Sunday, 23 December 2012

Yusuf Maitama Sule: As a minister in charge of oil, I had no money to build a house


Yusuf Maitama Sule: As a minister in charge of oil, I had no money to build a house
Dr. Yusuf Maitama Sule Politician, Diplomat
If he were cast in a film as the major character, a fitting title of such a film would be, The Inevitable Man. Dr. Yusuf Maitama Sule is inevitable. Since before independence, he has been a vital player in the political sphere of this country. Every era, every political dispensation finds him relevant, strategic even.
A conservative of the original version, Maitama Sule is a true Nigerian – he speaks romantically about the country and wishes that it returns to prosperity and plenty as it was advancing before it was halted by greed; before, according to him, we became entangled with and overpowered by “a negative culture, culture of extravagance.” The 80-year-old Kano indigene dreams desperately for a return of decency in the polity, godliness in relationships and consideration in social interactions.
As long as anyone would remember, he has remained consistent in these quests, which is, perhaps, one of the reasons every dispensation finds him relevant  – inevitable. Every regime in this country preaches those sermons – some tried to cultivate them, some admire them but cannot afford them.
This interview has been long in coming, since June when the first contact was made. Last week, the man was in his elements and convenience was at home. He was in Abuja to attend to some personal and national matters – they don’t retire indeed, do they? Some things must come up that will keep them on the road. It was the man’s circumstance last week, but he slotted us in his programme. “You can come on Friday and when you do, call me to know where I am,” he told me.
“Thank you very much, sir,” I said. I was prompt but as it would be expected, I had to wait for another two hours. By this time, Bayo Obisesan, the group’s photojournalist in Abuja, had joined me from his State House beat. It was at the Sheraton Hotel. Eventually we were asked to come up to the man’s suite. He had just finished eating, from all we could see. He had with him four younger men of aristocratic turnout and disposition. We later learnt that some of them are his sons and grandsons. He was pleased to receive us and knowing that he had, had a busy day and was spoiling for more activities yet, I plunged into the interview.
An orator of renown, he is a delight to discuss with. Trouble though is that, he is so fecund upstairs and robust in discussion that it becomes a struggle throwing in follow-up questions. And he discusses with such oratory and homily that one is faced with the danger of being carried away and forgetting that one ought not to be emotionally involved. Our subject has a way with words and he is very conscious of it.
Once Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, he spoke passionately about the country’s glorious past and wondered why today’s Nigeria cannot be instructed by the spirit of that period. He wishes that the prudence, sense of duty, commitment and service will direct the minds and hearts of today’s drivers of the Nigerian wagon. His life is indeed like a tale one hears under the moonlight – far-fetched, if not incredible.
An instance: “When I was sending my family home after the coup (1966 coup), I had no money, I had to borrow money from my permanent secretary and a friend in Lagos. I had to hire lorry to carry my goods to Kano. I had no bank account then, no bank account anywhere in the world. And I came back to Kano to live in (my father’s) mud house.” And here was a minister in charge of oil. Sadly, they don’t come this tough, this principled and unspoilt anymore. And, as he told us, time and circumstance have not altered all that.
Here’s the life of an icon:
Sir, let’s start from the fact that you should be staying in your own house in Abuja, and here you are in a hotel. Are you running away from anything?
I have no house in Abuja, none in Lagos, none in Kaduna.
That’s unusual, for a man of your status in society. A Nigerian of your standing should have not less than three houses, at least here in Abuja, and you sit here and tell me you don’t have even one.
Well, that is what I have chosen and I am quite happy and quite contented. In any event, I believe in the division of responsibility. In the Holy Qur’an as well as the Holy Bible, Allah said you should stick to your responsibility to which you are destined and I am sticking to my responsibility. I am a politician, not a businessman. It is the wisdom of the Almighty, The All Wise that we are different. It has a purpose. Some of us are rulers, some are Talakawas – the ruled – some are patricians, some are plebeians, some are sellers, while some are buyers. Some are workers, some are politicians and so on and so forth.
Each has a role to play in the society, we all complement one another and each one of us should stick to his own responsibility. I remember the late Premier (Sir Ahmadu Bello) used to tell us, “You can’t run a race and at the same time be scratching your buttocks;” you can’t do two things at the same time. If you are a minister, he used to tell his ministers, “You should remain a minister. You must not be engaged or concerned with business. If you want to go into business, I will encourage you, but you have to resign your appointment as a minister. You can’t have both.”
I believe in that. I am a politician and I have been a politician and that is the wish of God and I thank Him for that. As a politician, I am to serve the people, not to be served. I am not to go into business. I should not use my position to go into business and try amass wealth, using my office, no, I don’t believe in that. I was Minister of Mines and Power from 1959 to 1966 when the coup took place. For almost seven years, I was there.
I was in charge of oil – the first minister of oil after independence and perhaps the longest-served minister of oil. But I tell you this: When I was in office, I was given a piece of land in South-West Ikoyi, like all other ministers. My colleagues developed theirs, how they did, I don’t know. I could not develop mine. All around me, the plots were developed.
Then a lawyer friend of mine, a West Indian, one Mr. Burke, came and introduced a company that was willing to develop the land for me. The company, without the knowledge of lawyer Burke, told me in confidence that they would develop the plot for me free if I could give them a contract in ECN, now NEPA, it used to be Electricity Corporation of Nigeria. If I could give them a contract in ECN, they would develop the plot for me free and I said I wouldn’t do that. Well, they came back and said they were willing to develop the land, but after building, they would rent it out, collect their money and after the number of years rented expired, the house would come back to me. I agreed.
They started developing the land, half way they stopped and said they had no money unless I could give them the contract, otherwise they couldn’t help it. But I said, “Well I am sorry I cannot, what do we do?” They said they had to sell the land and the building that we started, pay expenses and then “give you the balance.” I said, “Well, you can do that.” So, they sold it, took their money and gave me the balance, which was about N10,000 at that time. With that money, I went to Kano and built a school in my locality.
I, therefore, did not have a house in Lagos. I didn’t bother to get one in Kaduna and still I am not interested in getting one in Abuja, because I haven’t got the means. Even in Kano after the coup, I had no house, except the mud house, where I was born and lived with my father. That was the house I went back to after almost seven years living in a palace in Lagos. From the palace house in Lagos, I went back to my mud house in Kano and started racing with rats and mice again (general laughter).
But the interesting thing is this: when I was sending my family home after the coup, I had no money, I had to borrow money from my permanent secretary and a friend in Lagos. I had to hire lorry to carry my goods to Kano. I had no bank account then, no bank account anywhere in the world. And I came back to Kano to live in that mud house.
As a minister of the Federal Republic?
Yes, after seven years as the minister in charge of oil, electricity and minerals. Now I remember Peter Enahoro coming to see me after the coup – we were friends in Lagos and he decided to come and visit me in Kano. He was told I was somewhere…in my building site. I was building a new house, because our house that we came back to was too small. He came to the new building site and he found me putting a structure in mud and bamboo. “What?” he wondered, and I told him, “This is what I can afford?” It was a bigger house though, still of mud. I was quite happy I built my second house of mud.
The second one of mud?
Yes. But the house I am living now is not of mud; it is of concrete. It took me six years to build the house in Kano – the one I am living now, it took me six years to build. I could have built it in six months if I had the means. And, no architect drew the plan, no engineer supervised it, but it looks nice, if you see it, you will think it is something marvelous. It was a local builder that did it, but I’m quite happy. What else do I want? (Panning his hand) Look at these boys around, my sons and grandsons all sitting comfortably with me, discussing and exchanging views. Is there anything better than this at my age?
Maybe we should go back to the beginning. Your beginning, how was it? How was your growing up like?
I thank God, I was said to belong to a family of slaves. It was my father’s master that sent me to school. He loved my father so much because he and my grandfather were together as the favourites of their immediate master.  You see, this question of slavery in the North is something that you don’t understand – slaves were almost as important as the rulers, because they were the power behind the scene.
I was sent to school by this my father’s master with his own children and grandchildren. He is the local ruler, the Madaki, the chief kingmaker in Kano. When I was a young man in the elementary school, now primary school, there was one thing I used to do; I took it upon myself to sweep the whole of my quarters. I would take my broom and sweep the whole quarters. I would go into the local mosque in our quarters and sweep the inside as well as the outside. I used to do that on my own–nobody told me to do it.
I was a child born with a silver spoon. My father was a favourite of his master and so was I a favourite of my own father.  Suddenly, before I went to the middle school (the next was secondary, part-secondary, part-senior primary school) this man died – my father’s master – and things became hard. Sometimes I had nothing to eat and my father was such a proud man who would not allow me to go to anyone or to any house to eat. He would rather sneak out at night and then buy me some cassava and groundnut. Then, I went to the middle school.
I was lucky in the middle school that another person from my own quarters, from the same family as my father’s master, was the headmaster of the middle school. His son and I were friends, we were the same age and I was lucky he took me up and he developed interest in me, and luckily, I was brilliant. He was taking good care of me, watching me, and he sent me to Kaduna College. Two of us went from Kano that year to Kaduna College in 1943 and then in 1946 we graduated, and I came back to my alma mater, the middle school, and started teaching.
When I came back, the youths in Kano became very much interested in me and we became friends. We had in those days a division between the patricians and the plebeians, the rulers and the ruled, and there was no love lost between them. But I became friendly with the plebeians, although I was from the patrician side. As a result, I discovered that many of my friends from the other side did not go to school. So, I opened the evening class for them – the plebians, the Talakawas.
We were together, about the same age. I was teaching them and then, I said we should try to solve this problem, do away with this animosity and antagonism between the two sides. So I formed an organisation called Kano Citizens Association, which brought both sides together to promote mutual understanding, mutual love and cooperation.
It was that Kano Citizens Association, together with similar organisations in Sokoto, Bauchi, Kaduna and Zaria, that came together, amalgamated and formed the NPC, first a cultural organisation in 1949. It was in June 1949 at the Green Hotel in Kaduna that we launched the NPC, a cultural organisation with Dr. R. B. Dikko a Christian in the North, as the President-General of the organisation. He was the first president of the NPC, but it was a cultural organisation. He was a medical officer with the government. One business tycoon in Lagos, Alhaji Sandana Alhaji by name, was the deputy president. I was 20 years old, but because I represented Kano, I became vice president number one.
While Mr. Rafi, traffic inspector, became the second vice president. Umar Agayi was the secretary-general. Isa Wali was the assistant secretary general, while Mallam Haya Gusau was the financial secretary, Abubakar Imam was treasurer, Mallam Makama Kano was the publicity secretary, while Aminu Kano and one Mr. Julde were joint auditors, Mallam Saadu Zungeru was the legal adviser. That was how the NPC started as a cultural organisation.
In 1950, some of us broke away from the NPC, not broke away; some of us from the NPC formed the NEPU. I, together with one Bello Ijumu from Kabba, formed this NEPU; Bello Ijumu, he is a Yoruba from Kabba. Ijumu is a town in Kabba. That was the very first political party in the North that survived. Mallam Aminu Kano was not one of the founding members. He later joined, but he gave it life. But for Mallam Aminu Kanu, NEPU would have died.
He had the charisma and the courage that withstood all sorts of things and he made it what it was.  Now, I was in both–NPC and NEPU. In the end of 1950, during the NPC Convention in Jos, the decision was taken that all those that belonged to NEPU were expelled from the NPC.
Why was that?
Because they said we had become political, although we were not political. I remember, we opened the first branch of NEPU outside Kano in Jos after we had been expelled.
Before we left Jos back to Kano, we called on the youths in Jos, most of them were from Kano. I remember I spoke to them in the house of one Alhaji Akawo Namata and they all agreed to form a branch of the NEPU and we launched that branch. This is why Jos people are very political. They were the very first branch of NEPU outside Kano. Now, later, I argued that since NPC was not a political party, one could remain in the NPC and at the same time in NEPU. I did not declare that I had resigned from NPC or NEPU but I was with the NEPU all the same. Mark you, I was an NA employee.
I was working for the Native Authority in the middle school as a teacher. The NA was almost synonymous with the NPC. They knew what I was doing, then in 1954, I was to be the first adult education officer, the decision was taken, a week later they changed it. They said I was too young to be an education officer and my headmaster was recommended and I was recommended to be his deputy. I refused to accept the offer, because I was to be the chief education officer. Why change it? Why did they recommend me at first?
The senior district officer was a good friend of mine. He called me in his office and gave me the offer, which I rejected. He was surprised and then he asked, “What do you want to do?” And I said, “I want to go into politics.” He said incidentally, “have you been to England?” And I said, “I have never been to England”. He said, “I will recommend you.” So he recommended me to go to England for eight weeks; there was then a programme, eight-week study tour to the United Kingdom.
While I was there, arrangement was going on for the election, the first direct election to the House of Representatives. Previously, people were elected to the Regional Assemblies and from the Regional Assemblies they were elected to represent the regions in the House of Representatives in Lagos. But this time in 1954, people were to be elected direct from the constituencies to the National Assembly.
NEPU fielded Mallam Aminu Kano in the city of Kano, most NPC members were reluctant to contest against Mallam Aminu, because they knew he was very popular. I was away, in my absence, unknowing to me the NPC decided to adopt me as their candidate, to contest against my leader and the very day I returned from London, I was told about this decision and I said but I don’t belong to the NPC anymore.
They said well, you were one of founding members; you will now go back to it. It was like an instruction, I went to see Mallam Aminu Kano in the evening and told him and he said, “Well, I knew it before you came back. Go and contest, you and I are the same. Politics without bitterness: that was Mallam Aminu Kano. I contested the election, when people saw that I was on the way to winning, they started manoeuvring. First, they told the Emir that I should not be the one to represent Kano City. Then, I refused to listen to them. Later, the present Emir, Ado, was a friend and about the same age, he said he was appointed to contest as an independent and I said, “Look, if you do that, you’ll break my own votes, you will split my votes. Neither you nor me would win.”
He said, “What do I do?” I said, “Well, you should launch a campaign of blackmail. How? You go round and tell people that you are contesting as an independent, the news would get to the Emir and the Emir would report you to the Premier, the Premier would invite you. If he invites you, tell him that you are not interested in going to Lagos but you are interested in coming to Kaduna, but the Emir has not given you an assurance and he is not willing to sponsor you to contest.”
We did that and he was eventually called to Kaduna and he told the Premier what I told him and the Premier telephoned the Emir, he said, “Well, Ado is not interested in going to Lagos, he wants to come to Kaduna, but he is not sure you would sponsor him”.  The emir said, “Who told him? My intention is to sponsor him.” “Should I tell him this?”
The Premier asked and the Emir said, “Yes, it is all right.” So Ado came back and told me that he had been given assurance that he would contest the regional election, so he left my seat. It was electoral college. Members of NPC had majority than the primaries and if all of them were together and voted for me, certainly, I would defeat my teacher, leader, former boss. So in the final college, I was elected, that was 1954.
TheSun

Don: Obasanjo legitimised corruption in Nigeria

 by Yusha’u A Ibrahim, Katsina   

Speaking in a paper entitled ‘Corruption as Hindrance to Good Governance in Nigeria’ at a launch of Research and Development Network (Radnet), Radda said from 1999 to 2007, Obasanjo jettisoned the rule of law saying “that is why Nigeria never ever recorded brazen stealing of public funds and electoral fraud like during his tenure.”
He appealed to the international community and regional bodies to desist from involving the former president in foreign mission and affairs in their commitment to the fight against corruption. He said the fight against corruption is noble, necessary and worthwhile and without tackling it, the present and future generation of Nigerians will live a waste life and will be characterized by misery, frustration, violence and general disorder.
Professor Radda also said the magnitude of corruption in Nigeria is increasing with little undesirable consequences; therefore the fight against it should not be left to government regulatory agencies and the police alone.
Chairman of the Network, Alhaji Bello Musa Dan-Kano said the Radnet was initiated to create awareness among Nigerians about Nigerian problems at both federal, state and local government levels and how best they could be addressed.
A professor of sociology at Bayero University, Kano Sadiq Isa Radda yesterday in Katsina blamed former President Olusegun Obasanjo for institutionalizing and legitimizing corruption in the country during his regime as president.
  DailyTrust

Nigerian Woman Caught In Insurance Fraud After Rushing Off To Have Sex In Public


A sex romp at a public park helped prosecutors convict a California woman of faking an ankle injury to collect workers’ compensation payments, authorities said.
photo
Modupe Adunni Martin, 29, was sentenced to nine months in jail on Thursday in San Mateo County after pleading no contest in October to felony workers compensation fraud.
Martin was caught on videotape in August 2009 throwing her crutches into a car and running in high heels to meet her boyfriend at a public park, where she took part in a sex act that doctors concluded she couldn’t have done with an injured ankle, District Attorney Steve Wagstaffe said.
She was arrested and charged with 10 counts of insurance fraud.
“I guess love just helps one get over injuries,” Wagstaffe said in a phone interview on Friday.
Martin reported the injury in February 2009 while working as a janitor for the Sequoia Union High School District.
Claiming the injury left her unable to walk, Martin made 10 visits to doctors over a three-month span. A co-worker suspected she was exaggerating and alerted the district, which advised investigators.
Martin was taken into custody after sentencing. A call to her attorney, Emily Andrews, by The Associated Press was not immediately returned.
Martin was also sentenced to 3 years of supervised probation and ordered to pay more than $79,000 in restitution.
Naij

Xmas: FG uncovers plot to attack 10 states, names churches, hotels, telecoms installations, police stations as targets


BARELY 24 hours and few days to the Christmas and New Year celebrations, the Federal Government has uncovered secret plots by the Islamic extremist group popularly known as Boko Haram to unleash mayhem in some parts of the country and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja.
A highly-placed security source who disclosed this to Nigerian Tribune in Abuja on Sunday mentioned the targeted states to include Borno, Plateau, Kano, Kaduna, Kogi, Bauchi, Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa, Niger and Abuja.
The source further revealed that available security reports nationwide indicated that the coordinated attacks scheduled to kick off today (Xmas eve) would be targeted at churches, worship centres, recreational centres, hotels, military and paramilitary, police and telecommunications installations, among others.
It was gathered that following this development and its determination to checkmate the activities of the defiant group before, during and after the Yuletide, the Federal Government had placed all its security agencies on red alert while military personnel from the various military formations across the states of the federation and the FCT, Abuja have been deployed in the perceived black spots as back-ups to the existing Special Security Task Forces on the ground in order to ensure maximum security in such areas and the country in general.
In addition, the source said that some notable politicians, individuals and religious groups have been placed under strict security surveillance for effective monitoring of their activities as well as their movements as part of efforts at thwarting the group’s plot.
The source further hinted that the office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) to the President is coordinating the special security arrangements while the heads of the various security agencies have been mandated to ensure total security within their areas of jurisdictions, with strict warning that any noticed security lapses in any part of the country would be visited with severe sanctions in accordance with the rules and regulations of the affected service and the law of the land.
The Nigerian Tribune learnt authoritatively that following this development, most of the security agencies and para-military agencies have placed total embargo on annual leaves for their personnel, while those who had already proceeded on their annual leaves have been directed to report at their duty posts with immediate effect for further directives.
Findings also revealed that in line with the directive of the Federal Government, security has been stepped up in the nation’s sea, air and border ports as well as the highways nationwide while proper checking and random checks were carried out on individuals, vehicles, aircraft, vessels, ships and luggage for security reasons.
It was gathered that the various security check-points mounted on the nation’s highways and around other public installations in the wake of the Boko Haram activities nationwide by the army personnel have been strengthened for effective operations, while the police have embarked on 24 hours patrol of the highways with regular, mobile and anti-terrorism personnel under the watchful eyes of the Inspector-General of Police, to ensure adequate security on the highways.
In addition to all these security arrangements, a source at the Department of State Security (DSS), told the Nigerian Tribune on Sunday that the Service had deployed more operatives and personnel in the field for intelligence gathering and that all hands were on deck to safeguard the security of the country before, during and after the Yuletide while both the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), have deployed virtually all their personnel out for the special assignment.
A very senior officer in one of the security agencies who spoke with our reporter in Abuja on Sunday, confirmed the fresh plot to unleash mayhem in some parts of the country during the Yuletide by a group believed to be Boko Haram sect but assured that there was no cause for alarm as the Federal Government had already mobilised all its security agencies to be on red alert for easy mobilization in case the group makes good their threat.
Naij

Adagbo Onoja: Decapitated Academia and a Diminished Nigeria


As long as the world order rests on a system of nations, some nations will aggregate and project more powers than some others. What explains this hierarchy of ordination and subordination? Answers used to include population, geography, military capability, natural resources profile and land mass. Today, that is ancient International Relations. Military capability is still the fulcrum and ultimate guarantor of state power but it is not superior to leadership, knowledge power and a manufacturing or a productive economy in that order. That’s the new International Relations.
Let’s take an example. In spite of her current socio-economic turbulence, the United States of America is still the greatest military power around. But its leadership of the post Cold War did not roar on the wings of its military capability but on its knowledge power.
Nothing can subtract from Francis Fukuyama’s brilliance but nobody can also deny that there is element of empire intellectualism in his ‘End of History’ as the paradigmatic edifice upon which George Bush’s “New World Order” was erected. And when it was discovered that something was missing from the Fukuyama edifice, Samuel Huntington entered the story. He took on Fukuyama in an essay titled, “The Errors of Endism”. Subsequently, there was a paradigm shift from endism to the “Clash of Civilisations”.
The point here is that, with these two gentlemen, the US won the paradigmatic warfare as all subsequent framing of the post Cold War were either agreements or disagreements with theirs. That is how a super power settled the paradigm tussle by deploying the intellectual authority of two of their best minds who though retained the scholar’s autonomy even while serving the system, consciously or otherwise.
This US example was how we also started here in Nigeria. Remember the great methodological and theoretical revolt at Ibadan against European ethnocentrism, culminating in the Ibadan School of History, to mention an example. Then bring in the ABU, Zaria School of History which added value to Ibadan’s in the radical, if not revolutionary, direction. The leaders of the Ibadan revolt and most of the big names in that generation in the Humanities complex were, with few exceptions like Eskor Toyo and, later, Mahmud Moddibo Tukur, Festus Iyayi, etc, those referred to as bourgeois scholars. But even then, they all located their scholarship in the mission of the Nigerian State, deploying the academic’s toolkit to very patriotic ends.
By age and knowledge, I stand nowhere to produce any credible or exhaustive list of that generation from the late 1970s to early 1990s but their first sub-set would include, among others, S.G Ikoku, Kenneth Onwuka Dike, Ade Ajayi, Takena Tamuno, Bolanle Awe, Saburi Biobaku, Emmanuel Ayandele, Adiele Afigbo, Ojetunji Aboyade, Pius Okigbo, Sam Aluko, Chukwuka Okonjo, Eskor Toyo, Billy Dudley, Eyo Ndom, Nkenna Nzimiro, Anthony Asiwaju, Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe (and the whole lot from the arts), Mahdi Adamu, Akin Mabogunje, Obaro Ikime, Saad Abubakar, Okon Uya, Mahmud Tukur and Eme Awa whom I understand to be the grandfather of Nigerian Political Science.
Then the second sub-set would include the Peter Ekehs, Omafume Onoges, Claude Akes, Justin Tseayos, Fred Omus, Isawa Elaigwus, Bolaji Akinyemis, Ibrahim Tahirs, Ibrahim Gambaris, Ahmadu Jalingos, Kyari Tijanis, Bayo Adekanyes, Alex Gboyegas, Mahmud Moddibo Tukurs, Bala Usmans, Okwudiba Nnolis, Oye Oyedirans, Adiele Junaidus, Alaba Ogunsanwo, Aaron Gana, Sam Oyovbaire, Okello Oculi, Alfred Opubor, Biodun Jeyifos, Jerry Ganas, Omo Omoruyis, Humphrey Nwosus, Nur Alkalis, Asisi Asobies, Munzali Jubrils. I take liberty to include on this list the following names even though they were not formally academics/did not remain in academia. They are Liman Ciroma, Adebayo Adedeji, Alison Ayida, Patrick Dele Cole and Tunji Olagunju.
Then, suddenly, we started vandalizing ourselves, humiliating our own world class academics, making the disgraceful statement that they were teaching what they were not paid to teach. Imagine a military commander entering a campus in the Western world to suggest that there were certain things academics there must teach and others they must not? You can say that for a military academy or a seminary because they have been set up for specific purposes but not a university even as the universe of knowledge is not a license for madness. At the end of the day, very many of our best and brightest sought ‘greener’ pastures outside our own shores.
Of course, there are still many scholars with international competitiveness in the system, from the Tanimu Abubakars, Abubakar Siddiques, Paul Izas and Toure Kazah Toures in ABU, Zaria to Okey Ibeanus at UNN, Iyayis at UNIBEN, Alemikas, W. O Allis, Sam Egwus and Pam Shas at UNIJOS, Mohammed Barkindos at UNIABUJA, Sunday Ochoches at the Nigerian Defence Academy to the Sola Olorunyomis, Oka Obonos, Adigun Agbajes and Eghosa Osaghaes at the University of Ibadan, the Ayo Olukotuns and Ralph Akinfeles at Lead City University, Ibadan and then the Abubakar Momoh and Odion Akhaines at LASU, Ochinya Ojijis at Nassarawa State University, Sule Kanos and T. M Babas at UDU, Sokoto, Umar Pates and Abubakar Muazus at UNIMAID, Yakubu Ochefus at Kwararafa University and the Ibrahim Bello-Kanos, Ibrahim Muazams and Muazu Yusifs at BUK. I take liberty to include Eddy Madunagu, Mathew Hassan Kukah and the late Stanley Macebuh on this list.
Needless saying my listing is not exhaustive. Not only is it restricted to the humanities complex, it is also mainly those I can recall immediately as I write. There are many more brilliant minds out there even as hopeless and depressing as the overall university situation is. The question, however, is how many of even the few I can remember and mention immediately above are in the services of the Nigerian State as academics?
Of course, Eghosa Osaghae is still solidly in academia, hopefully returning to Ibadan after a two term Vice-Chancellorship of Igbinedion University, Okada but that is no longer the case with Professors Sam Egwu and Okey Ibeanu. Osaghae, Egwu and Ibeanu constitute the troika who took over from Okwudiba Nnoli as leading authorities on ethnicity and ethnic conflicts. It is an unscientific mindset but not a terrible thing to say that whatever they don’t know on the various dimensions of that subject is not worth knowing.
But where is Egwu now? He has been grabbed by the UN system. Ibeanu too though with some roots in INEC. Rotimi Suberu, Jibrin Ibrahim and Raufu Mustapha who should bring up this list are either scholars outside Nigeria or lost to international NGOs. It must be stated though that Ibrahim and Mustapha did not leave ABU, Zaria of their own will but under circumstances that are part of the crisis of university education in Nigeria. In a country where academics rarely return to the campus after extra-campus engagements, the outcome of all outward movements is predictable.
Ibrahim Bello Kano will not leave Bayero University, Kano only because of a personal disposition. Otherwise, any university anywhere in the world would gladly open its doors to his extraordinary mastery of the domain of Literature. It is such that between him and Tanimu Abubakar, his supervisor, no one can say who the master is now. Their case is similar to asking who, between Eghosa Osaghae and Peter Ekeh, his supervisor, is now a more remarkable Political Scientist, whether in terms of inter-textual integrity or number of publications. There is also Professor Olawale Albert and his Peace Studies team at Ibadan, particularly their interesting experimentation with trans-disciplinarity.
But these beacons in the system are not only too few, they also stand no chance of reproducing themselves within the context of existing universities. I asked Osaghae recently if he could say that he has reproduced himself. I am not sure how he answered the question now. I would certainly have remembered if his reply was a categorical yes. His answer could not have been yes because it is difficult, if not impossible, for any academic to reproduce himself within the university environment in Nigeria of today. The reason is simple. In a rentier state like Nigeria, what matters most is mastering the grand strategies and the tactics with which one can ease his or herself into the circuits that control oil rents, (the government and transnational oil companies mainly). In a context in which who you know is more important than what you know, knowledge is the first casualty. The students are very conscious of this. Hence their disdain for knowledge because they know they will never need knowledge, hard work, merit or talent to succeed in life. So, the academic labours in vain.
The second snag is the complete reversal of the fact that, in spite of the tension between the Nigerian State and the early academics, they worked together substantially. The climax of this was when IBB arrived on the scene and harvested over a dozen intellectuals viz Eme Awa and later Humphrey Nwosu and Okon Uya, (election management), Akinyemi, (foreign policy), Isawa Elaigwu, (federalism), Nkenna Nzimiro, (industrial relations), Oyovbaire, (information management), Jerry Gana, (mass mobilisation) and many more. Before IBB, there was the late Shehu Yar’Adua in the practice of erecting power on in-house intellectuals. The twosome knew one thing or two about the meaning of power. Today, only very few politicians have that facility or the inclination.
In contrast to that tradition of antagonistic co-operation between the state and the academics, there is now a state of permanent gulf between the two. With the godfathers, fixers and enforcers, who needs to clothe power again with paradigmatic sorties? Power is now sweeter if it is exercised most violently or crudely and nakedly. And once that is the case, the academy suffers because it translates to a state totally disinterested in especially the academics and functional universities.
The other side of this same point is the closed nature of Nigerian universities. It is difficult to imagine that the University of Abuja would not seek out a Jibrin Ibrahim, an Okello Oculi, a Sam Egwu, a Yakubu Aliyu, our very bests in terms of rounded training and the spirit of academia and all of whom they know to be in Abuja. Above all, the platforms for networking are missing in action. We don’t have anything like the Nigerian Political Science Association worth the name anymore. Or the Sociological/Anthropological, Geographical or Economics etc associations. They can’t be there and nobody hears them. Yet, these are the platforms from where scholars fulfil the requirement of shouting instead of murmuring.
The theoretical deficit of current university education is the third worrisome dimension. Nigeria had an excellent tradition of challenging received paradigms and methods which all sub-sets of the first generation successfully sustained. Apart from that, scholarship for its sake was contested. The radicals among them, in particular, essentialized anti-imperialism as the cornerstone of scholarship.
This was the ABU School of History mentioned earlier on. All these were products of deep theoretical grounding. Then came the World Bank and their great distaste for theoretically charged courses. In alliance with the Nigerian government through the NUC, they so adjusted the courses in a way that hit particularly at the theory component, imposing a deadening uniformity in course units for all the universities, from the first to the final year. It is a template too global to serve any purpose because they merely copied the template, unmindful of the historicity of the courses in those societies which produced the copied templates. One of the outcomes is graduates without theoretical grooming. But of what use is a graduate without that ability? What’s the point in going to the university then? From which pool would academia reproduce itself?
This is why Nigeria matches on without a knowledge industry. Predictably, it matches on a diminished Nigeria, totally dysfunctional manner, completely dependent on templates copied from others after having lost of competitiveness in ALL areas of life. It is an irony too complex to unravel, Nigeria being that African country most equipped by God to talk of a manifest destiny in the Black world.
DailyPost

“We just don’t need Osaze, it’s nothing personal” – Keshi


Stephen Keshi is adamant that the Super Eagles, will not miss Osaze Odemwingie at the African Nations Cup next January.
The head coach of the Nigerian team, was speaking to e News Agency of Nigeria on Sunday in Abuja, in response to the criticisms that have followed the 32-man list he released this week.
Keshi insisted that there was nothing personal against the players and that he has selected the best that the country has.
“We don’t need Osaze right now; that is all. He is not a bad player and there is nothing personal about it,” he said.
“It is just that at this point in time, there are some players that were not called and we don’t have anything against them. We also did not invite Obafemi Martins, why are Nigerians not talking about him?
“These players are not the only Nigerians playing; this is what we want for now. All we want for now from Nigerians is to support the players that are there in prayers,” Keshi said.
Speaking on Levante striker Obafemi Martins, who also did not make the cut, Keshi said the dimunitive striker did not shine when he was given the chance to.
“Martins is a good player and has done so well for this country. However, I have some other players I have used before and I think I have confidence in them, not that I don’t have confidence in Martins, but his time will come.
“He is still a young man and is still playing,” Keshi said.
Aminu Maigari, the chairman of the Nigeria Football Association, stood by the former Togo boss, saying his decisions were final.
“Actually the duty of the NFA board is to regulate, we don’t impose players on the coaches. But I was able to attend part of the last segment of the technical committee meeting with the coaches themselves.
“At the meeting, I asked why Osaze was not invited and the committee said it had also asked similar question, but the coach gave his reasons and they were convinced.
“I was satisfied too, because I feel it is not my right to come and say the coach must bring back a particular player,” Maigari said.
Osaze Odemwingie, today took to Twitter to attack Keshi and the NFF, saying they had no reasons to drop him.
DailyPost

We need selfless leaders not looters – Ekwueme


By CLIFFORD NDUJIHE
AFTER touring all parts of the country attending about 10 events organized to mark his 80th birthday, former Vice President, Dr Alex Ekwueme said he thought the celebrations were over and was preparing to travel abroad for a deserved rest until his Orumba, Anambra State kinsmen, told him no, penultimate week.
Gathering on the banner of Orumba Forum, his kinsmen held a birthday luncheon for him at the Lagos residence of their President, Dr Raymond Obieri. At the occasion, an elated Ekwueme, told his hosts, which included Sir Jonah Eze, Professor Laz Ekwueme, Engr S Okoli, Dr Emma Nwankwo, how the efforts of Orumba people led to the emergence of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo as president in 1999. He also told reporters after the event the kind of leaders Nigeria needs to disentangle her from the snarl of socio-economic and political underdevelopment.
My nomination to 1994 national conference paved way for power rotation
Speaking in Igbo language, Ekwueme said: I wanted to go abroad to rest but shelved it to attend this ceremony. At times people praise me for my roles in G-18, G-34, which later metamorphosed into the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP without knowing the origin. We started it in 1994. When late General Sani Abacha said there would be a constitutional conference in Abuja, the people of Orumba North and Orumba South were to present one candidate. I was in America then but they selected me unanimously.
“I went to the conference. In my minority report, we talked about six geo-political zones and rotational presidency between the North and South. We said since the North had been in power for a long time, the rotation should start from the South. That was how Chief Olusegun Obasanjo became the president in 1999.
I thank the people of Orumba for giving me the opportunity to go and represent them at the conference. At the conference, we talked about rotation of the Presidency, six geo-political zones, G-18, G-34 and PDP. If late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua had not died he would still be in power because of the rotation principle. So, I thank you Orumba, for sending me.
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How he feels at 80
I feel energetic and physically fit. God has been very good to me. I am sound and healthy. It is not only a matter of being old but a matter of being old and strong. I cannot thank God enough.
The secret of his good looks and energy
I don’t know about good looks. Energy, I think is as a result of contentment. Once you are satisfied with what God has given you, you don’t need to stress yourself. Most of these things are through God’s grace.
On his striking retentive memory at 80
I don’t recall as much now as I used to. When I was younger, and in school I had a photographic memory; if I read a book I could virtually repeat everything in that book. But now, age has come in, I can’t recall as much as I used to do. Though I don’t have retentive memory like when I was younger but still I manage to recall past events and it is a gift one has to be thankful to God.
How he sees the state of affairs in the country
I don’t think there is anybody who was here in 1960 when the Union Jack was lowered and the Nigerian flag raised up that will not be concerned with the state of things in the country. Those of us who were there at Tafawa Balewa Square when the Nigerian flag was raised are disappointed with the current state of Nigeria.
We had very high hopes of what Nigeria would be as the leader of Africa, the economy would grow exponentially, it would be a model among the British former colonies and there will be high quality of life for all the citizens.
But that has not happened. I cannot apportion blames now as why it happened but that is the reality. Those of us who were here on September 30, 1960 are not happy with the state of Nigeria today.
Where Nigerians started getting it wrong
I don’t want start apportioning blames because you have to do a complete analysis, which is not what you can get in a few sentences from me.
How Nigeria can begin to get it right
To get it right all our leaders must be committed and determined to render service as of choice, altruistic service not what they can get but what they can give. That is the starting point going forward.
On threat of Nigerian languages, especially Igbo, dying
It is Igbo language in particular that has been threatened. If you read the UNESCO report Igbo is one of the languages they said might be extinct in 15-25 years. Igbos of my generation speak the language but our children discuss in English. They go to secondary schools where English is the medium of expression.
If it comes to normal Igbo gathering, they communicate in English because it is easier for them to speak in English than in Igbo. But there is a campaign promoted by Professor Peter Ejiofor, the former Vice Chancellor of Nnamdi Azikiwe University to encourage people to speak Igbo in Igbo gatherings so that the language will not die.
Vanguard