Wednesday, 18 September 2013

ROTIMI AMAECHI : TRAITOR OR SURVIVALIST?


ROTIMI AMAECHI : TRAITOR OR SURVIVALIST?
Driving around Port Harcourt city in the evening can be quite enjoyable. With an impressive new set of macadamised roads and bright street lights, one will freely explore the garden city even at dusk. However some of the streets could become unusually lonely especially when you turn off from the Aba road end into the old Government Reserved Area(GRA). The popular night life which flourished over the past few months had reduced significantly in the face of rumours that security in the city might have started declining.
I was warned by a close friend to stay indoors because a popular Rivers born politician that is Abuja based had returned home that night in a private plane packed full of ex-militants. But who knows me? My jalopy is almost worthless and I am not yet smartphone compliant, I murmured as I sped towards a popular Cinema house known as the Genesis, to visit a friend who lives close by. My friend is a typical Port Harcourt boy and I felt that his company will be a useful guide at least about the dos and don’ts of city life. That gave me some confidence.
I decided to park my car in his house and drive with him to a popular pub in the city. We managed to park the car we came in far away from the pub entrance to save us from the mild traffic of people queuing to buy assorted roasted meat popularly known as (suya). Our entry into the drinking area was very smooth and uneventful. No one even noticed or greeted my friend who is a top bureaucrat and so I felt at ease and melted into the corner as we placed our orders. Before I could go halfway with my energy drink while I awaited the rest of my request, two men and one lady joined our table. We managed to exchange pleasantries before I started devouring my hot spicy plate of giant snails which had just arrived. Come and join me, I reached out to my table mates as is usual when in our culture. I requested for more drinks and brought my snail meal to a more central position on the table. The young lady took the first shot and her friend later joined. In less than ten minutes, we were all eating and chatting as if we had known each another for ages. The subject matter of our conversation centred around politics and security. We started by a general appraisal of the current turbulent political atmosphere in the country before we zeroed in on the political faceoff between President Jonathan and Rivers State Governor Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi both of who are of the Niger Delta extraction.
The central question was whether the Rivers State Governor had betrayed the Niger Delta cause by his current political posture. One of my new friends explained what he described as the position of the average Niger Delta person on the matter. For him, they feel that Governor Amaechi had betrayed the Niger Delta struggle by openly disagreeing with the first President of Niger Delta extraction. He made some street sense. For many people from the region, the Jonathan Presidency is the most potent result of the struggle and whosoever becomes a potential and actual stumbling block to his re-election must be declared a traitor and an enemy of the Niger Delta cause. In between his passionate explanation, I retorted thus: “I may not be from the core Niger Delta but at least I am from the NDDC state and have been an academic activist for the past fifteen years.
I know that the issues that the struggle in the Niger Delta were based on. I saw the Ogoni Bill of Rights of 1990 and Kaiama Declaration of 1998. I know that the struggle agitated for true federalism, cleaning up polluted ecosystems, sustainable development of the region, resource control, reparation for oil activities and environmental remediation. Now one will expect that all these concerns will receive accelerated political attention under a President from the region, however very little has happened. Both the Amnesty program and the Ministry of Niger Delta were initiated under late President Yar’ Adua.  What specific benefit has accrued to the Niger Delta region under Jonathan for the region to support him for another term? Is it not uncharitable to continue to break our neck and threaten others with fire and brimstone for someone under whose Presidency, the region has continued to suffer neglect? I queried” Most of the people around the table were nodding their heads in agreement while I was explaining the issues after which I felt very relieved.
On the part of Amaechi, my friend took us through a lengthy overview of the list of calculated wrong doing against Rivers people which sounded like a laid out plan to punish the ” much orchestrated Amaechi rebellion”. I know that there was an on-going controversy surrounding the ownership of oil wells between Rivers and Bayelsa State. However I and others around the table did not know that it was a plan to unconstitutionally redraw the boundaries between the two states in order to deprive Rivers State of their oil revenue and hand over same to Bayelsa ostensibly under the solid backing of the President Jonathan led federal government.
Not many people  knew that the monies that accrued from those disputed wells which was hitherto deposited in an escrow account over the years pending the final determination of the constitutional owner was allegedly disbursed to Bayelsa State on orders from above without recourse to the other party in the conflict before the final resolution of the dispute. We never heard that before that incident, some other Rivers owned oil wells have been unjustifiably ceded to Abia and Akwa Ibom States and that there were further attempts to cede some to Imo state. We also heard about the reluctance to honour the agreement reached between federal government and Rivers State to refund monies expended on federal roads in the state but we did not know that it was up to 150 billion naira. In addition my friend told us about the deliberate diversion of funds meant for the LNG project in Bonny to the Brass LNG and the halting of any form of federal presence in the whole of Rivers State. The Rivers State portion of the popular East-West road is a popular example. We were grieved about hearing all what had befallen a state all in an effort to hurt an individual.
Again for the second time. I heard of the alleged counsel by close confidants of the President Jonathan for him to teach Amaechi a lesson which led to a water-tight plan code named ‘The Sylva Treatment’. I first heard about this plan in Coventry among some Bayelsa students but I made little of it.  We were told that under this plan, the state owned aircraft was going to be grounded after which the governor will be forcefully impeached and sent to jail. I started to take the boasts seriously when  the aircraft was successfully grounded by the Ministry of Aviation apparently based on spurious reasons. The  impeachment sub-plot was aborted midway. However we  learnt from the explanations that the July 9th aborted impeachment had the blessing of the President, his wife and their associates. It was revealed that a high level combined squad from the office of the Inspector General of Police, the office of the  National Security Adviser and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) were already in the state fully mobilised to whisk Governor Amaechi away to an already prepared underground cell after the expected impeachment the next day. But fate took its turn and the impeachment was aborted and the said security men secretly flew back to Abuja in frustration in the face of unanimous condemnation from across the world who termed it a civilian coup.
Listening to the whole gist that evening, I began to see reasons why the Rivers State governor had found a new alliance with those governors from the North. I am sure Mr. Ameachi discovered  that if he does not act quickly, the Presidential sledge-hammer will fall on him and he may end up in jail on trumped up charges. He(Amaechi) had to hurriedly mobilize a coalition that President Jonathan cannot afford to underestimate. The Rivers State Governor should  be seen as a fearless and courageous man who is  somewhat politically savvy. Many observers argue that if he had not gone into the alliance with the Northerners and the Westerners, he would have been crushed by the Presidential might by now.  But whether this new alliance will save him remains a discussion for another day. The case between the President and Amaechi is clearly that of take out a guy who wants to take you out??  Except one wants to be sentimental, this is pure politics of self-interest that has nothing to do with Niger Delta cause on all sides.
Interestingly, the man referred to in the plan against Amaechi is the former Bayelsa State Governor Timipre Sylva. When he disagreed with the President, it was reported that he went with his wife and a top clergy man to prostrate before President Jonathan and ask for forgiveness and the President agreed to  give him a safe landing. But what happened, the Nembe born politician was taken down to political cemetery and the rest they say is history. Should Amaechi have allowed the President, his wife and loyalists to disgrace him out of office like Sylva and dent his political career irredeemably? Probably? Those who know the details of the conspiratorial dynamics of the on-going saga have become very cautious in trading blames and arriving at hasty conclusions.
As I stood up fulfilled about a well spent evening now early morning, I began to ask myself several questions about the political crisis in Rivers State and the current tribulations of Mr Amaechi. Are  all these actually about conviction, selflessness or vaulting ambition? Will history  at the end will judge him fairly? As a villain or a hero; a saint or a sinner?  I cannot gaze into history as I do not yet possess the power of clairvoyance. The only question I want all of us, keen observers of the on-going  political conflict to ask is this: If I were in the shoes of Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, would I not respond the same way to targeted hostility?
TheWill














Book serial: The war proper: 3MCDO’s 30-day march on Port Harcourt


Yesterday you read of Alabi-Isama’s recruits into the Army who were yesterday’s boys that are now today’s big men, as in David mark becoming Senate President, Ogbeha and Afakirya as senators after being state governors, and others. You also read of Biafra’s military blunders as in Alabi-Isama wondering what Biafra attacked the Mid-West for as he thought there were better military objectives. READ ON.
ON Monday 11th March 1968, Adekunle ordered that he would like to see my plan for the advance to PH in 48 hours. He gave me all the maps needed for the plan.
They were the 1965 colonial map of Eastern Nigeria; and that the debate was scheduled for 0900hours on 14th March 1968 in his office rather than at his house. Adekunle worked anywhere, even in his toilet, his work papers and map and reference books; pencils, crayons, erasers, blades, reams of papers and packets of cigarettes were everywhere. I felt that If there was any war anywhere in the world in which Adekunle would fight, he could count on me. Right or wrong I would be there with this man, I thought.
I have been deputy to many commanders all my military life – from Major Hoyle, a British officer in 1961/62, to Major Wakeman, another British officer in 1962/63, Company commander at 4th Battalion at Ibadan in 1963/64 with Lt Col. Abogo Largema, tactics instructor at NMTC (Nigeria Military Training College) at Kaduna in1965, with Lt Col. Ogbugo Kalu, deputy to Major Igboba in 1967 at 4th Area Command at Benin City, deputy to Adekunle 1968/69 at 3MCDO, deputy to Col Oluleye in 1971/72 at Ibadan 2Division, deputy to Obasanjo at 3MCDO and I was deputy to Danjuma in 1976/77.
Each one of them went on leave but never me. In my entire military career from 1960 to 1977, I went on leave only once in 1966, just before Major Nzeogwu’s coup. I know these people very well and how their minds work; but there was none like Adekunle. He has presence of mind, and more so today that he has also learnt the lessons of life.
VICTORY-book
Debating the Port Harcourt attack
On the morning of Thursday March 14th, 1968, the debate started and of course, Adekunle had made his own plans. My plan was different from his, and out of the way. Fair enough, he was ready to listen. He was not convinced at first, but as I continued, he sat up and got more interested in my points. Akinrinade, who was based at Bonny Island had given him all the intelligence reports of the area, and since he (Akinrinade) was on the ground, his facts and figures were correct. His maps were more accurate than mine and so was his appreciation of the situation from his point of view of being based at Bonny Island.
50 miles vs 300 miles
Adekunle‘s counter-option was to capture PH through Bonny Island which was only 50 miles away. My plan was to capture PH from Calabar, a distance of 300 miles which was termed the biblical Israelites journey. Well, the debate continued; and the more I explained the strategy rather than the tactics, the more Adekunle was convinced to accept my plan. However, he had some reservations, naturally, as to how the plan would work.
For example, he came up with questions about the food supply for about 40,000 men and women advancing over 300 miles. That took a whole day to debate. I had thought of everything including the terrain, inclement weather, the rivers overflowing their banks at that time of the year; with particular reference to the crossing of the Opobo river which was the biggest, longest, and widest in the area.
We discussed how the troops would be paid their allowances while their full salaries were to be paid to their families back home as allotments. Even little details like change of socks, supply of raincoats and “housewives” did not escape attention. “Housewives” in the army means needle and thread; should we have torn shorts or shirts or lost buttons.
Adekunle was still not fully convinced. He ordered that my final plan be discussed the next day as early as 7am. I was ready. Adekunle had given me 10 maps for my plan since Monday 11th March. I had always briefed him on one map. This time I came with all the maps fully prepared with crayons in different colours. I was more interested in discussing the strategy. Although I was also convinced that the 50 mile approach from Bonny Island could succeed, I presented the pros and cons of both options.
This meeting was at his house and at 1300hrs; we had to break for lunch. We resumed our discussions at 1500hrs. Adekunle had not had his lunch, but why?
He was going through our discussions and the pros and cons of the two plans. Then I asked if he needed more time and he said yes. I was happy about that, as I needed more time myself to put some finishing touches to my plan as well; especially that he had started to see my plan as feasible. However, I also understood his points about using Bonny Island as the base from where to launch the attack on Port-Harcourt.
How can anyone, especially a military person want to believe that a 300 mile journey across mangrove and swampy forest would be preferred to one of 50 miles, especially when we were not on picnic or sight-seeing exercise, but were pursuing the same objective and the same aim? It was a tough sell – I knew, more so because time was of the essence, especially when we needed to achieve all these in just 30 days.
Instead of attacking Port Harcourt town, with all troops getting lost inside the town, each brigade had its objectives. Shande was to hold blocking position at Obigbo. Eromobor would capture and defend Port Harcourt Airport for Adekunle’s flight to land at 1400 hours, on18th May, 1968.
One of his Battalions was to hold the Airport, while another Battalion was to take Igrita and hold it. Ola Oni would take Chokocho and hold it. Yemi Alabi, former deputy to Akinrinade was then commanding 15th Bde of Akinrinade and 19th Bde of Boro when Boro died. He was ordered to take Elele and Ahoada and hold both locations. Ayo Ariyo, Akinrinade and myself were to advance from the airport with the commander for eight kilometres towards Elele,
Thereafter, Ayo Ariyo would hold Port Harcourt. His responsibilities included the telephone company, water-works, radio, ECN (Electric Corporation of Nigeria), wharf, and Port Harcourt Airport. All sectors were to expect massive counter-attack thereafter. RV for commanders would be at the Presidential Hotel in Port Harcourt with Adekunle, the commander, at 1600hours, 18th May 1968, with the exception of the following officers: Ayo Ariyo, Eromobor, Shande and Aliyu, who were holding strategic positions.
How Boro, Fashola were killed
We lost one officer from the main body, Captain Fashola at Bori Ogoni. Captain Fashola was to arrange for security for the meeting of the main body commanders, after crossing Opobo River. He was also to arrange for breakfast. The meeting at Bori was attended by Lt Col Ayo Ariyo, Eromobor, Abubakar, Aliyu, and I. Just as we were seated for breakfast, there were some exchanges of shots fired between our troops and Biafran troops close to the conference centre. Fashola asked for, and obtained permission to see what was happening out there. In a few seconds, he was hit by a stray bullet and only his dead body was brought back. The breakfast was his last; may he rest in peace. Amen.
Our casualties so far were eight soldiers wounded and two dead, which occurred during the landing at Oron beach head; there were no officer casualties, either wounded or dead, before Fashola. We all had stories to tell. Then I organized a drinks party to toast our success so far. We then reorganized and regrouped the sectors into brigades for the final push into Port Harcourt. We issued ammunition mainly, and everyone was given his new objectives and tasks.
There were no questions as morale was sky high; and while I had it in my mind, that the Biafrans must have lured us into Port Harcourt as a killing ground, my fears were wrong. Akinrinade and Boro were to be in reserve, with their two brigades, having had a rough time with Biafran troops at Onne just a few days before.
Commandoes
The main body would take Port Harcourt not later than 1200 hours, on Saturday 18th May, 1968. Everyone got back to his station and reported “Battle Ready,” except Isaac Adaka Boro. On his way back from the meeting of “O Group” at Aletu Eleme, Boro was shot by one Biafran soldier who was hiding in an empty house by Okrika water side. The Biafran had only one rifle and only one round of ammunition. As Isaac Boro opened the door to look at what was in there, the man fired and right on the spot Boro was dead. We were all shocked and annoyed.
Everybody just went to their units and ordered immediate advance, which they did all night. That was why Port Harcourt was captured by 0600hours on Saturday 18th May 1968, instead of the scheduled 1200hours. Little did we know that the drinks party we had was a send-off party for Isaac Adaka Boro. May his soul rest in peace. Amen.
PH captured!
Adekunle arrived war front from Lagos
In Port Harcourt, since Biafran troops were routed, pursuit as occurred in Oron, Uyo and Opobo would not be necessary beyond Igrita, Elele, and Chokocho; as we were then frontally facing the Ibo heartland. We must, however, hold all grounds. We must have aggressive, offensive and defensive tactics by daily patrols with the aim of holding no man’s land but not beyond Ahoada, Igrita, Elele, and Chokocho axis, as assigned; no opportunity targets whatsoever; POWs were to be taken for interrogation.
All to regroup for next advance shortly, but not before 1400hours, May 25th, 1968, and the organogram and tactics must change away from our, Calabar/Port Harcourt mangrove and marshy land advance, tactics and strategy. By 1400hours on 25th May, all commanders reported all situations correct, holding their positions and digging in.
Adekunle in Port Harcourt
Adekunle landed in grand style with the world press, and inspected a Guard of Honour. The Air Force flew in with Capt Gbadamosi King, Dan Ato and some Egyptian fighter pilots, who flew their jets into Port Harcourt as part of the arranged Guard of Honour for the Commander. In seconds, the Russian MiG fighters went into action, strafing and bombing Igrita, Owerri and Ahoada.
The commander, who came in a civilian flight with the world press went straight into the attack for the mop-up of the airport area. It was a beautiful day, the troops were very proud, and morale was high. It was a day of joy indeed; we were all proud to be Marine Commandos. Lt Col Ayo Ariyo came and hugged me and said “Congratulations” many times, and so did all the officers. I had to brave it, as I was close to tears.
People trooped out as our troops marched past down town Port Harcourt, with three jet fighters roaring past in arrow head formation. I heard some of the troops saying proudly that the commander, Adekunle, had arrived. The Navy was not left behind, as they too with their two frigates came up from Bonny and started a rapid rate of fire as the Air Force gave a wonderful show and display of our air power.
The civilians had never seen anything like it before. In fact, most had never seen a jet fighter before. I looked at Akinrinade’s face, he had tears running down his cheeks; he did not know until I asked: “Jimmy, (that is the name we call each other) are you alright? You are crying!” He did not know that tears were running down his cheeks, as he was still looking up at the Air Force display. It was tears of joy. It was then that we hugged, held hands, and went to the RV at the Presidential Hotel.
In the meantime, Obigbo was already blocked by Shande. The main body of 3MCDO troops led by Lt Col Ayo Ariyo, advanced into Port Harcourt. We all knew that there will be no fighting inside the city; there will be no street-to-street or house-to-house fighting inside Port Harcourt either. The encirclement would be complete when all troops are in position at Ahoada, Igrita, Elele, Chokocho, and of course Shande was already in his blocking position at Obigbo.
Meanwhile, some Biafran troops that neither died nor drowned at Okrika, but were trapped facing Onne finally escaped, but they did not know that Aba road was blocked. They ran into Shande’s fire at Elelenwa junction; the casualties were heavy with dead bodies all over the place. Artillery was pounding all day and all night. It was the final battle for Port Harcourt, and there was no kidding.
After three days of resistance, Biafran defences capitulated. Their troops fled. The mop up was completed by morning of D+31=18th May 1968 when we had secured Port Harcourt and were within the 6-10 kilometers security zone around Port Harcourt Airport as planned. My heart and soul moved with joy. I had promised to be worthy of my Commander’s trust and we made it.
We went into the RV at the Presidential Hotel for the meeting with our GOC (General Officer Commanding) 3MCDO Division Col Benjamin Adekunle. It was a party indeed, rather than a meeting. We all had so much to talk about, and we had time. The party went on all day and all night, every officer came in turn to congratulate me, Adekunle himself shouted the nick name he called me several times, “Kokoro” we shook hands and hugged; troops waved proudly, and shouted with joy.
Emotional upheavals in 3MCDO
The end had justified the means; we had captured our objective and the aim of establishing the Rivers State Government on the ground with its HQ at Port Harcourt was also achieved. Akinrinade had cleared all the towns in the riverine areas of River State of Biafrans‘ presence. Papa Graham-Douglas, who later became the chief judge of Rivers State was brought back to Port Harcourt, as were Saro-Wiwa, Napo Douglas, the musician Rex Lawson and Mr. FineCountry.
Many more were brought out from their hiding places to Port Harcourt to start the new government of the Rivers State. Within days, Saro-Wiwa had started a civil defence organization for the defence of the towns and to ensure that Biafrans did not infiltrate Port Harcourt, and the riverine areas. That was helpful indeed, and I went to see some of his organizations on the ground. A joint patrol with our Military Police was set up at places. All hands were on deck, as people came out in hundreds to volunteer for one job or the other. Saro-Wiwa went to Bonny Island with two lady scouts, but their boat capsized and the two ladies drowned, while he swam back to Port Harcourt the same night.
What had happened was that, while Adekunle went back to Lagos on Tuesday 21st May, 1968 with the World Press, he granted interview to the press and he was asked that, having done so well with his Marine Commando Division that had almost captured everywhere; and having liberated two states (the South Eastern State and Rivers State) where next would be his target?
Adekunle‘s answer was that he would capture and give Owerri, Aba and Umuahia (OAU) as Independence Day, October 1st 1968 celebration gift to General Gowon and the people of Nigeria. That was how he ended the first meeting with his officers who advanced, fought, got shot, carried dead and dying comrades, had no food, drank blood-reddened water, had cold, dysentery, malaria and blisters on their feet on the way to Port Harcourt.
The meeting lasted only 15 minutes! The commander, Adekunle, then informed us that we would all hear from him shortly; and that we should all get back to our offices and stations. The shock was total. What a day that was! In the presence of all the officers, I was almost in tears when I turned to Adekunle and said, “These officers and men have brought you glory on earth by completing the work you gave us to do, and I pray that God in His mercy will reward you and us accordingly.” I was thinking of the words in the Holy Book, John 17v4.
Just as we were all so downcast from Adekunle’s bombshell, Kunle Elegbede reported from Calabar that Biafrans had broken through Ikot Okpora, captured it and were heading to Odukpani about 30 miles or so north of Calabar, the seat of the new government of the South Eastern State. The counter plan for that was for Lt. Col Obeya with 18Bde at Itu to counter attack while the battalion with Capt Ekpo at Ugep would attack from the rear of the Biafran forces in a double envelopment.
The usual thing was that, all the staff officers – including Alabi Isama and Akinrinade — would rush to such a place and get the job done, but in this case, nobody budged. Adekunle then called me for the last time as his Chief of Staff to brief Lt Col Godwin Ally who had just been transferred to 3MCDO and to hand over to him, and that I was transferred to 3 sector at Uyo with 12Bde, 13Bde, and 18Bde under my command stretching from Imo River to the west to Calabar River to the east. The reorganization had started.
OAU, Shande’s death and the unravelling of 3MCDO
How Shande died
While other officers were waiting for their postings, Akinrinade remained as GSO1 (General Staff Officer) at 3MCDO HQ at Port Harcourt, and Lt Col Philemon Shande was ordered to attack Aba within seven days; so, after studying his map and the conditions of his troops, he gave his shopping list to the commander, and requested to discuss the details with him. When Adekunle was not listening, he requested to discuss with Akinrinade and I at my new HQ at Uyo. He arrived at about 6pm; Akinrinade had arrived earlier at about 4pm. He did not tell me what the meeting was about as we spoke on the operational radio.
When Akinrinade arrived, he then briefed me on what was happening at the 3MCDO HQ and Shande’s orders to attack Aba. We discussed all night even without dinner. He did not have causalities during the advance to Port Harcourt, but many of his troops like the others were hospitalized for dysentery, cholera and malaria, not gunshot wounds.
In this map, 3MCDO positions as held at Ahoada, Igrita, and Ikot-Ineme before the OAU plan were about 100 miles equidistant. It would definitely be difficult to defend the whole area after capture, as we would then be in the core Ibo land, and every inch of the land must be occupied, or there would be many infiltrators between our positions. Adekunle did not see it that way, unfortunately.
All the same, Shande’s men of 17 Bde were battle-ready but definitely not enough for the attack into core Ibo heartland and also not enough to hold it; with Owerri to his left and Umuahia to the right. I therefore opted to advance for 5 miles to help with his right flank on Azumini River to enable him to enter Aba without having to bother about his right flank. All these were coordinated; he then went back to Port Harcourt to discuss his shopping list with Adekunle.
Well, Adekunle told him that he could do it, and capture Aba with the troops he had. When Shande continued to complain and his arguments became louder, Adekunle called him a coward. Shande then sent me a note that Adekunle called him a coward and that he would go ahead and attack and will not need 13 Bde at his right flank anymore as had been planned. The note was sent to Uyo at my HQ but I was at Azumini with my troops preparing to support his advance into Aba as I had promised to advance to Aba on his right flank as soon as he would let me have the details of his attack plan; so, I did not receive the note.
Shande just took his troops and advanced, capturing Aba on September 4th 1968; and did not coordinate with me anymore. I broke his radio silence and called him, he asked if I received his note to me which he sent to Uyo, “Negative” I said. Then he said that Adekunle called him a coward and he told him that he was not a coward and went for the attack. Just, only an hour or so after talking to me on the radio, he continued with the attack and was shot dead, with an enemy bullet straight to his forehead through his steel helmet and into his head. He was killed instantly.
3MCDO went into flames. Lt. Col. Philemon Shande was Tiv from Benue, and more than fifty per cent of our men were from Benue; but it was only then we realized that. Most of them had monitored his complaints and his command and control situation on the radio. There were protests everywhere; Lt. Col. Godwin Ally, the new Chief of Staff (from Ogoja) and Lt Col Obeya (from Benue) had to go round the units to talk to Benue troops.
3MCDO was in trouble and it took over two weeks to settle the situation. His troops of 17 Bde withdrew to Obigbo where they started from. Most of his troops from Benue deserted and so did the Benue troops from most of the other units. Shande was our friend and classmate of Akinrinade and I. We mourned him deeply and kept away from Adekunle as much as we could.
Then, as was usual whenever the Division was in trouble somewhere, Akinrinade and I would be sought out to solve the problem, but that was when we were the staff officers at the 3MCDO HQ.
TOMORROW…..
IN the next take of this serial, read of how two soldiers who were jolly friends, then wearing the same rank — Lt Cols Akinrinade and Alabi-Isama cheated death and subsequently parted ways with the GOC of 3 MCDO, Col Benjamin Adekunle. Eventually, Adekunle was relieved of his command, and Col Olusegun Obasanjo took over as 3MCDO commander…
Vanguard

Obasanjo should stop listening to liars, says Dayo

Dayo
Adebayo Dayo, an engineer and chairman, Ogun State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), spoke to SEYE OLUMIDE on the crises in the party, both at the national and Ogun State levels, and its plan to oust the state ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2015 governorship. 
WHAT are your views on the Kawu Baraje’s-led faction of the PDP and the court ruling that both sides should maintain the status quo ante?
  I do not know how people interpret the word, status quo. What I believe is that no court of law would support or rule in favour of something that is illegal. The Baraje New-PDP is an illegality that is neither recognised by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) or the 1999 Constitution (as amended). 
  Nigerians do not recognise the New-PDP. So, for goodness sake, why should the court ruling on status quo be interpreted to mean that the PDP and the illegal New-PDP should stay?
  We are not saying anybody should leave but at the same time, we would not allow anyone to destroy the party. The status quo does not mean that the illegal New-PDP should exist.
In a situation like this, the INEC ought to have come out to declare the New-PDP illegal. Do you suspect any complicity in INEC’s silence?
  What do you expect INEC to say? Kawu Baraje and his group have not officially applied to INEC for registration. Secondly, INEC was present during our convention where we rightly elected our national officers. 
  As far as the commission is concerned, I don’t think it has any business to join issues with illegality. The question I will put across to you is whether the illegal New-PDP can stand for any elections in this country?
But it is being whispered that the PDP’s Certificate of Registration is in the possession of the other faction….   
  Does that make sense? If any of them has the party’s certificate of registration, they should take it to their village. Remember when former Senate President, Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, took the maze of the Senate to his hometown, what did he make out of it? I don’t see any sense in that statement.
For reconciliation in the PDP, the New-PDP is urging the sack of the National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, and for President Goodluck Jonathan to drop his 2015 ambition. Are these feasible?
  Ask them whether they were not part of the convention that produced Tukur as the chairman of the party. Some of them voted for Tukur.
  Secondly, let them also go and re-write the 1999 Constitution, to say that Jonathan has no constitutional right to contest for a second term. If they can do this, fine; otherwise, they have no argument. 
  Every Nigerian, according to the 1999 Constitution, has the right to run for a second term. Look, it is better for them to remain in the PDP than to do otherwise.
Is it possible for the PDP to oust APC in Ogun State in the 2015 elections when the party is in a state of disarray both at the national and the states level?
  The PDP is a national party, and when somebody is telling us that the party is in disarray, what would you say about the newly inaugurated APC that has up to four or five factions?
  In a large party like the PDP, perhaps the largest party in Africa, there is bound to be differences, there is bound to be groupings. Some people would tell you that they belong to this faction, or that group but they are still within the same party. If any of them would talk, they would say PDP. 
  We are unlike the mushroom APC, which is a combination regional parties that lacks ideology and focus. APC is not a serious party and it has no concrete agenda for the country. 
  Some northerners in the APC are not really comfortable with the party because they feel that it has nothing to do with their region. Majority of them are sceptical about the fact that APC is still using the symbol of ACN. Their perception is that APC is a regional party of the Southwest.
  It is certain that the present crises in the PDP will soon fizzle out and they would be resolved like a family affair.
It is alleged that some of the members of the Ogun State PDP, including you, conspired to edge out former President Olusegun Obasanjo and his group from the mainstream of the party. Is this truthful?
  Of course, people have been asking me about Obasanjo’s group and what I tell them is that Obasanjo has no group. He is our political father. He is my father, politically. 
  If we are to say the truth, what Obasanjo needed to do is to regard all the party members as his children. He should be the person we can approach and get our problems resolved. 
  He should discourage backbiting; he should be the one to encourage us to go and work and anybody that is most popular within his or her area must be recognised.
Have you suggested all these to him?
  Baba, like I used to call him, always loves to listen to people who lied to him. He loves to listen to those people, who go to him and slander others and this is not right.
  Obasanjo is a very rare gem in this country and even in the world. Nobody had ever governed a country and came back to the same position 20 years after and then ruled twice again. 
  He has this gift from God and our advice is that he should use the gift to the benefit of all his children and not for those people who parade his house to tell him lies. I can assure you that in Ogun State today, PDP is one.
What led to the expulsion of former governor of Ogun State, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, from the party? Is this part of the reconciliation efforts?
  One of the good advantages of democracy is freedom of decision and speech. But if you want to be a member of the PDP, you must show commitment to the success of the party. I cannot tie anybody down or force anyone to be a member of the PDP.
  Of course, Daniel is a very good mobiliser; he has the political skill to mobilise supporters and that is one of the good qualities I saw in him. When he was with us, we had a good campaign and won many elections. 
  But that is not to say that he did it all alone. First, the people of Ogun State were fed up with the style of governance of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) as at 2003 and therefore decided to vote for a change. 
  It is, therefore, not right to say or for Daniel to assume that he did it all alone. The PDP also defeated AD in Oyo, Osun, Ekiti and Ondo States and took over the Southwest region except in Lagos during the 2003 elections. 
  But it got to a point where Otunba Daniel was thinking that he was the only one who had the solution to every problem and whoever is thinking like this must be deceiving himself. If Daniel has solutions to all problems, why did he not solve the problem within the Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN), which he formed?
  When he could not fulfill his aspiration in the AD, he left and crossed over to the PDP where he became governor. But when he realised he could not install his anointed candidate to succeed him in the 2011 governorship election, he formed the PPN. 
  But now that the PPN could not fly, he puts one leg in the PDP and the other one in the Labour Party (LP). He said he would stay in the PDP, only if we could recognise him as the leader of the party.
  A leader emerges in a party and it is the quality of a person that makes him or her emerge a leader. Daniel did not want to emerge as a leader; he wanted people to appoint or elect him as the leader in Ogun State PDP; that was his mistake. 
  I am sure that he can never get what he desires in the LP and at the end of the day, he would have nowhere to go.
  He pretended to work for President Goodluck Jonathan during the 2011 elections but that was not the truth because if you love Mr. President, you will also love and work for his party. 
  Daniel benefited so much from the PDP for eight years and when it was time for him to pay back, he went to form another party, to whittle down the influence of the party in Ogun State.
  It is painful that most of the so-called leaders in Ogun State and the Southwest PDP in general are a selfish people who think about themselves and their children alone. They are not thinking about their followers or the party. 
  That is the problem we are having in the state and even in the entire Southwest. The people that benefited so much from PDP kept everything to themselves and their families and they want to be leading people by force.
TheGuardian

APC and biometric registration palaver

  •  by  Taiwo Adisa
  • Group Politics Editor, Taiwo Adisa, highlights the ripples in the All Progressives Congress (APC) over plans for biometric registration of its members.
    THE All Progressives Congress (APC) is a party that prides itself as a gathering of progressive politicians. Governors elected on its platform have also named themselves Progressive Governors to drum home the appellation. While many see no clear distinguishing feature in the ideologies of the existing parties, leaders of the APC pride themselves as progressives.
    In trying to further showcase its believe in populist agenda, the APC upon its emergence as a registered political party, declared its preference for electronic voting in the country during the next general election. The party believes that e-voting would help erase rigging and ensure the votes count.
    The interim National Vice-Chairman of the APC in the North-East, Dr Umar Duhu, also confirmed weeks later that the party would implement biometric registration of its members ahead of the 2015 elections. Duhu said that the APC had put in place measures to ensure biometric registration of all its members in every part of the country.
    While speaking to newsmen in Abuja in August, Dr Duhu had stated that the party’s interim committee had been working hard to ensure the biometrics of its members were captured in the online registration which would kick off shortly.  He told reporters that the party’s congresses which will take place across the country will eventually produce the executive structures and the board of Trustees.
    But the push for e-registration of members of political parties and electronic voting has been a contentious matter for parties as well as for the nation’s electoral body, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). In fact, the National Assembly had tied the hands of the electoral body in the 2006 and 2010 electoral Acts when it indicated that e-voting could not be adopted in the country for now.
    The ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), had in 2010 attempted to actualise e-registration of its members but was forced to drop the idea following protests from governors who believed that a number of party members in the hinterlands would be sidelined during such innovations.
    The reality of the Nigerian situation however appeared to have forced the merger party APC to drop the idea it has canvassed in recent times.
    At a meeting of the interim executive committee in Abuja recently, a war of word nearly ensued between proponents of the biometric registration of members and those opposed to the idea.
    Incidentally, loyalists of former Military Head of State, General Muhammadu Buhari had keyed into the biometric registration agenda, which they felt would help erase incidents of rigging at party primaries.
    A former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Mallam Nasiru el-Rufai was the arrowhead of the bid to ram in the e-registration agenda at the executive Committee meeting and he did his own job, presenting what appeared to be a fait accompli. But the former Minister and the supporters of Buhari got thought a huge political lesson, as loyalists of former Lagos State governor had teamed up with members of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) arm of the merger party to defeat Buhari’s idea.
    It was confirmed that the plan to confirm the adoption of biometric registration of members nationwide got knocked out through bloc votes from members of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the ANPP, against members of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).
    Investigations confirmed that despite the decision of Buhari’s men to recruit an ally in the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Chief Tom Ikimi, the plan got defeated by the ACN/ANPP accord.
    It was a huge test for the merging coalition and a test of how much democratic tenets would rule the emerging coalition.
    Though the meeting was said to have resolved the matter through voting, loyalists of the former Head of State were said to have left the venue of the meeting angry, having arrived the meeting venue with the belief of a fait accompli for the agenda. Mallam Nasiru el-Rufai, who led the bid from the CPC was said to have complained aloud that the measure meant to sanitise the membership of the APC had been dropped.
    It was learnt that the idea of biometric registration of members mooted by CPC leader, General Buhari as a way of curbing any planned malpractices at the party’s presidential primaries. El-Rufai was said to have complained that rejecting the idea amounted to a slight on the former Head of State.
    Was there a gang up at the meeting and is that indicative of how issues in the merger party would be determined at all times? These are the questions from pundits.
    In the thinking of party leaders however, it was learnt that the reality in the Nigerian information technology sector forced a retreat, despite earlier posturing by chieftains before that day.
    Said a source at the meeting: “Though the campaign for the biometric registration was championed by el-Rufai, he was strongly supported by Chief Tom Ikimi. Many of our leaders were however of the view that since internet penetration is still low in the country, it would be counterproductive to adopt such a measure at this time.
    “Leaders of the party felt that adopting biometric registration at this time would not work well for the party and that a number of members would be lost. Even the PDP started e-registration sometimes ago and had to abandon it. Internet penetration in the country is still relatively low.”
    The development is however said to have started generating ripples within the merged parties. The fear, according to sources, is that if care is not taken by the Buhari camp, the other partners in the process would always adopt the model and pattern of voting adopted to defeat biometric registration in future meetings and where critical issues are to be resolved.
    “The major fear among loyalists of Buhari is that the ANPP and ACN factions of the merger party could pull a similar taunt in determination of who wears the presidential ticket. That could be deployed to stop Buhari, there is the need for caution between CPC faithful and Buhari so that we don’t become minorities in the party we all formed,” a top leader of the merger party said.
    Interim National Chairman of the APC, Chief Bisi Akande, who ordered voting on the exercise, was, however said to have moved to pacify the aggrieved Buhari’s men after the voting exercise by declaring that democracy is a matter of number and that after the majority had carried the day, other party chieftains must abide by that decision.
    But a number of political watchers are reading the biometric registration brouhaha in the APC in another way. Some of them are of the view that the APC is inconsistent having announced gleefully that it was going ahead with e-registration immediately it emerged on the scene.
    “What we can see from that development is the picture of a party that talks from both sides of the mouth. The APC said it was going ahead with biometric and e-registration when it emerged on the scene. It also advised INEC to ensure e-voting in the next general election. You will now wonder why the party that has recommended e-voting at the national level for INEC will turn around to reject the same idea of biometric registration and e-voting for its internal elections. We need to look deeper than the surface,” Tito Zuokumor, a leader of the Southern Mandate told the Nigerian Tribune.
    NigerianTribune

    Opinion: I also had an intimate affair with Bianca Ojukwu

    by Ose Oyamendan
    bianca-ojukwu-612x300
    ….men with great taste are no longer allowed to publicly announce that we have long-standing and intimate relationship with beautiful women. If we do, we run the risk of being called a tribalist, a liar, a mad man out of control or worse, all three.
    I am a man. I have to start with that caveat in case some people think I’m not. I’m also not necessarily anti-women but they need to give men a break. First, they sucked us into eating that miserable apple which meant we have to work instead of lounging by the pool all our lives. Then, they tricked us into supporting women liberation forgetting what we lose they get.
    ​And, what did we get for all these? Nothing.
    Except you count the mundane stuff like women making our meals sometimes, having our kids and keeping us sane always. Okay, sometimes they help keep us alive. So, what? It’s all they can do after denying us the chance at retirement from birth.
    ​That’s not even the worst of it. Ostensibly, men with great taste are no longer allowed to publicly announce that we have long-standing and intimate relationship with beautiful women. If we do, we run the risk of being called a tribalist, a liar, a mad man out of control or worse, all three.
    ​This has to stop!
    ​Take the case of several times a Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, or as some of his pals call him, FFK. You don’t get better educated than a man who went to Cambridge like his fathers. You don’t get more Nigerian than a man who served as a federal minister. You won’t see a more incorruptible public official than FFK except he happens to be standing to the cleanest of them all, Nasir El Rufai. You don’t get more detribalized than a man who sows his seeds across state and ethnic lines. The closest you come to that is swapping spit and sweat across ethnic boundaries. Men like that should be given the highest national honors because they keep the tribal line blurred as they should be.
    ​This is the man that some people have very unpatriotically decided to slander. And, why? Because in his attempt to prove that he loves the Igbos he told the world he had a long-standing and intimate relationship with Bianca Ojukwu. What’s the man supposed to say? That the proof that he’s a true Nigerian is that he dated street hawker at the Aba market!
    ​So, he kissed and told. Have you guys met Bianca? If you’ve not, have you seen her picture? If you kissed that kind of woman, tell me you won’t hire a megaphone, go to the middle of the market and let the whole village know it. My problem with FFK is that he kept it to himself for far too long. I would have respected him more, perhaps find a woman to give me a son so I can name him after FFK.
    ​The cool thing though is that I share something in common with FFK. I also have a secret. I dated Bianca. Yes, there it is – a secret that I’ve hidden in the farthest corner of my heart for the longest time. In the interest of full disclosure, I am like FFK too. My liaison was before the bearded general stole her heart away.
    ​The weird thing is, when I was dating Bianca, I didn’t know that made me a lover of the Igbo tribe or boosted my nationalist credentials. Had I known, I would have sent my resume to General Olusegun Obasanjo and demand a seat in his cabinet.
    ​Since I’m spilling my romantic secrets, I will also admit to two other long-standing and intimate relationships. One was with the Welsh, Hollywood A-list actress, Catherine Zeta-Jones. The other was with my teacher in primary three. Yeah, I know what you guys are thinking. Was she not old enough to be my mother? Actually she’s older than my mother. But, what can a seven-year-old boy do. If it’s love, it’s love.
    ​I met my teacher predictably in the classroom. While she taught the three “R” I was busy lusting after her. To this day, some people claim it’s the reason I spent three years in primary three. But, I know they just don’t understand. My one regret is that I never told her we were in love.
    Next came Catherine. I met her on a British television show. She was as hot as a Tabasco sauce and I knew she had to be mine. So, I got myself a magazine, got her picture and put it in my notebook. When other kids were busy studying their text and notebooks, I was busy studying her. Everything would have worked out fine it that old man Douglas hadn’t showed up and did what every smooth old man does – swept a damsel off her feet.
    ​Which is why Bianca still hurts. See, I was deciding what to do after high school when I ran into her. It was love at first sight. She replaced Jesus Christ on my bedroom wall and every morning and night we’ll talk like young lovers did. My jealous friends tried to steal her from me. My supportive friends were happy to hear of our tales.
    ​Then, Ojukwu walked into her life.
    Some people called our relationship a fantasy. But, they don’t know love. Just like they don’t know what they’re talking about when they go hard after FFK for admitting her was intimate with a woman.
    It’s sad that when a nationalist like FFK comes out and tries to point out the holes in a federation, people take stones out of their bags and hurl it at him, forgetting the man has tall fences around his houses. But, who cares. One man’s villain is another man’s hero. Thank God 2015 is around the corner. FFK needs his tribe to back him not Nigeria.
    If you’re reading this, Madame ambassador, please sue me too. At least we will be in the same room at last.

    - This piece is a satire.
    YNaija

    Tears as BBA Winner Dillish finally meets her Kenyan Dad (Photos)



    Namibia queen, Dillish was crowned BBA 'The Chase' winner on sunday, August 25, beating 27 contestants from different African countries and going home with the grand prize of 300,000 dollar, approximately
    24million shilling, after which a Kenyan man, Abdi Guyo surfaced claiming to be her real father.
    It was finally confirmed that the man was her father and she has been looking forward to meeting him.
    Her dream finally came through as she got to meet her father in an emotional reunion that brought tears to her eyes.

    Success has a way of bringing even long lost relations together as Big Brother Africa The Chase winner, Dillish Mathews finally meets her real father, the Kenyan Abdi Guyo. The young lady who, all her life, believed she was a Namibian, only got to know that her real father was a retired Kenyan military officer who got her mother pregnant during a peace keeping mission.
    Immediately the man came up after she won the $300,000 prize money, many tongues wagged, calling him a gold digger. It was only after her mother came out to state that Guyo was Dillish' father that the whole brouhaha came to an end and she actually looked forward to meeting him, a dream she finally got in an emotional reunion that brought tears into her eyes.

     
    iPaidABribe

    Plans to remove Tambuwal uncovered; We are aware – House leadership


    By  
    House of Representatives Speaker, Aminu Tambuwal, has been under the preying eyes of the presidency over his alleged sympathy to the G-7 governors and the Kawu Baraje faction of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
    Sources say his closeness to the group is a major reason why the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP National Working Committee(NWC) yesterday called off its proposed meeting with the Speaker and the PDP caucus in the House.
    The presidency is miffed by the romance between the Speaker and the Kawu Baraje faction, a development which may result into the reduction of PDP to a minority party in the House.
    Following a purported move by the lower house to impeach President Goodluck Jonathan if he does not drop his 2015 re-election bid, loyalists of the president has also decided to move against Tambuwal and other anti-Jonathan principal officers.
    DailyPost gathered that while some of the strategists met at the Presidential Villa, others convened at Apo Legislative Quarters and at Bolingo Hotel, Abuja on Tuesday.
    The meeting was across party lines, as it was attended by some PDP, APGA, Labour and a few elements in APC.
    Reacting, Deputy Chairman of the House Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Chief Victor Ogene, confirmed the plot.
    “What I do know is that members have been meeting in various caucuses, including state and party caucuses. As parliamentarians, we will not stop our members from attending meetings, he said.
    “The unity of the House of Representatives is sacrosanct, but any member who goes ahead to attend a meeting that is injurious to our unity will only put himself or herself up for sanctions.
    “We have been hearing rumours of attempt by different interest groups to sway members one way or the other, but I wish to say that the leadership of the House is up to the task of keeping the House as one whole unit.
    “We know that some members have been called to meetings in the Presidential Villa or outside the Villa, but where the inducement is coming from, we do not want to speculate.
    He added that “The Speaker and his team are not shaken in any way; they are not threatened.
    “You could see this from the rousing welcome given to the Speaker on the floor of the House today.”

    DailyPost