new things despite the fact that we have missed several opportunities.
Are you saying that the military destroyed Nigeria?
It is not possible for us to quantify how much the military destroyed the foundations of democracy. Tragically, other countries that had been under military rule probably did things slightly differently but in the case of Nigeria, the greed of the military that led to successive coups destroyed the foundation of the military itself and pulled back democracy by so many years. And the military unfortunately did not have the capacity to unify the country by way of infrastructure.
Although the soldiers probably as individuals, might have been fantastic but they did not have the kind of time that was required to stay to build and complete projects. That is why we have massive spread of uncompleted and abandoned projects scattered everywhere. For instance, it took the Indians eight years to build and complete the Cancun Railways. The average project that you think that has a lasting effect probably requires at least eight years to complete it. Unfortunately, because of the greed of the elite and military, any person who shot himself into power, decided to abandon what the next person had started and that is why we have abandoned projects. So, had it been we had a sustained and uninterrupted democracy, things would have probably been different. The Indian Railway is literally on its own, it has a substantial workforce and is the highest employer of labour and it is a place where people want to go and work in India. For over a 40 year-period, Indian Railways never witnessed a workers’ strike. But if you look at Nigeria, tell me which profession has not been bastardised, whether it is military, bureaucracy or private sector.
So, we are literally in the period of rebuilding and Nigerians need a bit of patience. This road to democracy is irreversible, though it may have its problems. The only guarantee that we have now is to begin a process of saying that this man or woman has done well, let us give him a chance for a second term while this person has not done well and should be rejected in the next election. So, I think in the next 10 years, things would change and we will begin to see a different Nigeria based on certain level of continuity. It has to begin with the support of all of us.
Do you believe in rotational presidency and do you think it is a threat to the nation’s survival?
I don’t know what you mean by rotational presidency, but I think it is a rotation of greed. It is not a rotation of anybody trying to do good for Nigeria. We have got ourselves to a corner, which everybody believes it has to be their turn. If you see the kind of contract that is available to militants of yesterday and the kind of money people are throwing around, you will probably be tempted to say you are waiting for your turn when your own kinsman or person will be in power to have this kind of contract. And that is not the way a country should go; we cannot have a country that is rotating corruption and greed because in the long run, none of these things would impact on the lives of ordinary Nigerians.
I do not think you can pretend to be running a democracy based on the notion that it is the turn of this person or the other. Democracy is about competition and should be driven by ideas. Americans never say for example now, that it is time for a black person or a woman to be president.
So, we must not be tempted by extraordinary greedy politicians who never had any interest of transforming Nigeria beyond the fact that they want to have access to resources. I don’t think if the Igbo get the presidency tomorrow, they will actually change the living conditions of majority of the Igbo beyond the psychological feeling that their ethnic group is in power. I do not think President (Goodluck) Jonathan will necessarily impact the lives of majority of Niger Deltans beyond the few elite.
The clever politician will still make money and it doesn’t matter whether Abubakar or Kolawole is the president. I think what we are looking for is the best strategy that will guarantee the happiness of majority of Nigerians and it will not be by regional or rotational presidency but by Nigerians collectively choosing the best person for the nation.
Kukah... rotational presidency is greed informed
ThisDay

Lagosians trek as okada ban, fuel scarcity bite harder


Stranded commuters at Alausa...on Wednesday
With the restriction of okada on some routes and the worsening fuel scarcity in Lagos State, many Lagosians who were stranded trekked to their destinations on Wednesday.
Also, motorists were held up for hours following gridlock on most major roads. Lagos-Ibadan Expressway towards Seven-Up, Yaba, Iyana Ipaja, Ikorodu Road, Oshodi-Apapa Expressway, Lagos-Abeokuta Expressway, Oba Akran Avenue, Oba Ogunnusi Road in Ogba among others witnessed traffic snarl.
Findings by our correspondents showed that the gridlock was as a result of motorists struggling to buy fuel at some filling stations, ban on okada in some routes and Sallah rush.
At Oando filling station, Oba Akinjobi Way, Ikeja and at Total filling station in Ojota, where fuel was being dispensed, the queues took over a large part of the road causing gridlock.
Some motorists and commuters, who spoke with our correspondents, also attributed the situation to the Lagos State Government new traffic laws.
They said the policy was not well thought out because it had only imposed hardship on the people.
“I really don’t know the purpose of a law. Is it to make the people suffer or to provide relief? a woman, who gave her name as Janet, said in Ogba.
Janet said she usually took okada as buses do not ply her route.
A motorist, Emmanuel Achubi, told one of our correspondents, that he had to call his office that he would be late for work after being held in traffic for about two hours on the Apapa-Oshodi Expressway.
Another road user, Niyi Onanubi, said, “Higher fares, stranded commuters; these are what you get when a few people think they know what’s best for 18 million others.”
A university teacher, who declined to give his name, said the traffic snarl could be partly blamed on the forthcoming Sallah festival.
“I could not get to any office today (Wednesday) because of the gridlock. Apart from the fuel scarcity and ban on commercial motorcyclists, I think Sallah rush contributed to what people experienced on the roads,” he said.
Commercial bus drivers cashed in on the situation to hike their fares from between 50 to 100 per cent.
The transport fare for Ikeja-Yaba route increased from N120 to N200 while Ketu-Ikorodu was hiked from N100 to N200.
A Bar Beach-bound passenger, who identified himself simply as Cosmas, lamented the traffic situation in the state.
Cosmas said, “From CMS to Bar Beach/Eko Hotels, we used to pay N100 but now, drivers have increased it by 100 per cent. The most worrisome is that as short as the distance is, it will take you close to one and a half hours to get there because of gridlock.
Okadas, which used to help us in such a situation, have been chased away. Government must rescind its decision in the interest of the people. We are suffering seriously and the situation cannot continue like this.”
A commuter, Jide Adeyemi, said the ban on okada had increased the number of people commuting by bus.
“Apart from the transport fare being too exorbitant the buses are not even available. I have been standing here waiting for a bus to convey me to my place of business for about an hour with no success,” he said.
But a commercial driver, John Sogo, said the hike in fares was as a result of petrol scarcity.
He said, “It’s not our fault. I woke up as early as 5am today (Wednesday) in search of fuel today and on getting to my turn after queuing up for hours, they told me that they had ran out of supply.
“I eventually bought 10 litres for N2, 000 from black marketers. In all fairness, we are left with no choice but to adjust the fares we charge.”
There was also much pressure on the Bus Rapid Transit services as passengers cramped onto the buses. Many would-be commuters were seen in long queues awaiting BRT buses.
Punch