Tuesday, 20 November 2012

Man beats lover to death for refusing to have a threesome


A jealous and controlling boyfriend brutally battered his partner to death just days after she refused to have a sexual threesome with him and a male friend, a court heard today.
Tuanjai Sprengel, 43, was stabbed with a kitchen knife by Muhammad Shafi then had her skull shattered with a pair of metal shears, which caused brain damage.
Her body was then dumped in an underpass near her home in Berkshire.
She also suffered a number of broken fingers, caused as the victim tried to defend herself from the brutal blows which rained down on her head.
Jurors were told how Shafi was accused of killing her by smashing her over the head with the pair of metal tinsnips.
Days before her tragic death, Tuk, as she was known, confided in a pal that Shafi had asked her to have a threesome with him and that he had become enraged when she refused.
She had told her friend that one of Shafi’s male friends was staying with the couple and that Shafi had wanted the man to sleep in their bedroom.
Alan Blake, prosecuting, said: ‘Shafi had suggested that he and Tuk should have sex and the friend should join in.
‘She refused and the defendant became angry.’ But Shafi’s male friend told police that although he had slept in their bedroom, he had not shared their bed and there had been no suggestion of a threesome.
Shafi, 28, had married his Thai girlfriend in an Islamic marriage in December last year, the jury at Reading Crown Court was told. They had sought to register the marriage under UK law in February but it had to be cancelled after the victim’s documents relating to the divorce of her German husband were not in order.
Shafi was on a student visa from Islamabad in Pakistan and ran a business placing students onto UK training courses.
He was granted an extension to stay on the grounds of the couple’s serious relationship. While Ms Sprengel had told friends and family that the pair ‘loved each other’, her cousin Jurairat Buncherd became concerned that it was a ‘marriage of convenience’, allowing Shafi to remain in the country.
The jury of eight women and four men were told that Shafi murdered Tuk and tried to cover his tracks. Mr Blake told the hearing: ‘The prosecution allege that this defendant – Muhammad Shafi – who is 28 years old, murdered his partner, Tuanjai Sprengel, aged 43 years, in an underpass in Bracknell in the early hours of May 27 this year.
‘He stabbed her in the neck with a kitchen knife but it was not that injury that led to her death.
‘The fatal injuries were caused when the defendant repeatedly bashed her over the back of the head with a pair of metal tin snips.
‘That caused multiple skull fractures and brain damage.
‘Her fingers were bruised and fractured as she protected her head from the blows. ‘He left her in that underpass and returned towards their home address.
‘He disposed of the knife and the metal tin snips in shrubbery near their house. He changed out of his bloodstained clothing and put it in a rucksack,’ added the prosecutor.
‘Later that morning he took that rucksack to a nearby house where he tried to persuade the people there to take possession of it.
‘But they refused and he himself then took the bag himself and disposed of it.’
The jury heard how he arrived at his friend Idress Haider’s home early on Sunday morning and told him ‘I’ve done a very bad thing’ before later confessing that he had ‘hit or killed his wife’.
Mr Haider told police that when he asked Shafi ‘is she dead?’ he replied ‘she must be dead by now, when I left she was gasping’.
The jury heard that police traced the victim to her rented property where they found the defendant. He was later arrested but answered ‘no comment’ in interview with detectives.
 DailyPost

$7.1m ‘cocaine cocktail’ seized from Nigerian syndicate in Malaysia


Malaysian narcotics agents have foiled a Nigerian syndicate’s bid to smuggle cocaine worth $7.1 million hidden in coconut milk cans, a top police official said Tuesday.
“International drug syndicates especially those led by Nigerian nationals have been found to be active in smuggling various types of drugs,” Noor Rashid Ibrahim, narcotics criminal investigation director said in a statement.
Acting on a tip-off from the United States Drug Enforcement Administration, authorities found the drugs in a container at the country’s top port, Port Klang, he said. It had arrived on a ship from Guyana last Monday.
Noor Rashid said the liquid drugs seized could produce about 76 kilogrammes (168 pounds) of cocaine when processed.
“Their modus operandi has become more sophisticated, hiding drugs by dissolving it in liquid form to avoid detection,” he said.
The seized container was filled with 980 cartons of cans containing coconut milk and pineapple cubes, he said.
Noor Rashid said upon investigation by the chemistry department, 16 cartons comprising 384 cans of coconut milk were found to be filled with drugs to avoid detection.
In Malaysia, the death penalty is mandatory for convicted drug traffickers.
 DailyPost

Press Statement: A Limit To CAN’s so-called Condemnation of Bishop Kukah


As concerned Christians of Northern Nigerian extraction, we find it expedient to respond to the unbecoming words credited to one Elder Sunday Oibe, who claims to be speaking on behalf of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) as its Director of Research, Planning and Strategy.

In which he denigrated Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah over recent views allegedly expressed by the cleric regarding acquisition of private jets/aircrafts by some Nigerian Christians leaders which according to reports, our respected clergy described as an embarrassment to Christianity considering the perilous times we are in.

For the avoidance of doubt, Sunday Oibe or whatever he is or claims to represent, acted wrongly and grossly confirms our fears as to the relegation of our honest, unifying and most coveted association (CAN) and her true ideals as carefully laid down by her founding fathers Ambassador Jolly Tanko Yusuf, Cardinal Ekandem and many others. Though built with integrity and an earnest quest for genuine freedom amongst Christians, it’s ridiculous how it is being turned into a mere child’s play and a medium for wild gains best known to the likes of Oibe and his pay masters and fellow merchants.

Mr. Sunday Oibe embarked on a voyage of cheap black mail that exposes his ignorance on the person of Bishop Kukah. Bishop Kukah never served in Obasanjo’s government but was only a member of an Adhoc Human Rights Investigation Panel, popularly known as Oputa Panel, akin to the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, chaired by Archbishop Desmond Tutu. That Tutu chaired South African Commission and has been friends of Mandela for decades; does that mean he served in ANC’s government of Mandela? Kukah had been friends with Obasanjo for years in his African Leadership Forum in the 1980s until Obasanjo’s imprisonment, and what is wrong if he served in the committee?

It was the same ignorance he exhibited all through his inconsequential outburst, and so called ‘Kukah’s condemnation’. There is nothing beneath the Nigerian government, previously and even in the present that has put Kukah’s integrity in doubt and questionable except for Oibe’s pay masters whose understanding of nation building, is opulence via a religious exploitation with Christianity as the epicentre and cover. Count Kukah and his likes out of that contraption, it has never been our focus and never will. If it has been his trademark, Kukah will not be where he is standing today.

It is the likes of Oibe and his master Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor that have a responsibility of exonerating themselves from the wrong side of Nigerian history in the hereafter, but for Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah, it has been a life of service to God and Country and to God be the glory, it has been a life most worthy of emulation for all true lovers of God walking in integrity, conscience and saying the truth to power without any compromise.



Signed.

Yahuda Peter

20/11/2012

Younger Brother Of President Jonathan Dies At Aso Rock Clinic


By SaharaReporters, New York
President Goodluck Jonathan's younger brother Meni Jonathan has died at the Aso Rock clinic Abuja today.
Medical sources told SaharaReporters that Mr. Meni was flown in from Bayelsa last week to receive medical treatment at the Villa. The cause of death has not been revealed.
Mr. Meni is President Jonathan's half brother and had acted as the head of Otueke council chiefs before his untimely death in Abuja today.

He was described by a family source as someone in his 40s.

Reuters withdraws video of Nigerian soldiers killing captives after discovering it is fake


Reuters, the International News Agency has withdrawn a violence video purported to be taken in Maiduguri last week after discovering that the video was a fake video. Reuters had previously alleged that the video was sent to it by a soldier who witnessed the killings, but when contacted, the Nigerian Army spokesman, Colonel Mohammed Yerima, had denied the video claiming it was a set up by Boko Haram for propaganda purposes.
He had said when contacted about the video that “How can they do that? It is not possible. This is the Boko Haram tactics,” he said. “They will do the killing, say it’s the military and then Amnesty International and so on will blame us. It’s not possible for Nigerian troops to act in this way.”
But after investigating the story and finding it to be false, Reuters released the following statement below;
(Reuters) – Please be advised that the Nigeria story issued on November 18, 2012, reporting that a video showed Nigerian troops shooting unarmed captives, is withdrawn.
The story is withdrawn because questions have been raised about the date and location of the video.
  DailyPost

The Ifeoma Jombo-Ofo Saga: A Justice’s Battle


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Refusal by the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Aloma Mukthar, to swear in Justice Ifeoma Jombo-Ofo as a justice of the Court of Appeal to represent Abia State on the ground that she is not an indigene of the state has drawn the ire of many. Not just that, the development has raised fundamental issues regarding citizenship by birth or marriage. Tobi Soniyi puts these issues in perspectives. Additional reports by Anayo Okolie and Ayodele Opiah

Until the National Judicial Council (NJC) takes a final decision on the refusal by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aloma Mukthar, to swear in Justice Ifeoma Jombo-Ofo as an Appeal Court Justice, the controversy trailing the CJN’s action may not subside quickly. Since the CJN’s action, the fate of Jombo-Ofo has been hanging in the balance as she could neither function as a judge of the high court where she was nor take her seat at the Appeal Court, despite the approval of her appointment by President Goodluck Jonathan as a judge of the appellate court. And until she is sworn in, her appointment is more or less null and void while she cools off in the limbo.

As at today, the fact in public domain which has remained undisputable is that Jonathan had endorsed the appointment of Jombo-Ofo alongside 11 others as appeal court justices. But that appointment is not valid until she is sworn in by the CJN. Nevertheless, the embattled judge’s ordeal began when the CJN allegedly received a petition alleging that Jombo-Ofo was falsely representing Abia State, having hailed from Anambra but married to a citizen of Abia State.

The perceived false representation by Jombo-Ofo was discovered after she was screened by NJC and consequently recommended to the President for appointment. Following investigation on the petition, her file with the NJC was checked, which revealed that she actually hails from Anambra and not Abia State as claimed by the learned justice.
The CJN, as a result, found herself in dire strait moreso that the President had already approved the appointment. Besides, the trend brought back reminiscences of the stories of two other female justices who had claimed their husbands’ states of origin and consequently denied promotion to the Court of Appeal.

Mukthar, therefore, came to the conclusion that Jombo-Ofo deliberately concealed vital information and as such, should not take the judicial oath. The CJN was said to have been irritated by the fact that the NJC did not cross-check the claim by Jombo-Ofo bearing in mind that two other female justices earlier recommended for appointment into the Appeal Court bench had been dropped on the same principle. The CJN reasoned that it was better to stop Justice Jombo-Ofo from taking the oath of service. This decision was however aimed at entrenching equity and fairness in the process of appointing justices and ultimately setting standards. She is also poised to correcting some measures of imbalance which had characterised appointments of judges in the past.
Mukhtar’ position was further strengthened by the fact that Anambra State already had three justices of the Court of Appeal while Abia had only one. It was, therefore, believed that to allow Jombo-Ofo’s appointment into the appellate court would result in an unfair practice which in the final analysis, would imply that Anambra has four justices of the Court of Appeal while Abia has only one.

In addition, it is also assumed that such an arrangement would violate one of the principles of Federal Character Commission Act known as the “Guiding Principles and Formulae for the Distribution of all Cadres of Posts,” created in pursuance to the Federal Character Commission (Establishment, etc) Decree (1996 No 34).

Also, Part 11, Definitions, et cetera, Clause 11 provides that: “A married woman shall continue to lay claim to her state of origin for the purpose of implementation of the federal character formulae at the national level.” This policy is contained in Official Gazette No 74, Vol 84.

Although, the CJN’s intention seems noble and commendable, not many people agreed with her.  Thus, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Mr. Femi Falana, did not hesitate to criticise the action when he said: "In exercise of his powers under Section 238 (2) of the 1999 Constitution, President Jonathan recently appointed 12 High Court judges including the Honourable Justice Ifeoma Jombo-Ofo as Justices of the Court of Appeal. The appointment was sequel to the recommendation of the NJC presided over by the Honourable Chief Justice of Nigeria.

"As soon as the appointment was made by the President, the former High Court judges became Justice of the Court of Appeal in line with the Supreme Court decision of Ogbuyiga v. Okudo (1979) 1 All NLR. Having not been removed as a Justice of the Court of Appeal by the appointing authority, the refusal of the Chief Honourable Justice to administer the oath of office on the Honourable Justice Ifeoma Jumbo-Ofo cannot be justified in law."

According to him, since the appointment of Jombo-Ofo had not been validly set aside, she should not have been subjected to any embarrassment on the basis of what he described as a belated petition that sought to challenge the appointment on the ground that she was not an indigene of Abia State.

"In other words, the petition ought to have been discountenanced as it violates Section 42 of the Constitution which has prohibited discrimination arising from circumstances of birth or sex," he added. Falana cited an Appeal Court judgment of Augustine Mojekwu v. Caroline Mojekwu (1997) 7 NWLR (PT 512) 283 where Tobi JCA (as he then was) held inter alia:

"All human beings- male and female- are born into a free world and are expected to participate freely, without any inhibition on grounds of sex, and that is constitutional. Any form of societal discrimination on grounds of sex, apart from being unconstitutional, is antithetic to a society built on the tents of democracy which we have freely chosen as a people."

National Chairman of Human Rights Commission, Dr. Chidi Odinkalu, said: "In one sentence, the decision of CJN Mukhtar in this matter pertaining to Justice Jombo-Ofo’s swearing in is flawed in process, wrong in law and subversive of our constitutional values of equality among citizens.

"Let us begin with the process. The administration of oath of office follows judicial appointment and does not precede it. With respect to appointments to the Court of Appeal, this process begins with the nomination of candidates by the respective heads of court around the country. In Justice Jombo-Ofo’s case, the Chief Judge of Abia State would have consented to her appointment. Thereafter, the security services would usually prepare dossiers on the candidates.

"The nominations and dossiers would be considered by the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC) chaired by the CJN. The FJSC then reports to the National Judicial Council (NJC), also chaired by the CJN, which decides on which candidates to recommend to the appointing authority, the President.

“Based on the nominations received from the NJC, the President then exercises the power under Section 238(2) of the Constitution to formally execute the instruments of appointment and to issue and transmit letters of appointment to the successful candidates.

“This process is long and arduous and involves all the branches and levels of our government in the most intricate advertisement of constitutional checks and balances possible. No one can scale through to appointment if the CJN objects at either the FJSC or the NJC. But because of this process also, she cannot be heard to object at the stage of swearing in because to do so at that stage would impugn on the integrity of the judicial appointment process, call her own decision making into question and possibly render her position untenable.

“This is why the decision to refuse to administer the oath on Justice Jombo-Ofo is also wrong in law. Having been involved institutionally in the process of appointment, the CJN should either be rescued from any post-appointment objections or, alternatively, estopped from doing so. In any case, at this point in the process, the CJN is devoid of the legal power to countermand the appointing authority.”

The NHRC boss pointed out that "once the instrument of appointment is executed, Justice Jombo-Ofo can only cease to be a Justice of the Court of Appeal if she is removed through an established judicial disciplinary process, impeached as provided in the Constitution or her elevation is nullified by a court of competent jurisdiction. None of these happened here. Surely, a matter as serious as this cannot be handled orally or by a sequence of cellular telephone calls.”

Executive Director of Legal Defence and Assistance Project (LEDAP), Mr. Chino Obiagwu, also condemned the refusal to swear in Jombo-Ofo on the ground that she was nominated from her husband's state rather than from her state of origin. He argued that LEDAP was concerned that the decision was arbitrary, unfair and inconsistent with previous instances in which a number of female justices had been appointed, promoted or elevated on the basis of their states of marriage rather than states of birth.

LEDAP said it was worried that such practice of denying married women judicial appointments because of their states of marriage runs contrary to principles of fairness adding that it would be detrimental to women’s interest in judicial service.

"It is contrary to the entire values of marriage and of the Nigerian society. When a woman marries, she adopts her husband's family name and for all intents and purposes, has changed her place of origin to her new home. At the same time, she has lost all entitlements of her place of birth. Now to deny women in judicial services or in any sector whatsoever benefits she is entitled to from her place of marriage is completely unjust and discriminatory."

The group called on NJC to take steps to review such unfair practices in the judicial sector with a view to ensuring that policies and practices are consistent and as well, conform to standards of values of the society.

Sadly, the controversy has again raised questions on alleged vulnerability of women in public service. One of such questions is: Is it unethical for a woman to choose between her place of birth and her husband’s state as her state of origin? Another question is: What is the place of Section 42 of the Constitution vis-a-vis the “Guiding Principles and Formulae for the Distribution of all Cadres of Posts,” created in pursuance of the Federal Character Commission (Establishment, etc) Decree (1996 No 34)?

This  section of the constitution provides as follows: “(1) A citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion shall not, by reason only that he is such a person:-

(a) be subjected either expressly by, or in the practical application of any law in force in Nigeria or any executive or administrative action of the government, to disabilities or restrictions to which citizens of Nigeria or other communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religion or political opinions are not made subject; or

(b) be accorded either expressly by, or in the practical application of, any law in force in Nigeria or any such executive or administrative action, any privilege or advantage that is not accorded to citizens of Nigeria of other communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religion or political opinions.”

Although, disagreement abound on the appropriateness or otherwise of the CJN’s decision not to swear in Jombo-Ofo, there is unanimity among many that there is an urgent need to review the policy restraining married women from attaining the peak of their careers in their husband's state of origin.

Against this background, Justice Olufunlola Adekeye, a retired Supreme Court judge had earlier in the month, at a valedictory session held in her honour, set the tone for the review that is being agitated even before the Jombo-Ofo saga emerged. She appealed to the CJN, chief judges of the states, the Judicial Service Commission and NJC to review the policy prohibiting married women from attaining the peak of their careers riding on the back of their husbands’ states of origin.

Adekeye who noted that complaints of this nature were becoming increasingly rampant within the judiciary, stated that most women transfer their services to states of origin of their husbands immediately after marriage which, according to her, was logical and in compliance with the tenets of marriage that the two spouses become one.

She, however, regretted that whenever there is a vacancy at the helm of affairs in the husband's state of origin, the woman would be denied the right to occupy the office despite putting so many years into the service in such a state.  She further observed that the woman would also have hurdles to cross in her own state of origin if she opted to transfer her service to such state. The latter hurdle, she said, arises because the woman has not worked in her own state of origin, adding that authorities in such state would not be in a position to assess her suitability for the office properly.

"It is my view that during the existence of her marriage, the name of her husband must qualify and make her eligible to reach the peak of her career in her husband's state. I think it is unconstitutional as well as discriminatory to deprive her of her promotion in her acquired state as a citizen of Nigeria, by virtue of Section 42 of 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria."

Also speaking on the matter, constitutional lawyer, Prof. Itse Sagay, said: “It is not a legal thing. There is no law that says any representative must be an indigene of where you come from. There is no basis on which the CJN is acting. It is baseless. She is the one who would have been leading this kind of protest to protect a lady being deprived of her rights where she is married and working to earn the rights of her labour.

“She should not be the one subjecting a fellow woman to this kind of act. CJN is guilty of a great wrongdoing by championing this kind of act instead of protecting the rights of women. There is one minister who represents her husband’s constituency in one of the Northern states. The CJN’s decision is baseless.”

In the same vein, human rights lawyer, Mr. Bamidele Aturu, said: “It is indefensible and very wrong of the CJN to withhold the swearing-in of Justice Jombo-Offo. It is in the federal character which the CJN depends on that the judge has the right to be sworn in. Her action is unconstitutional.”

Another legal practitioner, Emeka Ngige (SAN), believes the matter is subjudice. He said: “Somebody has gone to court. Mrs. Falana has gone to court to sue the CJN. With that, I don’t think I should make any further comment on that.”
But Mukthar found an ally in Dr. Joseph Nwabike (SAN) who said the CJN’s action was right. He condemned what he described as the political undertone introduced into the matter by National Assembly’s resolution, asking the CJN to swear in Jombo-Ofo.

“I don’t think that the Chief Justice of Nigeria acted improperly or unconstitutionally by not swearing in justice Jumbo-Ofo as a justice of the Court of Appeal. We must recognise that since the chief justice is vested with the duty to swear her in after her confirmation by the National Judicial Council, the chief justice still retains some measures of discretion to exercise having regard to the facts available to her at the time immediately preceding the swearing-in ceremony.

“This type of situation had occurred in the past. It is now open to Justice Jombo-Ofo to satisfy the Chief Justice that she has not breached any law in the process leading to her nomination and appointment. I must confess that the political dimension introduced to it by the resolution of the National Assembly and the media is unjustified. I don’t think that the National Assembly is entitled under the constitution to intervene in the matter since they have no role to play in the process leading to her nomination and appointment in the first place.”

Reacting, National Women Leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Hajiya Hafsat Mohammed, said: “We are really disappointed that Justice Ifeoma Jumbo-Ofo has not been sworn in as one of the judges of the Appeal Court.” Mohammed noted that Jombo-Ofo who hails from Anambra State and got married to an indigene of Abia State, had spent almost all her life in Abia, adding that she had put the best part of her intellectual capacity into the service of Abia State and regretted that when she was supposed to be elevated to a higher position the issue of indigeneship was always played up.

“So, we believe that justice has not been done and we are calling on the Chief Justice of the federation as a woman to see reason in these issues and swear her in because we celebrated with her when she was appointed the CJN of federation. We believe she should also look into women issues. That was also the reason we were at the constitution review hearing to ensure that we amend the clause of citizenship so that women will be given their full right. So, when a woman is married to a person in another state, she will have 100 per cent right to claim that state as her own state.”

However, the Convener of Nigeria Centenary Group (NCG), Mr. Ariyo-Dare Atoye, warned Nigerians against hasty reactions to the matter. Rather, he craved that they look into the merit of the CJN’s action and not condemn it.

“We have to exercise serious caution and look at the merit of the objection raised by the CJN. This issue bothers more on federal character than merit. It is now left for us to agree if it is logical to use one state to climb to a stage and use another to move to the next level by reason of marriage due to vacancies in the two states.

“This is also repeating itself here and we have to look at the merit of the CJN's concern. Nigeria should always look at issues critically before responding. If this trend should continue, what is the implication for quota system that we practise and also the case of manipulation?
“I think the CJN is very right by allowing Nigerians to know more about this 'manipulation'. If it is a general consensus that the trend should continue, so be it, but I think we should commend the CJN for standing on the part of truth and not gender bias. It is good that this issue has come to the fore at a time we are debating a further amendment to the constitution. I will urge the CJN and the NJC to make a case on this issue and other related concerns before the National Assembly.

“We may not be lucky next time on issues like this as it may cause serious controversy. The power that be in a state may not be on the same page with a beneficiary, and then we may have to settle between antecedents and the law. Therefore, we should find a way to address this issue constitutionally especially on matters of quota system and federal character to be very clear to all,” Atoye advised.
But the Abia State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Umeh Kalu, said facts surrounding the decision of the CJN not to swear in Jombo-Ofo remain sketchy. According to him, information at the state government’s disposal on the matter has mainly been drawn from the realm of public discourse.

Kalu also insisted that the government and people of Abia State were yet to get the full facts leading to Jombo-Ofo’s swearing-in being truncated, arguing that the issue of appointment and swearing in of judges basically resides with various constitutional bodies created by the constitution to handle such matters and therefore distanced the state government from them.

“Correspondence and communication on appointment of judges as it concerns states are normally handled by the chief judge who is the head of the Judiciary in the state. The executive arm of government does not interfere or interface with federal judicial bodies on the appointment of judges. To that effect, if there was communication between the state and the CJN, it would have been handled by the chief judge of the state.

“When the controversy over the status of Justice Jombo-Ofo came to the knowledge of the Governor (Theodore Orji), he wrote confirming the fact that Justice Jombo-Ofo is a citizen of Abia State by marriage and had worked in Abia State as a judge for about 14 years and enjoyed all the rights and benefits of Abia citizenship and it was a confirmatory letter stating the above facts, made in good faith for the purpose of protecting the interest of a citizen of Abia State in the due discharge of his duty as Governor of the state.

“From my experience as a member of my state’s Judicial Service Commission that handles the issue of nomination of judges for appointment, I am aware that when vacancies are declared, it is the duty of the chief judge to seek for recommendations from sitting judges for persons to be appointed judges. At the close of recommendations from judges, the chief judge shortlists persons based on the recommendations, seeks opinions from the Bar branches and security agencies on the shortlisted candidates and forwards those recommendations with the views expressed on them to the Judicial Service Commission which would then review the shortlisted persons, vote on them on the basis of facts available to them on the suitability of those persons for purposes of their nomination to the National Judicial Council for final consideration and approval.

“For federal judicial appointments, like that of Court of Appeal that is currently generating controversy, it is the chief judge that forwards a list to the President of the Court of Appeal and it proceeds from there to the Federal Judicial Service Commission and the National Judicial Council. The state government, strictly speaking, in terms of the executive, has no input whatsoever and neither is the Judicial Service Commission of the state involved,” Kalu remarked.
Also submitting, another lawyer, Nnamdi Amasiatu, said: “Nigeria is still sitting on the fence and this time with lots of trepidation. I keep wondering when we shall rise collectively as a people and speak out for justice. In this age of civil emancipation, our judiciary has shot itself to ridicule. The noxious show of what our lordship carried out unanimously by refusing to swear in Justice Ifeoma Jombo-ofo is colossal slap on Nigerians.

“For how long are we going to carry on this way, sacrificing talents on the altar of Federal Character, even to the extent of blighting one's dignity especially a woman? We are agitating for true federalism to empower all sectors of our national life and restore the dignity of all Nigerians. Let the judiciary take the lead and stand on equity and justice to expunge this ill wind by over ruling itself positively and timorously especially when it involves our womenfolk.”

Even though it might be early to draw any conclusion on the cleansing being carried out in the judicial sector by the CJN, a number of people believe that she should rather be commended for her daring ability to promote issues based on merit and not vilify her. But the Jombo-Ofo matter as much interest and how this ends is certainly of interest to all.
ThisDay

Edo: Between Ihonvbere and Obahiagbon



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1. Patrick Obahiagbon 2. Julius Ihonvbere
ON Wednesday, November 14, about 48 hours after his inauguration for a second term of four years as the governor of Edo State, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole made certain key appointments, two of which seem to be eliciting much public curiosity and scrutiny. The appointments are those of Professor Julius Ihonvbere as Secretary to the State Government (SSG) and Honourable Patrick Obahiagbon as the new Chief of Staff.
To many residents, the appointments, though unexpected, were not shocking, given their realisation that with Oshiomhole, who they think is fast becoming an iconoclast, there would be no dull moment in the renewed pledge to continue to reinvent the state which goes by the sobriquet, Heartbeat of the Nation.
Oshiomhole’s admirers believe that, by the two appointments, he has shown the direction he seeks to take Edo in his second term.
Persons who applaud the coming on board of Professor Ihonvbere regard him as a man of high intellect and oratorical prowess. Ihonvbere obtained his Bachelor of Arts in History and Political Science from the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU)), Ile-Ife, Osun State. He later acquired a Master of Arts in International Affairs from the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada, and subsequently earned a PhD in Political Science in 1984 from the University of Toronto, Canada.
He taught at the University of Ife as an assistant lecturer in International Relations and lectured in Political Science at the University of Port Harcourt. Ihonvbere was a visiting professor in Political Science at the University of Toronto, Canada. But in 1993, he relocated to the United States of America, where he was an Associate Professor in Political Science at Houston-Tillotson College, Austin, Texas. His final lectureship position was at the University of Texas at Austin, where he was Professor of Government. He then joined the Ford Foundation as a Programme Officer in Governance and Civil Society.
Ihonvbere’s areas of expertise cover but are not limited to, disciplines such as the African economic crisis, politics of oil, Nigeria’s foreign policy, environmental degradation, ethnic and religious violence and democracy. This award-winning academic, rights activist and prolific author’s “style of scholarship has been referred to as progressive in its avoidance of historical ideals as its benchmark and thus linking theory to practice, therein shunning scholarship as an end in itself.”
It is opined that Ihonvbere’s ability to translate theory into practice was further exhibited in his political activism as a profound participant of the Nigerian Diaspora pro-democracy movement as Vice President of the United Democratic Front for Nigeria, and in his involvement with Radio Democracy International, later Radio Kudirat.
The former Special Adviser to President Olusegun Obasanjo on Programme and Policy Monitoring was a governorship aspirant on the platform of the PDP during the 2007 elections, but lost to Professor Oserheimen Osunbor in a primary election whose circumstances were contentious. He returned again in 2011 for the governorship ticket on the same political platform. He and other contestants lost, this time in February 2012, to Major General Charles Airhiavbere (retd) in another bitterly contested primary election, whose result they did not accept.
Ihonvbere is seen as one person who could have used his flamboyant, but popular campaign appeal, which he deployed in 2007, or invented a more ingenious one to tackle Oshiomhole and the ACN if he had emerged the PDP candidate for the July 14, 2012 gubernatorial election in the state. But this was not to be as the odds were apparently more challenging. But there are political analysts who argued that either Ihonvbere underrated the challenge  or he did not really apply himself diligently to the task of clinching the PDP governorship ticket for the July election. He hails from Uzzeba in Edo North Senatorial District, the same district as Governor Oshiomhole.
Overtime, however, it became clear that he was becoming disillusioned with the PDP because, according him, perhaps except Chief Tony Anenih, who is at the top echelon of the party, no other person from the state had done more national service to the party than him. And so few people expressed surprise when, sometime in June 2012, just about a month to the governorship election, Ihonvbere defected to the ruling Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in the state.
Given his evidently more than enough qualification to hold any high political office anywhere in the world, and with specific reference to his own controversially unsuccessful attempts to become the governor of Edo, some people think that Ihonvbere’s appointment and his acceptance of the position of SSG in the administration of Oshiomhole, a former political foe, is an anathema. But the professor of political science would not subscribe to this ‘stereotype,’ an action that testified to his own proclamation of himself as “Julius Ihonvbere: Where theory meets praxis.”
Speaking shortly after taking the oath of office, on Thursday, November 15, Ihonvbere said: “People plan but God decides what will happen. I thank the ACN for considering me for the appointment. It is not the position that matters but what you do with it; you must have the spirit of service, which should be applied at any level.”
On his part, Obahiagbon, popularly known as Igodomigodo, holds a Bachelor degree in Law (LL.B) and Barrister at Law (B.L in Law), as well as Master in Public Administration and another Master in International History and Diplomacy. He was elected into the State House of Assembly in 1999, where he represented Oredo East Constituency as a member of PDP. He was re-elected on the same platform for the same constituency seat in the Assembly in 2003. Obahiagbon served as Majority Leader of the Assembly. In 2007, after serving two terms of eight years as a state legislator, Obahiagbon was elected as member representing Oredo Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, also on the platform of the PDP.
Half way into his first term as a federal lawmaker, Obahiagbon defected to ACN, from where he made an unsuccessful bid to return to the lower chamber of the National Assembly during the April 2011 elections. This failure did not seem to deter him or dampen his drive, for he bounced back to anchor Oshiomhole’s governorship campaign rallies as the number one compere. Obahiagbon’s conviction in the Oshiomhole administration is partly captured in this statement: “Comrade Adams Oshiomhole has given meaning to governance. Edo State, which was in a state of economic quagmire, political phantasmagoria and social stupor, is being gradually transmogrified into a state of infrastructural Eldorado.”
At the House, he served in a number of committees, namely those of Anti-Corruption, Ethics and Value, Appropriations, Drugs, Narcotics and Financial Crimes, Ethics and Privileges, Federal Capital Territory, Media/Public Affairs, NDDC, Pension, as well as Power.Both Ihonvbere and Obahiagbon are men with a great gift of the garb. However, while Ihonvbere sometimes deploys academic concepts in his use of language before a semi-literate or even completely illiterate audience, Obahiagbon befuddles his audience no matter how highly sophisticated. He does this with his grandiose combination of English words, Latin and Greek expressions in manners that, at times, appear comical and, at other times, strip his message of any iota of meanings.
Here are two examples of language use or a combination of words and coinages which Oshiomhole may face in Obahiagbon. The first is: “Fifty years after independence, we are still talking about zoning? It is reflective of the fact that Nigeria still wallows in a state of medicinal statism, cankerous tribalism, egocentric chauvinism, syphilitic parochialism, epileptic nepotism, catalytic kparapoism and state brigandish of the bluest dile.”
The second is: “As we celebrate our flag and shambolic autarky at 52, we must realise that Nigeria is still more of a geographic contrivance as has been rightly posited by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Not with our centrifugal excrescences preponderating over our centripetal proclivities. It’s a matter for mental pabulum that we are daily drifting into our ethnic cocoons. We still remain one country with disparate ethnic agendas and I can say it for the umpteenth time again that we must sit down in a sovereign national colloquy to discuss the basis for our nationhood. Anything short of this is just vacuous scahiamachy.”
Jokes are rife that with the coming together of Ihonvbere and Obahiagbon as principal officers of the same administration, Governor Oshiomhole may need the services of a special dictionary after consulting with this class of aides. Nevertheless, a lot of people are convinced that in Ihonvbere, Oshiomhole appointed a man in whom “theory meets praxis,’and that in Ihonvbere and Obahiagbon appointments, Oshiomhole himself demonstrated the meeting and meaning of theory and praxis by including them as principal members of his emerging cabinet. Oshiomhole’s decision was presumably taken not minding when the duo joined the ACN and after satisfying himself that they had brought value to his cause.
NigerianTribune