PHOTONEWS:Pro-Jonathan Lawmaker In Rivers Tried To Snatch Police Weapon

 

caption: Self appointed "Speaker" of rivers State Assembly seen here trying to grab a police gun during a fracas

caption: Evans Bipi

By SaharaReporters, New York

Several photos have emerged showing Rivers State lawmaker Evans Bipi attacking a police officer  during a fracas precipitated by President
Goodluck Jonathan and his wife to unseat the governor, Rotimi Amaechi.
Some of the of the photos show an enraged Bipi going for the AK 47 automatic gun of one of the policemen at the house of assembly.
On July 9th, Bipi  led thugs to take over the house, upon entering the assembly chambers he beat up some principal officers  of the house and pronounced himself the speaker before Governor Amaechi  personally intervened to thwart his efforts.
 Another pro-Amaechi lawmaker, Chidi Lloyd embarked on a counter-attack caught on tape, in the counter action he smashed a wooden mace on the head of another lawmaker who has remained hospitalized.
 Saharareporters

For once, Aso Rock senses tremors

Security inside a rock seems safest only as long as there are no tremors or the prospects can be ominous. As well-known to Nigerians, there is an on-going win all or lose all political battle of survival between President Goodluck Jonathan and Rivers State Governor, Chibuike Amaechi.
Despite Jonathan’s ostrich posture on the matter, events suddenly sprang out of control to expose the actual situation. Such was the alarming development that an erstwhile internal civil war of a ruling party attracted the concern of the opposition, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) to call for the impeachment of President Jonathan for allegedly violating the constitution serially.
If that demand appeared a joke, the atmosphere at Aso Rock was rattling as the Presidency, within a couple of hours, reacted desperately with the usual polemics and insinuations washing President Jonathan off any responsibility for the political violence in the State House of Assembly on Tuesday.
Action Congress of Nigeria had listed the violence in Port Harcourt the previous day as the last straw in series of alleged impeachable offences committed by Jonathan including the political heat over the disputed leadership election of Nigerian Governors’ Forum.
Significantly, ACN’s demand for President Jonathan’s impeachment was made only a day after one of the party’s governors, Fayemi of Ekiti State, completely exonerated Jonathan from any involvement in the NGF crisis over a month after the election.
There is this intriguing bond between Jonathan and Fayemi dating back to the aftermath of the 2011 presidential elections. While the Action Congress of Nigeria, through its national publicity secretary, Lai Mohammed was faulting Jonathan’s victory for alleged electoral malpractices, Fayemi emerged as the first governor to publicly congratulate Jonathan on his victory.
Without providing any substance or specifics, Aso Rock’s reaction to the demand for Jonathan’s impeachment was more of gobbledegook.
In addition, the swiftness of the response or denial showed how the message got home on the prospects if not reality of the months and years ahead unless Jonathan humbles his political ambition, which, by the way, is legitimate as any other member’s in the PDP.
The only worry is the bully tactics such as being exhibited in Rivers State. The incident triggered bi-partisan instant reaction in the National Assembly with the undisguised notice even by majority PDP members in the National Assembly.
Rather than allowing democracy to collapse, (as was in Egypt), Nigerian National Assembly will preferably abandon Jonathan to his fate as may be determined by his political miscalculation. National Assembly, in this case, comprises largely Goodluck Jonathan’s fellow elected PDP members since the party controls majority in the chamber.
If there was any doubt on where they stand on the Rivers State’s crisis or even on Jonathan’s present and future political aspirations, such doubt disappeared after the forced division in the Senate on the debate over the crisis in Rivers State.
As usual, the House of Representatives was even more damning on all the controversial issues – condemnation of the violence in Rivers State, assumption of the functions and legislative powers of the Rivers State House of Assembly and insistence on the re-deployment of Police Commissioner, James Mbu from the state. The vote was almost unanimous as only three or four members managed to voice opposition.
That should show President Jonathan the degree of support if any, he enjoys even among his party members in the National Assembly on the Rivers State political crisis. Jonathan might dissociate himself from the crisis but such self-claimed innocence is belied by his obsession with dislodgement of political opponents, including his famous god-father, ex-President Obasanjo.
At that stage, Jonathan may have the wrong impression that he is politically invincible. He had better know when and where to stop, or the party would assist him. President Jonathan is a PDP member and by the party’s convention, the leader.
Some of his men in Rivers State House of Assembly, in fact, only five, ganged up and claimed to have impeached the Speaker, who, by implication, still enjoys the support of the remaining twenty-six elected members.
Whatever his other qualification later in life, a President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria must have passed through primary school where he must have been taught that throughout the world and at any state of humanity, a group of five can never have it over another group of twenty-six in all matters of majority decision.
The situation in Rivers State had been lingering for months. Where was Goodluck Jonathan and why has he failed so far to educate the dissident five members in Rivers State House of Assembly that they are wrong and will continue to be wrong till eternity? Jonathan claims complete innocence of the threatening anarchy in Rivers State. The only deception is self-deceit. There is a consolation.
Even Jonathan now realises he can be impeached. Hence, the desperate reaction to the call for his impeachment made by the Action Congress of Nigeria. Impeachment move for alleged violation of constitution will comprise series of offences overlooked all along.
In case others had been deceiving or flattering him, the bitter truth is that Jonathan has substantially alienated the political support he claimed to have attracted in 2011. Not the least, Governor Amaechi who recorded over ninety per cent of the total votes in Rivers State for Jonathan. Not the least, former President Olusegun Obasanjo who single-handedly sponsored him to the Presidency.
Not the least, the Action Congress of Nigeria leadership, which engaged in gerrymandering against its, own presidential candidate, all in favour of Goodluck Jonathan. Not the least, the PDP-controlled National Assembly against Commissioner James Mbu conveniently retained in Rivers State by Police-Inspector-General, Mohammed Abubakar, unwilling to upset Jonathan who appointed him IG.
Is Jonathan not worried by the complete silence throughout north western Nigeria? Jonathan should even be fair to himself by seeing Amaechi as a sincere political opponent or even enemy better than presumed hypocritical supporters among some PDP governors.
National Assembly saw the danger Jonathan might not have seen in the position of the political rascals in Rivers State. If they got away with their five votes to impeach the Speaker of Rivers State House of Assembly, the next stop would have been the National Assembly to similarly impeach the Speaker of House of Representatives or President of Senate with minority votes.
All the same, the reaction of the National Assembly members must not be seen as self-preservation but a notice to the rascals in Rivers State or whoever might be sponsoring them, not to set the nation ablaze. It is also not enough to deny Jonathan’s involvement in impeachable misconduct. He should be advised not to allow himself to be remotely suspected of such political/constitutional crimes.
For these purposes, there cannot be the blackmail of plot against “our son” or our party. The loyalty of National Assembly in impeachment prospects is primarily to the nation before an individual or even the party.
Nigeria must defy Britain on death penalty
If anybody ever thought enforcement of laws on capital punishment in this country would pass without the pontification of unsolicited foreigners, such Nigerian must have been underestimating the delusion of these ex-colonial rulers in failing or refusing to grasp the reality of the sovereignty of each country, all over the world.
It is, therefore, essential that President Goodluck Jonathan and Edo State Governor, Adams Oshiomhole, stand firm on the all-important question of death penalty prescribed for offences posing insecurity to lives and property in Nigeria. Governor Oshiomhole duly performed his duty by signing the death warrant of only four out of the possible hundreds facing execution.
Remarkably, all of them earned their fate after due process of law through fair trial from Magistrates/High Courts, Appeal Court to the Supreme Court.
What is more, nobody should be surprised at the executions. Despite the country-wide threat of anarchy posed by the criminals, Governor Oshiomhole stood out among the crowd (of governors) by alerting Nigerians that, to stem the wave of insecurity, he would sign any death warrant of any condemned criminal.
It was therefore mischievous of critics who read revenge motive into Oshiomhole’s performance of his constitutional duty as aimed at making up for the murder of one of his aides, Olaitan Oyerinde, who was murdered for no reason. Even if that were so, did Oyerinde deserve to be murdered without deterrence for the culprits? Before Governor Oshiomhole took the stern measure, there were general complaints and accusations by Nigerians and foreigners against President Jonathan for allegedly being weak to guarantee security.
All that has therefore happened with the execution of the culprits is a direct attack at the major source of the insecurity. It is therefore hypocritical of the critics, Nigerians and foreigners alike, to express anger at the war on insecurity. On his part, President Jonathan must go the who hog. Governor Oshiomhole is only one out of thirty-six state governors and insecurity is all over the country rather than only Edo State.
For his courage in carrying out the executions, Oshiomhole has commenced the process of relieving President Jonathan of the misplaced criticisms of being weak and incapable of guaranteeing security. Jonathan must therefore not leave Oshiomhole seemingly as the bad guy among the state governors. He (Jonathan) must make the remaining thirty-five state governors account for convicts in the death cell.
Much as Jonathan cannot force a governor against the governor’s will, to sign death warrants, all such unwilling governors must be acquainted with the consequences. In a situation of such misguided moral posture in violation of the oath of office to which each governor swore to enforce laws, the Federal Government has the duty under the constitution to deal with any breakdown of law and order arising from insecurity posed by kidnappers, murderers, arsonists and armed robbers.
That duty in our present situation is for President Jonathan to declare emergency throughout the state concerned, suspend the governor for at least six months and restore normalcy. Jonathan has no choice or he will then deserve the blame for being weak to guarantee security in the country.
For the record, Jonathan deserves credit for coming out strong to discuss Britain’s criticisms on the reactivation of execution for capital offences. Particularly robust was the reminder, in case the former colonialists forgot, that Britain introduced death penalty in Nigeria. We were in this country in 1953 under British rule when eleven convicts were hanged one morning at Broad Street prison in Lagos for the murder of one law-abiding citizen, a Muslim preacher, Alhaji Bisiriyu Apalara.
Two years later, another set of five convicts were hanged in the same prison for the murder of a Nigerian musician, Israel Njemanze. It was therefore re-assuring that President Jonathan and Governor Oshiomhole have refused to be intimidated by Britain, the Commonwealth, European Union and Amnesty International. Beneath the arrogance of this group of critics is disregard, partly with racist undertone for Nigeria’s sovereignty. By whatever name they are called and however committed, murder is murder and the punishment is execution.
When a group of people declares and wages war against another people in another country, the name is unprovoked murder. And when the countries on the receiving end legitimately inflict the punishment even through unmanned drones, the name is execution for murder. In fact, such executions by the United States and Israel are largely pre-emptive and without trial. Those so executed are at the worst suspects and at the best accused.
This is not to say that United States and Israel violate any law since the first duty of any nation is to guarantee the safety and survival of its law-abiding citizens. The similar duty of Nigerian nation is to guarantee the safety and survival of its law-abiding citizens against the established crimes of murderers, kidnappers and armed robbers who kill their victims.
The life of a law-abiding citizen unlawfully murdered is not less valuable than his American and Israeli fellow citizens of the world. America and Israel take lawful, pre-emptive deterrent measures just as Nigeria takes lawful, punitive deterrent measures to contain these criminals.
It must therefore be noted that for whatever measures United States or Israel takes, including execution through unmanned drones, Britain, the Commonwealth, Amnesty International and other foreign moralities have never reacted critically. Why then the hostility against Nigeria? Nigerian Government is answerable to Nigerians, rather than to the Commonwealth or Amnesty International.
Even on the domestic scene, America still operates the death penalty in most states. Yet, Britain never raised objections. With the death warrant Governor Oshiomhole signed, other criminals will henceforth flee Edo State for neighbouring states condoning murderers.

TheSun

My Biafra war tales…At 60, ex-CAC boss reminisces on the civil war

By IKENNA EMEWU, Abuja
At 60, Sir Dennis Ekumankama would readily tell you that years have taught him great lessons about life. He counts himself lucky to be a survivor of several setbacks that were enough to send him out of the scene, including the initial obstacle of being born in an environment that lacked modern healthcare.
“I survived infant mortality that was high when I was born. Later I survived the civil war,” he intones deeply.
But war did not let go without a scar. Because of the problem that came with it, at a time he should have been leaving secondary school, he was rather enrolling. He was just one of the millions of children of his generation whose education and course of life was altered by the war in the Biafran side of the divide.
Ekumankama tells his long story spanning 60 years as his family, friends and associates plan to host him today. He announces himself as one of the kids born into rural areas where health facilities were entirely lacking.
“My parents told me that mum gave birth to me at home unattended to by any medical officer. She returned from the farm that day, July 13, 1953 and suddenly went into labour, after which she had a baby boy. Surviving childhood those days was as tough and unaided as the process of birth. But God destined that some must survive at a generation most children died of ailments preventable today.”
He recalls that: “I passed out of primary school in 1965 in my village, Amangwu Edda and was to enroll in secondary school in 1966 when the war broke. I had taken the common entrance intending to enroll in the Ikom County Secondary School when the problems became unbearable and my uncle I lived with, a tax assessment officer in Ikom, had to send me home to Edda (Ebonyi State) to watch things. On my return, things turned worst, such that all my family had to migrate as internally displaced persons that lived in the bush for years. It was a crisis of high proportion that nobody mentioned anything about school enrolment. The paramount factor was survival, and this was even a tall order in the bush in Abam (now in Abia State) where we lived for all the years the war lasted. So, registering in a secondary school, had to wait until 1970 when the war was over. As we returned to our native abode in Edda. Having lost everything to the war it was time again to start picking the pieces. The hardship was enormous.”
After the war, it took the intervention of another uncle of his, the late Justice Onu Ekumankama to enroll him in Ishiagu High School, a neighbouring town.
“I keep saying that the intervention of my uncle was God’s kindness at work because after the war, things were not easy at all,” he recalls.
In 1975, he was done with secondary education. With a good result, he immediately secured a job to teach at the Omobo Primary School, Akaeze, a town just next to where he had his secondary education. This didn’t last long as his quest for further education pushed him to enroll for his HSC and A’Level programmes. On making three subjects at the A’Level, he was uploaded to teach in a secondary school. His teaching career lasted till 1978, when as part of the first batch of candidates to take the Joint Matriculation Board Examination, JAMB, he got direct entry admission to read law in the University of Lagos, Unilag.
“I can say God had intended from the beginning that I would be a lawyer, because prior to my admission to Unilag, I had made failed attempts to get admission in the University of Nigeria, Nsukka to read Sociology/Anthropology or Political Science.” He was called to the Bar in 1982.
“Those days, there were ample opportunities for lawyers to be engaged after service. That was how the law firm in Makurdi, Benue State where I served, employed me. I worked one year there with the Osman & Co, Fati Chambers and commenced my personal practice and firm the following year. Good enough, my principal at the place I served and worked for one year, Chief Mamman Mike Osman gave his blessings and all the support to commence my private practice.” A little after he started his private practice, the returns for a successful career manifested in his buying his first car, a 505 Peugeot at N11, 000. That was the first major breakthrough he had from his Dennis Ekumankama & Co, Harmony Chambers because “the car made practice easier for me as God’s kindness made everything I handled in my career a success.”
He furthered his success run in November 1987 when he got married. That union with Rose Chinny is blessed with eight children, two of whom have already graduated and two others in the universities.
If the war that cost him four years of his education was a setback, it was just temporary because Ekumankama later outgrew the lapses and picked up speed to regain the lost years.
“While in practice, I felt it necessary to further my education, so I enrolled for a Masters degree in law at the Abia State University, a certificate I picked in 1991. I attended lectures in Abia from my base in Makurdi while still practising and managing my family. After my LLM, it was just some years before I felt the urge again to take the effort some notches higher.”
Soon, the dividends of his new status started rolling in with a job to help develop the Law Faculty of the Benue State University, Makurdi. He also made good input in commencing the postgraduate law programme in the faculty and also served as the first coordinator of postgraduate law programmes of the university.
In 1996, he stretched his appetite for education by publishing his first book – Law and Development of the LGA in Nigeria.
“With sense of modesty, that was an era of the dearth of legal literature in local government law. In my research for the book, what I found were books by social scientists on the subject and not even a single reference in law, apart from monographs and workshop papers,” he says.
After his outing as an author, the following year, he was appointed to the elections petitions tribunal of Ebonyi State on local government elections. Maybe, the appointment reminded Ekumankama that he still had something lacking about his legal quest, as he soon returned to the classroom as a student in 1998 at the University of Jos where he enrolled and did his PhD in Law. He actualized the course meant for a minimum of three years in just two years. But the school authorities delayed his final defence till it was three years since his enrollment. At this time, his interest in law had started tilting towards the major rave of the moment – financial crimes. So that was the focus of his doctorate thesis – Financial Crimes as Impediment to the Development of Nigeria.

At CAC
He was still awaiting the final lap of his doctorate when nature showed him a sunnier side with his appointment to the Corporate Affairs Commission, CAC. “Whenever I remember my appointment to the CAC at the point it was undergoing reorganization in 2001, I still feel this sense of gratitude to my brother, the then Senate President, Anyim Pius Anyim (now the Secretary to the Government of the Federation). Then he had suggested to me the need to change location and leave Makurdi where I had lived for 20 years since my youth service. His argument was that my legal practice had grown and would be better if taken to a larger space like Abuja. That brotherly suggestion later worked out better things. As I was leaving for Abuja it was when CAC was reorganizing and there was vacancy for people like me to drive the new idea. So, I applied and got employed in the CAC as Director/Secretary of the Commission through Anyim’s support. The reason for my appreciation of Anyim’s motivation that made me relocate to Abuja was another opportunity base, different from my 20 years of legal practice to do something different and also serve the nation in another capacity. I remained in CAC till June 2009. It was in that same month that the office of the chief executive of the CAC was vacant.”
As the next most senior officer, he automatically moved up to fill the gap in acting capacity. He was the Acting Registrar General/CEO till October 9, 2009 when a substantive chief executive was appointed. His exit or failure to be confirmed substantive CEO was one of the outcomes of the Head of Service’s rule then which was ratified by President Umar Yar’Adua that all officials that had served as directors for up to eight years in any federal establishment should retire. Alongside other directors caught in the track of the new rule, he had to leave CAC.
“So, I left without attaining the statutory 60 years of age or 35 years of service that is the general rule for retirement.”
But that was not without events according to him. He thumps his chest that: “When we joined the commission, things were like at the base level, but I thank God that I was part of the team that lifted and turned CAC around. We got there with a burdensome responsibility to make things better, and I am sure we did just that. We joined CAC when the office was somewhere in Area 11, Abuja. It was not befitting operating from there and the whole place was infested with touts and touting. The CAC was in a mess that no customers or clients wanted to have anything to do with it. Our quest for a new Commission made us move the office to somewhere in Wuse Zone 5. It was there we launched the CAC into online registration of companies in 2004. Such moves gave the body the right bearing for better business in a better environment, better trained staff, better motivation and challenges for taking the body to a world class business incorporation outfit. And with all sense of modesty, we got so much mileage in actualizing that dream, and even now that I am no longer there, I have no doubt that the spirit of growth and innovation is being sustained because the person that took over as the CEO was part of the innovative team. The effort culminated in the CAC moving to its present location in a wonderful environment and edifice in Maitama. Even as I speak to you, company registration, the major business of the CAC and a vital aspect of the drive of the nation’s economy to pro-market tracks and the encouragement of investment from citizens and foreigners is sure to be completed in just 24 hours using the online platform. There are instances and types of registrations that are made possible in just 24 hours. That is the benefit of foresight and the drive of our team that had a sight for the right stead for the commission. I remain always proud to say that I left the CAC in good standing and in far greater shape than I met it.”
His books
While in the CAC, the workload and other encumbrances of his duty did not stop him tilting steadily to his academic inclinations. He still found time to write books on law even as secretary of the commission. One of them, which got the endorsement of the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, CJN, Justice Muhammadu Lawal Uwais who wrote the foreword, was Criminology and Penology: A Nigerian Perspective. The second was The Law, Corruption and Other Economic Crimes in Nigeria Today; Problems and Solutions. The books were presented in Abuja in November 2003. In 2004, in apparent appreciation of his contribution to the development of the Nigerian legal system, especially at laying a foundation towards attaining a corruption-free nation as suggested in his books and contributions to the development of the community, he was awarded a National Honour, MFR, by th administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo.
The blessings and open doors has not stopped as between “2001 and 2008, I was blessed with three more children. Now I have in all eight lovely children, for which I am grateful to God for their lives and the joy they add to my life everyday. It is my prayer that God Almighty who blessed my life with these wonderful gifts would bestow on them excellent spirit to be of good and worthy service to Him and the society. Not just that, I insist that God’s word in Psalms 127 and 128 would be real in my life and that of my wife to see my children’s children, and if it pleases him to see my great grandchildren. So far, all my children are doing well. My first daughter is married, the first son has completed his youth service and one of them right now has decided to follow my steps and he is studying law.
Stint in politics
After his in the CAC, and following calls by his people for more service and representation, he joined politics with a view to vying for the senatorial seat of his region, Ebonyi South Senatorial District in the 2011 elections. His effort, however, ended at the primary contest level in the party selection. That done, he settled back to his core competence area – legal practice.
“I had to dust my wig and gown and revive fully my legal practice. I to re-opened the Dennis Ekumankama Chambers now in Abuja at Zone 6, Wuse. This time, I didn’t revive it as the Harmony Chambers as it was in Makurdi because I found that someone else uses that name. So, I renamed it Veritas Chambers.”
More books
“Right now, I have completed my two new books. Soon, they would be out for the public. One of them is Government Integrity, Anti Corruption and the Law. This is essentially a compendium of papers I have written and published in the weekly Leadership Newspaper. In the book, I considered and x-rayed the meaning, scope of corruption, the causes, effects cost and, of course, the responses and recommendation for its control. I tried to highlight the issues in broad perspective and considered the role of the legal system, the legislature, budget implementation transparency, the rule of law and adherence to the provisions of the Public Procurement Act, 2007, the Fiscal Responsibility Act, the Money Laundering Act, the EFCC and ICPC Acts as they all relate to the broader body of laws on corruption. The work will also expose the roles and relevance of the civil societies, the media, NGOs and the public in the control of corruption and in the management of the nation. My second book also about to be released is A Companion of Contemporary Company Law and Practice in Nigeria. The two will hit the market at the same time. This second book would provide details in Nigeria’s company laws in real terms and what commercial company operators need to know about company registration processes in the CAC. It is a work I started with my practical experience in the CAC over the years. I have dedicated the work to all workers of the CAC who worked tirelessly to reform the commission while I dedicated the work on corruption to all Nigerians and agencies that fight the war against corruption.
SAN
I am not yet a SAN. Not being a SAN yet, does not make me feel bad or feel like one who has not been appreciated or made enough impact to be recognized. I will also tell you that my practice was truncated by my exit to serve in the CAC. Right now, I am back fully in practice. But you should not forget that I have been a Notary Public for years. It is an honour certified and conferred on legal practitioners by the CJN. Again, being in the academia, I continue to contribute my quota in the development of the legal system in the nation through my books. I have been a resource person for years in various fora, including the International Symposium on Economic Crimes that holds in Cambridge, UK every year.
I am a Fellow of the Corporate Administrators of Nigeria; Fellow of the Nigerian Institute of Management; Member, Malaysian Institute of Management; Paul Harris Fellow of the Rotary International; Member of the IBB Golf Club; Knight of St. John International (KSJ) former Rotary President of District 9120 between 1998 and 1999 and many other honours and accomplishments.
Presently, I am a member of the Board of Directors of the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, for which I am grateful to President Goodluck Jonathan for judging me fit to serve in that capacity, and I promise to contribute my all to improve on the state of the institution for a better nation.
Corruption in Nigeria
My position on corruption, an issue I have written much on and spoken about, is the belief that no one party, organ or entity can fight corruption in the system successfully. So, I have always advocated integrative action if we would succeed in arresting corruption before it totally ruins the nation.
I remain optimistic that with God on our side, the corruption situation in Nigeria can’t continue the same way. I have offered solutions on the way out of this mire in my works in the past and ready to offer more in the future. I say with all boldness that the government needs to do more in demonstrating the willingness to fight corruption, and that should include motivating Nigerian workers enough to distract them from condoning and breeding corruption. To do this, we have to pay the worker better, assure him that his labour is not in vain. Let us not create work environment to encourage discrimination of one in favour of the other by reason of any form of biases.
So at 60, I am a happy man. I am a grateful man, to God, to the nation, to my family, friends, especially my brother Senator Anyim. If it didn’t please God, I would not have come this far. And as a result, I don’t feel bad or regret not getting anything I targeted because the ones I got were purely by His grace. What about my mates who didn’t make it this far, am I in anyway better than them? No. I am a Christian, and the word of God I firmly believe in makes me understand and truthfully so that all we have is just God’s grace. So I thank Him for the grace believing he would do more in my life.

TheSun

How Nigeria can win anti-corruption war –Aifuwa

 

Right now, the nation is getting soaked, especially the government, in the steps towards the centenary celebration. Most of the things they do either get coloured in centenary or take directly from the plans of how best they intend to hold the anniversary.
Apart from the plans of the government, some informed private citizens have also started making inputs into how best to make the event to come most fruitful and memorable.
One of such personalities and experts is Dr. Paul Amen-Aifuwa, President of Time Communications Limited, who has proffered solutions to the problems of the nation towards the 100-year celebration.
In a memo he wrote as part of his contribution, he lamented that the nation had tottered on the path of retrogression and should get its acts right and find ways of making amends from now.
He is sure that everything today branded as corruption in the management of the nation and major threat to her existence, is the cumulative effect of what earlier manifested in the civil war and various odd military interventions. He describes corruption as the “social baggage whose contraband contents are ethnic differences, disunity, nepotism and parochial flirtations.”
Amen-Aifuwa itemised the crises Nigeria had been through from the struggles against colonialism to the civil war and military incursions that interrupted the political development.
Deriving from his insight, there are about five flanks through which the nation should fight its present problems and get it right to grow as it is supposed to.
The five major areas the government should channel its efforts to win the battle and find a new and refreshing bearing for the nation beyond the celebrations it plans,    according to him, include moral re-invention, decisive war against insecurity, insurgency and other divisive trends that threaten the nation.
On the security threats he aptly titled it “exorcising the insurgency and insecurity challenging our nationhood and unity.”
Notwithstanding the many problems the nation faces and has faced in the past 99 years, he is still hopeful that if the leadership of the nation would make deliberate effort towards a turn around, it is still very early and timely to set the nation on the track of better evolvement and greatness.
In the 39-page document titled Nigeria Leadership Can Make it, he advised the leadership of the nation tenaciously tackle the task of ‘exorcising insurgency from the land; develop a national welfare plan to give the poorer citizens a better sense of belonging; strengthen legislation, the legislature and other ailing organs and institutions of democracy and decide to deliberately change the course of leadership.’
He noted that where Nigeria missed it is at the level of allowing violence against each other to take root as a way of life. “The deplorable scenario is one that violence jolted the policy unabated with dire threats to life expectancy which is now at its lowest ebb.”
It is his argument that since the nation has spent about 99 years not finding its bearing to a better society, there should be proper re-think on how best its future should be managed away from the format that encourages and breeds corruption, divisions, disunity and general insecurity.
Amen-Aifuwa in addressing the security insurgency in the north faulted attacks on the federal government and President Goodluck Jonathan and said such is in bad taste. He said: “Stakeholders aggression against the president on the measure adopted to tackle Boko Haram is misplaced. They are as unfortunate as they are ironically uncalled for. There is no more to it than meets the eye, and if political differences must be sunk in the face of the looming offensive, it must be found in the realm of more result oriented and tactfully logical attention.”
He challenged even political opponents of the government to overlook their differences and stand on the platform of recreating and retrieving Nigeria from her enemies for the benefit of all.
He described the outbreak of “insurgence as an abomination to our founding fathers. All we need for the nation is the exercise of redeeming her from insurgents and it must be firm and fair, that would include using force where necessary and to temper such move with robust reconciliation and rapport with the sect members.”
He also called for an “armament against human ethical violation that has led to so many problems in the society by deliberately making laws targeted at the celebration that would have national and global appeal as a means of reviving our ethics.”
Further in his espousal, he said “the seeming combative engagements of the pro-northern personalities against the Herculean efforts of the federal government in the face of the insurgents aggression against their own fatherland are as unfortunate as they are uncalled for.” He rather advocates a bias for the nation’s unity by all stakeholders instead of ethnic and regional inclinations that threaten the continued existence of the state.
Aifuwa challenged the nation to find means of creating platforms that would make the centenary not just a momentary celebration but one that would leave powerful marks on the psyche of the people to engender lasting revival of ethics and values that would lead to greater growth and stabilize the security system and foster national unity and identity. He said this would be given a sound bite if there would be legislation against wrong values that are not in tandem with the nature of the nation and Africa. He called it moral legislation against wrong values. But notwithstanding the daring threats, he is certain the leadership of the nation can make it and steer the nation out of chaos and unto the track of growth, unity and peace.

TheSun

Waiting For Tambuwal's Revolution

 

caption: Chido Onumah

Columnist: 

Chido Onumah

This piece has nothing to do with what is happening in Egypt. Ultimately, Nigerians, based on their experience and the existing reality, will determine the trajectory of the current impasse. It was spurred by the recent call for revolution by Aminu Tambuwal, a 2015 presidential wannabe.
Last week, the speaker of the House of Representatives joined the growing list of public officials calling for revolution in Nigeria, a call that is not only cynical but downright hypocritical.
Tambuwal was guest speaker at the 2013 Distinguished Management Lecture of the Nigerian Institute of Management (Chartered) and he spoke on the theme, ‘The role of the legislature on the economic, infrastructural and ethical revolution in Nigeria”. “Nigeria is due for revolution – Tambuwal”, was how the Punch headlined its report of the speech.
According to Tambuwal, “The most compelling reasons for revolution throughout the ages were injustice, crushing poverty, marginalisation, rampant corruption, lawlessness, joblessness, and general disaffection with the ruling elite. You will agree with me that these describe conditions in our nation now, to a very large degree”.
It was the same chorus that former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, sang last November in a speech at a West African regional conference on youth employment in Senegal. “Unless the government of Nigeria takes urgent steps to arrest the menace of youth unemployment and poverty, it is a certainty that Nigeria will see a revolution soon”, Obasanjo said. For a man who had eleven years – three years (1976-79) as a military dictator and eight years (1999-07) as an “elected” president – to change the fortune of Nigeria but wasted it, it is understandable that Obasanjo is seeking to make restitution and redeem himself.
For Tambuwal who was represented by the Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Legislative Budget and Research, Mr. Opeyemi Bamidele, “That these conditions exist is well known to all persons in authority but the results of these successive efforts have failed to yield the desired results. This therefore is the justification for the radical change from the present approach to a revolutionary one”.
We can see a common thread that is worrying in the extreme in this cacophony of revolutionary battle cry. These voices belong to those who have brought us to this sad end. Both Tambuwal and Obasanjo, examples of the opportunistic and vain-glorious elite that has held this country hostage since independence, are leading figures in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The PDP-led national government has in the last 14 years either created or exacerbated “injustice, crushing poverty, marginalisation, rampant corruption, lawlessness, joblessness, and general disaffection with the ruling elite”.
Considering Tambuwal’s pedigree, it is unlikely that he authored or had any input in drafting that speech that was clearly a publicity stunt. I am inclined to believe that Mr. Bamidele, former radical student activist and ex-president of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) who represented the speaker was merely expressing himself while invoking the name of the speaker.
Of course, Nigeria is due for revolution. Nobody who has witnessed the way the country has been run, particularly in the last 14 years will deny that revolution is imminent. A country where the ruling class connives with multinationals to dupe citizens in every sector deserves nothing but a revolution. A country where homelessness is the rule rather than the exception; a country where poverty, unemployment and hopelessness persist in the midst of abundance, is ripe for a revolution. Not just any revolution, but one that will usher a new era of wealth redistribution and reward for genuine hard work as opposed to rewarding the indolence of our ruling elite. 
Tambuwal and his cohorts can’t “dash” us this revolution. Tambuwal’s grandstanding should, therefore, be noted for what it is. As one commentator put it, “When the root of a problem starts recommending the solution to the problem, something is amiss”. I will give it to Tambuwal. He has become a star overnight; an adept at using politically correct lingo for whatever it is worth.
Is Tambuwal really interested in revolution, ethical or otherwise? I doubt it. In his opinion, “The most critical role that the legislature plays is through the annual appropriation bill. As representatives of the people, the legislature ensured that the more critical needs of the people got priority attention, as efforts were made to ensure equitable distribution of projects”. Which critical needs is Tambuwal talking about? The collapse of education, health and social infrastructure across the country?

Let’s even leave the issue of the scandalous salaries and allowances Tambuwal and his colleagues receive as “representatives of the people” – salaries and allowances that are the highest in the world – and focus on the “more critical needs of the people” that Tambuwal talks about so glibly.
In a country where universities have become glorified secondary schools, where workers are expected to survive on N18,000 ($110) a month; a country with one the highest maternal mortality rates in the world, where over 10 million school children are out of school, Tambuwal’s House of Representatives approved over a N1 billion ($6million) for food in 2012 for the presidency, N1.7 billion ($11.3million) for the vice president on trips and N1.3 billion ($8.6million) on office stationeries in 2012. This amount included N12 million ($80,000) on books, N45 million ($300,000) on newspapers, and N9 million ($60,000) on magazines and periodicals. A breakdown showed that the VP would spend N723 million ($4.8 million) on local travels and N951 million ($6.3 million) on his international travels. That is the kind of profligate house that Mr. Tambuwal superintends.
We have heard from those who say Nigerians are too timid to carry out a revolution. Now, it is the turn of those who want to wage the revolution on behalf of Nigerians on the pages of newspapers. Of course, if we wait for Tambuwal’s revolution, we’ll wait in vain.
When the mass of our people know that when they confront this oppressive system, they have nothing to lose but their oppression, poverty and indignity they will embark on the necessary journey of genuine revolutionary transformation of Nigeria.
An essential part of this revolution is to tinker with the structure of the country which feeds the corruption and impunity of which Tambuwal is a major beneficiary. Tambuwal, by his own words, has invited the rebellion on himself and others in his class. They should be concerned, really concerned!
Saharareporters

Yet Another Brigandage in Rivers

The Horizon By KAYODE KOMOLAFE.  Email: kayode.komolafe@thisdaylive.com.

It is exactly 10 years today that some policemen abducted Dr. Chris Ngige from the Government House in Awka, Anambra State. The policemen led by the late Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Raphael Ige, simply ignored the immunity of Ngige as the state governor to carry out this infamy. This act was, perhaps, the climax of the brigandage that reigned supreme in the state, which is home to many eminent and decent Nigerians.

On that occasion, the police was used by some actors who were close enough to Aso Rock to peddle influence and be lawless in Anambra. The activities of the brigands in Anambra put liberal democracy to a severe test in the era of President Olusegun Obasanjo. Celebrated storyteller, Chinua Achebe, spoke out loudly against this lawlessness foisted on his home state. To demonstrate his rejection of brigandage as politics, the icon categorically rejected the honour bestowed on him by the Obasanjo administration. The resonance of the protest was felt nationally. The moral weight of Achebe’s voice was widely acknowledged in the torrents of tributes paid to his memory during his funeral recently. You would ordinarily expect that the lessons of official tacit support for anarchy have been learnt from those days of infamy in Anambra.

However, there was a dramatic irony in Port Harcourt yesterday, the eve of the 10th Anniversary of the Anambra brigandage. The drama has shown that no lesson has been learnt in the politics without principle that is prevalent in this republic. Five of the 32 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly attempted to impeach the speaker, Hon. Otelemaba Amachree. In the violence that resulted from this mockery of democracy, the deputy governor, Mr. Tele Ikuru, was allegedly attacked and some members of the House and other persons were reportedly injured. A reign of confusion is being imposed on the state, which like any other state needs stability for good governance to flourish. This portends an extreme threat to peace in the state.

As it was in Anambra in 10 years ago, so it is in Rivers today. The attempt to impeach the speaker is believed to be a prelude to the moves to impeach the state governor, Hon. Rotimi Amaechi. Governor Amaechi is not in the good books of Aso Rock just like Ngige fell out of favour with the powers that be in Abuja in 2003.

The politicians who are demonstrating their power and influence in Rivers State today enjoy the favour of President Goodluck Jonathan and his wife, Mrs. Patience Jonathan. Yet the constitution is clear on how a state governor could be removed from office. It remains to be seen how those who don’t want Amaechi anymore in the State House in Port Harcourt would achieve their aim with five members in the House of Assembly! It is all a continuation of the ridicule of the democratic process.  The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) under the leadership of Jonathan has suspended Amaechi from the party following his election as the Chairman of the Governors Forum. Before then, the state executive council of the party was dissolved and another one constituted. The matter is still in court. Meanwhile, the President received this state executive committee of PDP the other day in Aso Rock with harsh words for Amaechi.

While anarchy was being inaugurated in the legislative chamber, the police reportedly looked the other way. The state commissioner of police, Mr. Joseph Mbu, was reported yesterday as saying that he elected to ignore the request from the House of Assembly for special “police security” because such a request was “unusual”. This same police officer has verbally attacked the governor. His hostility towards Amaechi is an open secrete. He has arrogated to himself the power to “ban public protest”, a power that he does not have constitutionally. His activities in the state are all too reminiscent of the ignoble role of the police in Anambra 10 years ago. Since the governor cannot be moved for Mbu, it would be proper in the circumstance for Inspector-General Mohammed Abubakar to transfer this commissioner of police from Rivers State to another place.

By his conduct, Mbu has certainly lost the confidence of the state government with which he is supposed to work professionally. It is unacceptable that a police officer should treat a governor the way Mbu has treated Amaechi. You don’t have to like Amaechi’s face to admit that this is absurdity in a federation. This abuse is possible because policing is on the exclusive list. By the way, one of the arguments against the creation of state police is that governors would use the force against their opponents. A counter-argument is that the federal government could also use the police against its opponents. The conduct of Mbu so far seems to have vindicated those who make this counter-argument. The other 35 state governors should also be interested in the unfolding events in Rivers State regardless to which side they belong in the politics of 2015. It is Amaechi’s lot today; it could be that of any other governor tomorrow.

Beyond this, it is important for all those who support the building of democratic institutions in Nigeria to speak out against the recklessness that is becoming normative in Rivers State. Politicians should be told to play their game according to the rules. President Jonathan should remember that peace and stability in Rivers State are in the long run more important to Nigeria than the narrow calculation of any politician.  

NGF, NBA and Impunity
Femi Falana
The National Executive Committee of the Nigerian Bar Association held its last bi-monthly meeting from July 5 to July 7, 2013 at Yenogoa, Bayelsa State. At the end of the meeting the NBA President, Mr. Okey Wali, SAN, was reported to have called for the proscription of the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) in view of the controversy, which had trailed the outcome of the re-election of Governor Rotimi Amaechi as its Chairman. Mr. Wali, SAN, must have forgotten that his own election was seriously contested by his major opponent, Chief Emeka Ngige, SAN. In spite of the fact that the allegations of malpractice (including the fact that some lawyers who died several years ago voted from the grave!) were proved beyond reasonable doubt no one ever suggested that the NBA be proscribed.  However, while I reject the insinuation in certain legal circles that the call for the proscription of the NGF was influenced by the fund collected from the government to host the last NBA NEC meeting I am of the strong view that the liquidationist call should not go unchallenged.

In his characteristically forthright manner, the Edo state governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomole, exposed the NBA leadership to ridicule when he said that: “the environment and the overall circumstance known and unknown that led the NBA president to call for the freezing of the right of Governors to associate borders on corrupt practice.” Although another governor has joined issues with Mr. Wali, SAN, I deem it pertinent to challenge his reactionary call before it is adopted by the forces of annulment in the country.

More so that the call is a sad reminder of the fate that befell some progressive professional bodies and trade unions which were either corruptly taken over or decimated by the Ibrahim Babangida junta. It would be recalled that the NBA was once a target.  Under the leadership of the late Mr. Alao Aka-Bashorun (1987-1989) the NBA was in the forefront of the struggle for the observance of the rule of law and the restoration of democratic governance in the country. The junta did not disguise its plot to hijack the leadership of the Bar at the 1992 Annual Bar Conference, which held in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.

But some of us successfully frustrated the imposition of the official candidate as the leader of the NBA. A few months later, the Legal Practitioners  (Amendment) of 1993 was enacted and backdated to 1992. In the main, the decree sacked the National Executive Committee members of the NBA led by Chief Priscilla Kuye and replaced them with a caretaker committee headed by the late Chief FRA Williams, SAN, to manage the affairs of Nigerian lawyers. Although the decree ousted the jurisdiction of the courts and criminalised the institution of any suit which might question “anything done or purported to be done” under it I was prepared to challenge it. But the Ikeja branch of the NBA instructed me to file the suit on behalf of all its members. Of course, I did.

In the suit we challenged the legal validity of the proscription decree.  The Lagos High Court presided over by Obadina J (as he then was) granted an injunction against the caretaker committee. Dissatisfied with the injunction the defendants rushed to the Court of Appeal. Owing to the constitutional significance of the case the request of the appellants’ counsel, Chief Williams, SAN, for a special panel of five Justices of the Court of Appeal to hear the appeal was granted. However, the appeal was dismissed. In upholding our submissions their lordships unanimously declared the amendment decree illegal and struck down it down for violating the fundamental right of Nigerian lawyers to associate freely and assemble without interference. See FRA Williams & Ors V Akintunde & Ors (1995) 3 NWLR (PT 381) 101.

In the same vein, the complaint filed by Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, at the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights at Banjul, The Gambia, on the proscription was equally determined in favour of Nigerian lawyers. Thus, in Civil Liberties Organisation (in respect of the Nigerian Bar Association) v Nigeria (2000) AHRLR 186, the African Commission found that the official interference “with the free association of the Nigerian Bar Association is inconsistent with the preamble of the African Charter in conjunction with UN Basic Principles on the independence of the Judiciary and thereby constitutes a violation of article 10 of the African Charter”. Both decisions have confirmed that some Nigerian lawyers went all out to defend the autonomy of the NBA and resisted the official imposition of leaders on it, even under a fascistic military dictatorship. It is therefore ironical that the current leadership of the NBA has, for some inexplicable reasons, colluded with the forces of retrogression to constrict the democratic space in Nigeria. 

It is particularly sad to note that the NBA, which used to be the defender of the fundamental rights of the Nigerian people, has thrown up leaders who are campaigning for the proscription of friendly societies and clubs. Even if Mr. Wali does not like the NGF he is duty bound, as a lawyer, to respect the right of the members to associate without external interference.

In the light of the foregoing it is hoped that concerned lawyers will urgently adopt decisive measures to free the NBA from the grip of anti-democratic forces and reposition it to resume its traditional role of defending the rule of law and the expansion of the democratic space in the country. Otherwise the NBA will soon lose its relevance in the struggle of the Nigerian people for the transformation of the country from civil rule to democracy under the rule of law. I am, however, convinced that that will not happen as majority of lawyers do not share the perspective of bar leaders who have contempt for the democratic rights of Nigerians.
•Mr. Falana, SAN, is a member of THISDAY Editorial Board.

ThisDay

Our Leaders Have Gone Mad Again

Pendulum By Dele Momodu; dele.momodu@thisdaylive.com

Fellow Nigerians, please allow me to quickly confess that the title of this column is not my full creation. It is only an adaptation of the original title of the extremely hilarious play, Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again, by Olawale Gladstone Emmanuel Rotimi, who was famously known as Ola Rotimi. Rotimi was one of Africa’s greatest playwrights and Directors. Believed to have been born in Sapele, on April 13, 1938, to a Yoruba father, Engineer Samuel Gladstone Enitan Rotimi, and an Ijaw mother, Mrs Adolae Oruene Addo, Ola spent his early years at St. Cyprian’s School, Port Harcourt from 1945-49.

Interestingly, he would later return to Port Harcourt many years after sojourning at home and abroad to take up appointment at the University of Port Harcourt. His name came readily to mind as I sat down to put this piece together. You will soon know why. The reason must have been that the main protagonist in the eye of the storm and the middle of the Red Sea, the Governor of Rivers State, has Rotimi before his surname of Amaechi. I’m very sure the paths of Ola Rotimi and Rotimi Amaechi must have crossed at some point at the University of Port Harcourt where Professor Ola Rotimi was Head, Department of Creative Arts and Rotimi Amaechi was a student in the English Department from 1983-87. In any event, there is no way Rotimi Amaechi would not have read Ola Rotimi’s popular play, ‘Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again’.

That is not all. I believe Rotimi Amaechi would have been radicalised by the great literary works of those days. Whatever traces of radicalism I still possess today I’m sure I got from hanging around the Ori Olokun Theatre in Arubidi, Ile-Ife and the Pit Theatre of the then Institute of African Studies, University of Ife Campus, where Wole Soyinka, Ola Rotimi and others held sway. My theory, therefore, is that Rotimi Amaechi is not your archetypal Nigerian politician. I have made him a case study since I first met him as Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly about ten years ago. If my memory serves me right, I met the great poet, Gabriel Imomotimi Gbaingbain Okara in his office that day.
That encounter stuck with me for a long time and my interest in Rotimi Amaechi developed from that moment. Even as Governor, Amaechi portrayed a different gait. He dressed simple and maintained a casual mien. His motorcade was always brief and brisk while he sat most times I saw him by the driver. His accessibility is also baffling to me. He replies most of his text messages and checks on his friends out of the blues. On one occasion, I sent a message about a young man who had started a mobile library project in Port Harcourt and needed support from the Ministry of Education. I was surprised when Governor Amaechi said I should invite the gentleman for lunch with us and Mrs Oby Ezekwesili who was visiting from her duty post in Washington DC. The librarian later drove out with us to a public event where the Governor sought out the Commissioner for Education and promptly handed over the project to her.

How can I forget how Governor Amaechi walked like a ghost into my London home on my 50th birthday in 2010? I was shocked to my bones because I had not told him about it. He came alone in a cab and left alone after spending several hours with my family and friends. You could not see any of the presumed airs of a Nigerian Governor around him. He repeated the same feat when he drove, almost incognito, in to the Ovation Carol and Awards ceremony at the Eko Hotel & Suites in Lagos last December.

Please, let me give one more example of this amazing and down-to-earth politician. My great friend and brother, Babatunde Okungbowa, has been having a running battle with a chronic kidney problem for years. He’s one of Africa’s greatest music producers. OJB, as he’s fondly known by fans, had produced the monumental hit song, African Queen, by the prodigiously talented 2face Idibia. But we live on a continent, and in a country, where spectacular talent does not necessarily or adequately translate to riches. We tried within our limited resources and contacts to gather our bits and pieces together to sort out OJB’s predicament. I personally worked the phones talking to those I thought might be of help including some top politicians. The feedback from all quarters was deafening silence.

I learnt some useful lessons about our attitude to charity. The response on social media was like: “why are you guys disturbing us when one of you can simply write off the cheque?” It then occurred to me that the decline in our educational system has affected our souls almost beyond redemption. The assumption is that once you’re famous you must be stupendously wealthy without commensurate responsibilities. But eight out of ten calls I get are usually bad news requiring desperate assistance. I can imagine what ordeal the Mike Adenugas face daily. 

In all honesty, I did not reach out to Rotimi Amaechi because I felt he had more than enough problems on his plate. I also felt since OJB was not from his state there was no reason to bother the embattled Governor. But as fate would have it, some younger colleagues approached Amaechi and instantly he offered to contribute to the Save OJB campaign. There was no long story and no unnecessary protocol. To those who asked what was so special about OJB, I say confidently that he’s our icon.  And icons are treated with special care and privilege everywhere in the world. Poor Americans contributed to making Barack Obama the first Black American President. Nigeria will never move forward if we wait only for the rich class to do everything for us.

I have deliberately gone through this long preamble to establish a few facts. One, that I’m a fan of Rotimi Amaechi. The support he’s enjoying today was not by accident. He worked laboriously for it. I have been in activism since 1978 and in politics very actively since 1982. I have interacted with all shades of politicians and I’m proud to say Rotimi Amaechi is a rare breed. There is always a reason to be biased and I have more than enough for him. This does not make him a perfect human being. No nation or state is governed by Saints but good ones are run by performers. Amaechi is one.

I have been in a room where Amaechi was grilled like a Christmas turkey by very senior publishers and was very pleased with the manner he responded to all questions. Many have called him a tyrant but not all tyrants are negative. It is in the nature of traditional politicians to wait for hand-outs from public officers; money that should have been used for general development. They often get angry if a leader comes with better ideas of how to do things. Amaechi’s master-plan of building a modern state out of the present squalid one is part of his major problem.

The second point I want to make is that Amaechi has done nothing to warrant the all-out attack unleashed on him by those pretending to be working for the re-election of President Goodluck Jonathan. Their strategy should be clear to Mr President; they needed to paint Amaechi bad in order to gain relevance. These guys have succeeded in poisoning the mind of the President almost beyond repair. On a personal note, I would be wary of a Minister who desperately wants to be a Governor and fights the incumbent the way he does because the motive is crystal clear. Someone also needs to tell such a Minister of a Yoruba folktale that goes thus:

Once upon a time, an elephant went berserk in a particular village. The elephant caused so much havoc that the king ran away with his queens. But there was this brave hunter called Afifilaperin who came from a neighbouring village and boasted he could easily kill the elephant and the village would instantly return to normal. At the appointed time, the hunter came out just as the elephant was busy destroying everything in sight. Everyone ran helter-skelter but the hunter stood ramrod in the market place waiting anxiously for an encounter with this crazy elephant. The elephant must have sighted the lone figure and wondered who the man was who did not recognise its supremacy. The elephant approached the hunter and surprisingly the man stood calm. A few villagers peeped from wherever they were hiding. As soon as the elephant jumped to crush the hunter, the man quickly removed his cap, dodged to the side and hit the elephant with the cap. Behold, the elephant collapsed. “Impossible,” many screamed in bewilderment. But true it was.

The hunter soon climbed on the evil elephant and beckoned to the timid villagers to come closer. He was joyous in victory. The people spilled in like locusts from every direction, including the king and his family. Words travel at the speed of light. At that moment the hunter felt he was king. Some hefty men lifted him up in the sky and carried him round and round the village till it was dusk. The king even invited him to a dinner of original pounded yam and fresh bush-meat washed down with concentrated palmwine, and gave him a nice room in the palace. The excited hunter was pleased with himself. He woke up the following morning expecting to see a crowd as usual to hail him like they did last night. He couldn’t believe how desolate the village had become. When he asked around if another elephant had come out of the wilderness to destroy the village, the palace people whispered that he indeed was the elephant. The logic was if he could kill such a ferocious elephant with an ordinary cap, it won’t take him much to mangle any human. That was how Afifilaperin learnt that his day of glory was only for one day.

Seriously, there is a lot to learn from this tale. If I were President Jonathan, as I love to say, it is not too late to quell this towering inferno. I will not allow opportunists to pile up enemies on my behalf when I need all the friends I can get. The tension in Nigeria right now has reached the atrocious level of the last days of military rule in 1998 under General Sani Abacha. It has even surpassed that of the Yar’Adua cabal that some of us came out fearlessly to fight on the streets of Abuja.

What would it profit the President by destroying Amaechi on the mere rumour that he’s nursing an ambition to be Vice President to a nebulous President-in-waiting? Does the President expect to remove Amaechi with only five legislators at this time and age and hope to get a part in the back? Does he expect the Governor not to defend himself in the face of threats to even his life at this stage?  I understand that even his security has been drastically reduced in a classic display of recklessness! Is power worth all this trouble? I will repeat here that Amaechi has told everyone who cares to listen that he’s not fighting the President but that he’s ready to duel with those bandying the name of the President to cause mayhem and commit atrocities in Rivers State. The fears expressed by Professor Wole Soyinka about the personal safety of Amaechi are real. What is going on in Port Harcourt is tantamount to full-scale lunacy. Nigeria can’t afford another round of political murders like it happened during the June 12 crisis. We thought such days will never return. This was how we started our journey to perdition in the First Republic. We must also avoid the type of commotion going on in Egypt out of the stupid obduracy of some leaders.

The President has obviously missed many chances for reconciliation. He should have invited Amaechi into a room to iron out reality from neurosis. I’m sure the crisis would not have festered to the magnitude it has reached now.  My simple advice to President Jonathan is that he should stop listening to warmongers and spend more quality time with peacemakers. If he reads his Bible well, he would see how peacemakers were described as the “sons of God.” I really don’t know how to describe his new best friends. This was not the same Meek and Pious Goodluck Jonathan many Nigerians thought they knew. I beg him in the name of God to return to his old self. Even if his right eye causes him to sin, he should pluck it pronto.

Nigerians want peace and not war. They will never succumb to agents Lucifer. 

Vanguard