Monday, 23 September 2013

JONATHAN, TUKUR READY WAR TEAM IN G7 STATES •Gbemi Saraki, Mohammed Abacha, Ghali Na’Abba may emerge

  •  by  Taiwo Adisa -Abuja
  • FOLLOWING indications of a total collapse of the ongoing peace talks between the presidency and aggrieved governors of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) under the aegis of New PDP, the mainstream PDP was said to have prepared its war team in the affected G7 states.
    Investigations by the Nigerian Tribune confirmed that the mainstream PDP, led by Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, alongside the presidency, had prepared what looks like a war team, which would soon emerge in the states of the G7 governors.
    Although it was believed that not all the G7 states, as currently constituted, would eventually remain recalcitrant, sources said some reports had identified states that appeared irredeemable.
    “Some four states are seen as irredeemable so far. The understanding is that some governors are just linked with the G7 by association and they don’t really have anything fundamental against the mainstream PDP,” a source said, adding that states like Kano, Kwara and Jigawa were seen as almost impossible to placate in the ongoing exchanges.
    Sources said alternate structures were already being prepared for Kwara, since the presidency believed it could not meet the demand of the incumbent governor, Abdulfatah Ahmed and his predecessor, Senator Bukola Saraki, to stop what they termed harassment by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
    A source said since the EFCC could not be stopped, the government believed it could not meet the expectation of Saraki.
    It was gathered that Senator Gbemi Saraki may be wooed to take over the structure of the party in Kwara.
    Sources also said Kano appeared to stay strong in the agitation, with former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Honourable Ghali Umar Na’Abba, identified as the new leader of PDP in the state.
    Na’Abba, it was gathered, would manage the state alongside Mohammed Abacha, son of the late head of state, General Sani Abacha, seen as a popular figure in the state.
    It was gathered that the issue of Rivers State was concluded, since the structure of the party was given to the new leadership by the court.
    “I can tell you that the presidency is not losing sleep over the agitations of the G7. It is, first of all, seen as a demonstration of democratic rights and freedom of speech guaranteed by the party.
    “But with the way some persons are carrying on as if they have fundamental grouse with the president, the administration cannot continue to look or condone insurgency within the party,” a source further said.
    NigerianTribune

    GENERAL BUHARI AT THE DEMOCRATIC PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT (DPM) LAUNCH IN MANCHESTER 21/09/2013



    UK resident Mallam Garba, APC Leaders General Muhammadu Buhari and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Lord Mayor of Manchester Naeem Ul Hassan, International Secretary of Democratic Progressive Movement (DPM)..where General Buhari delivered a lecture.

    Leadership Gallery.

    Saturday, 21 September 2013

    PDP Peace Moves in P-i-e-c-e-s: Why I have not met


    *Alleges President’s men are saboteurs
    *Says G-7 govs are no rebels
    By Jide Ajani
    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar is accusing President Goodluck Jonathan’s aides of aborting his meeting with the President to mend the crack in their Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.
    Atiku, responding to a Sunday Vanguard questionnaire through his media adviser, Garba Shehu, alleged that a meeting called by Jonathan to discuss the issues with the former Vice President was sabotaged by the President’s staff who seemed not to be interested in solving the crisis in the party.
    He explained that a day after the walk-out he and six PDP governors staged at the Eagle Square, Abuja Special National Convention ground, word came to him that the President wanted a meeting through his aides and that the Turaki should be present at home at 7:00pm on the given day.
    “Atiku cancelled all appointments and asked that the house be cleared for an important delegation from the President. At that time, it was unclear whether it was the President himself who was coming or his
    representatives”, the media adviser said.
    “He waited from 7:00pm until well after 9:00 but nobody showed up. The Turaki learnt later, to his dismay, that the leader of the delegation reported to the President that Atiku had made himself unavailable for the meeting”.
    Garba Shehu said Atiku had a string of international engagements beginning the next day and he left as scheduled.
    He explained that Atiku had met the President not less than four times in the past and had, at the end of each meeting, indicated his readiness to be present whenever he was required to do so by the President.
    Atiku Abubakar
    Atiku Abubakar
    “This is out of the respect for the office he occupies. From this, it is clear that around the President, there are people who prosper from this crisis and they don’t want it to end”, the media adviser said.”
    The former Vice-President also explained why he lent his support to the faction of the PDP led by Alhaji Kawu Baraje, citing the need to entrench internal democracy in the party as basis for his decision.
    Atiku, in the interview, noted that the decision among aggrieved leaders of the party to walk out during the convention of the PDP, “was the culmination of several attempts to call the attention of the party to how things were going in the wrong direction.”
    According to him, “there had been several behind-the-scene efforts involving respected leaders of the party to correct certain wrongs in the PDP”.
    He continued, “It appeared that the party was not ready to give consideration to all these complaints and it got to a point that some people felt that it was time to salvage the PDP, before it tarries far beyond redemption.
    “I recall that not less than four different delegations were sent to me, three of which were led by former state governors and one by a serving governor, on why we need to act fast and salvage the PDP before the party collapses.
    “At that point, I asked myself which was the right direction to go: to leave the party in the hands of Bamanga Tukur and watch the party I helped build to collapse, or join hands with like-minded people and rescue the PDP. I think at the end of the day, I took the right decision.
    “What we did by the actions we took is to say that infractions to democracy and impunity will no longer be tolerated in the PDP.”
    Atiku pointed out that the desire to salvage the PDP was the sole reason he backed the protesting governors, saying, “the effort to correct the wrongs in the PDP didn’t just start now. And that is why I will want to correct you on the appellation of ‘rebel governors.’
    “Those of us who have come together to champion crusades to return the PDP to the dreams of its founding fathers are not leading a rebellion against the party. What we are doing is to further strengthen the PDP and reconnect it to the Nigerian people.
    “I decided to join the governors in their protest after four delegations, one after the other, were sent to me. I did not give them any terms or preconditions because I believe in their sincerity of their purpose.”
    Vanguard

    Let it remain a rumour

    By Patrick Omorodion
    Whenever we seem to be on the right track in our thinking and actions, some people, out of personal glory, want to throw spanners into the works and in the process cause the derailment of a worthy cause.
    At a time the Abuja National Stadium went into disrepair as a result of poor maintenance, the Super Eagles were almost homeless until the governor of Cross River State, Senator Liyel Imoke and his good citizens came to their rescue, providing the U.J. Esuene Stadium as their base for both the 2013 Nations Cup and 2014 World Cup qualifiers.
    The Stadium, though of medium capacity compared to the Abuja Stadium, was always filled to capacity on each match day with the spectators providing the electrifying ambiance which the players really needed to overcome their opponents.
    Unlike in Lagos where fans easily turn against the Eagles when they are under-performing or yet to raise their game or in Abuja where fans are not only always scanty but indifferent to the Eagles performance good or bad, Calabar fans are true students of late Ernest Okonkwo who preaches to fans to always cheer their team to motivate them into scoring rather than react to the impulse of a goal scored.
    In Calabar, the fans cheer on end irrespective of whether the Eagles have scored or trailing their opponents. A good example was the encounter against the Harambee Stars who led 1-0 with only a couple of minutes left.
    Rather than boo or remain indifferent like their Lagos or Abuja counterparts, those disappointed just left the stadium but majority of them who had faith in the team stayed on and continued to cheer until Nnamdi Oduamadi pulled the chestnut out of the fire with the last ditch equaliser that gave the Eagles hope.
    With the final second qualifier to be decided in the country a couple of weeks away, the powers that be are rumoured to be tinkling with the idea of taking the match to Abuja because, according to them, the stadium is now ready or matches and most astonishingly, to allow President Goodluck Jonathan join in cheering them to victory.
    For goodness sake, if one may ask, how many of the Eagles matches decided at the Abuja National Stadium has President Jonathan gone to watch and cheer the team? Why must it be this one now? If truly he wants to cheer them this time around, may we beg him to join the party in Calabar to do so since the Canaan City has proved a ‘fertile’ ground for the team.
    Let us not in trying to massage the ego of some top government officials, throw the World Cup ticket that is almost within our grasp. I know from the bottom of my heart that our football loving president would not want to go down in history as the one who helped  his ‘eye-service’ aides to truncate the dream of a World Cup appearance in 2014.
    Another plot against Keshi
    It is like we are in a season of rumours. Another rumour making the rounds is that the Nigeria Football Federation, NFF, may not have forgiven Super Eagles Head coach, Stephen Keshi and still plotting to oust him whether we qualify for Brazil 2014 or not.
    And how do they want to do this? A grapevine source hinted that they may have recruited a Nigerian football agent in Europe to the hatchet job by instigating FIFA to sanction Keshi over his alleged racist remarks against stop-gap coach of Malawi, Tom Sainfiet.
    FIFA has already queried Keshi through the NFF and the coach has answered the query, reiterating his earlier stance that he did not racially abuse the Malawian coach but only defended his team from a well worked out distraction heading into the crucial game.
    The plot is that once Keshi is fined and or banned from the team’s bench for a couple of matches including the two legged final play-off, the NFF would then find an alibi to do away with him, pleading a case of embarrassment to Nigeria. That is the script and Nigerians should ‘shine’ their eyes and stop this wicked plot to scuttle the revival of Nigeria’s football through Keshi.
    NFF fumbles again
    The Nigeria Football Federation, NFF can’t stop fumbling. This time with the just concluded Federation Cup in Lagos. The Cup presentation was an eyesore and nightmare for photo-journalists. That is small considering the blunder in awarding the top scorer of the competition to a wrong player. When corrected by one journalist, Ojeikere Aikhojie who followed the competition very well, he was labelled as usual as not writing with facts.
    Astonishingly, the NFF awarded the said player a goal scored during a penalty shoot-out after the game ended goalless. Haba NFF, do goals scored during shoot-outs count for highest goal scorer award? May be it is a new rule FIFA is yet to unfold to the world.
    Vanguard

    PDP Crisis: Uneasy calm in Senate

    By Johnbosco Agbakwuru
    The fear of the National Assembly seems to have become the beginning of wisdom in the Presidency. Since the resumption of the federal lawmakers from their annual vacation, there has been tension that the on-going crisis in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, will rub-off on the federal legislature.
    Before the resumption, there were speculations that the first sitting in both chambers after their vacation would be turbulent, leading to fear gripping some presidential aides while the plenary session lasted.
    The impression was that members of the National Assembly in the mainstream PDP, led by Alhaji Bamanga Tukur and loyal to President Goodluck Jonathan (aka old PDP), and those of the splinter group (nPDP), led by Alhaji Kawu Baraje, with the support of the G-7 ‘rebel’ governors, were ready to flex muscles.
    A presidential aide revealed that calls kept coming in during the Tuesday plenary by people who wanted to know the atmosphere and unfolding events in the National Assembly, and also to find out whether the bookmakers were correct in their prediction that the opening session was going to be rowdy.
    To heighten the tension was the purported increasing membership of the nPDP in both chambers.
    Despite the anticipated crisis, the Senate Leader, Senator Victor Ndoma-Egba, SAN, dismissed the speculation. He said there was no way the Senate would witness any crisis.
    Ndoma-Egba said, “First, let me concede the point that any crisis within the PDP will have repercussions on the polity generally for the simple reason that the PDP is the party in government. Whatever crisis we have will certainly have consequences on the polity for better or for worse. But, having said so, let me remind that crisis is the feature of any active political party.
    “But whether or not that is going to affect the leadership of the National Assembly, I can speak for the Senate. Like I said earlier on, no matter the crisis we have in the PDP, it is likely to impact on the polity generally. And the historical role of senate, not just in Nigeria but all over the world from time immemorial is to stabilize the polity in times of crisis and I believe that this time around, the Senate will once again, rise to the occasion of stabilizing the country in spite of the current tensions in PDP.
    “I don’t see the current tension in the PDP affecting the leadership of the Senate because the Senate is made up of statesmen who appreciate their historic role in stabilizing the polity and they will not do anything that will create instability.”
    What nearly proved those who had predicted a turbulent session right was the visit of the G-7 Governors with the executive members of the nPDP-led by Baraje to the National Assembly.
    The ‘rebel’ governors and the PDP faction reportedly visited the two chambers of the National Assembly to draw support from the federal lawmakers which, if they had succeeded, would have been the beginning of impeachment process against President Goodluck Jonathan.
    The nPDP and ‘rebel’ governors were received by the Senate President after the plenary. The leader of the delegation, Baraje, noted that the PDP had, in recent years, started declining in its democratic image mainly due to what he described as “lack of internal democracy as a result of undue interference of the Presidency especially as it concerns the election of party national officers .”
    According to him, the development has affected the quality and style of leadership that pride in illegal dissolution of state party structures and other acts of impunity.
    Baraje said that as a result of the anomalies, “some governors, former governors, party elders and indeed members of the National Assembly decided to act to rescue the party from undemocratic tendencies and by extension save the country from collapse”.
    The Senate
    The Senate
    He told the Senate President that their mission was to report to him most of their grievances against Tukur and Jonathan. The grievances are: the crisis in the Rivers State PDP, suspension of the Chairman of Nigerian Governors Forum, Hon. Chibuike Amaechi, from the party, interference in the election of the Chairman of NGF, the dissolution of Adamawa State executive committee of the party and the exclusion of stakeholders from the running of the party. Most importantly, he said that it was unconstitutional for Jonathan to seek third term.
    Before the visit of the nPDP, the Senate President, while welcoming senators from vacation, had told them that the polity was assailed by political tremors on account of the 2015 elections. He reminded them that they are first and foremost senators; and though not impervious to the present centrifugal political pulls, they must put the interest of the country above every other consideration.
    Mark told his colleagues, “We must not only rise above narrow, parochial and partisan considerations, we must also very eloquently, by deeds and words, demonstrate the capacity and willingness to moderate national discourse and balance the polity. This we can only do by always standing with the people and on the side of truth and by painstakingly striving at all times to do what is legally and constitutionally right and morally justifiable.
    “It is disheartening that even though the general elections of 2015 are two years away, political jobbers, sycophants and hustlers have prematurely seized the political space and are being allowed to set the tone of national discourse. This is unnecessary and avoidable distraction by characters or hirelings who are desperately in search of relevance.
    “They are only out to feather their own nests and in the process unduly overheat the polity. They employ every weapon, including the threats of war and open saber rattling to advance their partisan causes. I am therefore compelled to urge restraint and to call on putative contestants to various political positions in 2015 to advise themselves and call their various supporters to order”.
    He warned those behind the plots and drums of war to desist from it, saying, “beating the drums of war, chanting war songs and blackmailing the nation with fire and brimstone are outdated and unacceptable tools of political brinksmanship.”
    In a statement after the plenary, the Special Adviser to the President on National Assembly Matters, Senator Joy Emordi, stated that those who had expected that the National Assembly would witness a rowdy session were put to shame.
    She said, “Those prophets of doom underrate the patriotic spirit of the members of the National Assembly and their commitment to preserving our democracy knowing very well that Nigeria is bigger than any narrow group ambition.”
    She reminded members that the legislature had always been at the receiving end of every truncation of democratic governance, but expressed optimism that the members were committed to preserving the democracy.
    Vanguard

    Trouble in Edo PDP over vote of confidence on Ogiadomhe

    By Abdulwahab Abdulah and Gabriel Enogolase
    An Edo North based socio-political group, Edo North Consultative Forum (ECF), has dismissed  claim that the Chief of Staff to the President, Chief Mike Oghiadomhe, was not qualified  to vote in the last Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Special National Convention that took place in Abuja.
    According to the ECF, in a statement by its public relations officer, Dr. Leo Fadaka, it criticised the advertorial by a group which described the participation of Oghiadhome at the convention as fraud.
    ECF said as a leader of the PDP in Edo North, and a two term deputy governor of Edo State, the Chief of  Staff  was qualified as a  delegate at the PDP convention.
    Fadaka said: “It is high level of mischief and inconceivable on the part of the faceless group to descend so low to score a cheap political point even if it  meant concocting lies and other unpalatable things.”
    Meanwhile, the Edo North Senatorial Zone of the PDP may have passed  a vote of no confidence on  Oghiadomhe, over what they described as his insensitive leadership.
    The leaders of the party, said to have taken the decision at the weekend at an expanded leadership of the party meeting in Polaris Hotel, Afashio- Jattu, near Auchi, said it was aimed at re-strategizing and improving the fortunes of the PDP  Zone come 2015, even as they called for his immediate sack by the President.
    The decision  followed a motion by Chief Sylvester Eruaga and observation by Suleiman Asekhamhe that  Oghidomhe was not living up to his responsibility as the senatorial leader of the party and as such should be removed.
    Those who spoke at the meeting allegedly complained that members of  party were not happy with his conduct as a leader and were not benefitting from his leadership.
    It was further learnt that one of the Chief of Staff ‘s loyalist from Etsako Central local government,  Shikh Ustace, who objected to his removal, was asked to leave the venue.
    Vanguard

    Book Serial: The Pincer strategy used to defeat Biafra


    What came your way yesterday in this intriguing tale of 3MCDO operations during the war was how Alabi-Isama and Akinrinade parted ways with their commander, Col. Adekunle. The incidents eventually led to Adekunle being relieved of command, and Col. Obasanjo taking over. Obasanjo blundered into his first battle, sustaining heavy casualties, and recoursed to the Pincer strategies earlier canvassed, but which he ignored. READ ON.
    The Pincer strategies
    My suggested strategy was, first for the Sector HQ to move forward to Ohoba nearer the beleaguered 16 Bde immediately, then to start what I called Operations Pincer 1, 2 or 3, one of which will not only relieve 16 Bde of pressure but end the war at the same time.  the war front, and he was completely frustrated like most of us. However, we had to realize that Uli Ihiala was the most important part of Biafra at that time. So, I invited Akinrinade to my Uyo HQ to discuss the “Pincer Strategy” after which Akinrinade and I went to discuss with Ayo Ariyo in Calabar; but Ariyo was no more interested. He led us into Port Harcourt during the 30-day advance, he held Port Harcourt until Adekunle returned finally to the war front, and he was completely frustrated like most of us.
    We were not sure of what was inside the house; maybe it was even bugged. So, we came outside to discuss and to study the map. However, Ayo Ariyo listened to the plans, the strategy and the tactics of Operations Pincer 1, 2 and 3, he made some corrections and adjustments to the plans, and reminded me that all these had been discussed before we left Calabar a year ago, since April 1968, and only needed some adjustments, as the situation had changed. He was right, and he also told us that he had trained another 200 recruits that could be made available; I also had about 250 and Akinrinade another 250 recruits who were trained locally. Our three sectors were solid and had not seen or experienced any Biafran counter-attack since they were routed in our sectors at Aba, Ikot Ekpene and Calabar. We intensified training in all respects; from drivers training to medical, first aid, weapons training, snipers training, artillery and mortar training.
     Akinrinade and Alabi-Isama working out the Pincer strategieson their maps
    Akinrinade and Alabi-Isama working out the Pincer strategies on their maps
    We sent long range patrols, and had plotted all known Biafran troop positions, defences, their re-supply routes, including obstacles en-route Uli Ihiala which was the “Centre Of Gravity” of Biafra’s war effort at that time. Only Sector 1 had problems which were of their own making; it was just a blunder. Any new reinforcements sent to 1 Sector merely fizzled away into Ohoba/Owerri road, just to die or be wounded. The hospitals were filled up at Port Harcourt with Owerri front casualties. The situation needed a new plan and strategy, not conventional warfare, which was just frontal, brutal and got so many dead, especially in a situation where we could have defeated the Biafrans mentally before they were defeated physically.
    Further to Obasanjo’s reorganization, Major S.S Tomoye who was my deputy in Sector 3, was moved to Akinrinade’s 17Bde in Aba. Prior to his redeployment, Tomoye was deputy and Brigade Major at 13 Bde in Uyo. He also knew about Ops Pincer 1, 2 and 3. As a matter of fact, he helped draw all the maps and organize the training related to the final battle for the capture of Biafra’s centre of gravity at Uli Ihiala. We were no longer in the riverine war theatre, so tactics needed to change as we expected heavy casualties, which necessitated more training for the Medical Evacuation Team on how to evacuate casualties under heavy fire. I was transferred to Enugu while Major George Innih was transferred to take over my 13 Bde in Uyo. The plan looked good even if he made it seem as though this latter change was designed to replace the “enemy” that commanded 13 Bde.
    It was okay by me as long as the entire Brigade knew about ops Pincer 1,2 and 3, and the troops that fought so hard and well from Calabar to Port Harcourt did not just die like chicken in the hand of an inexperienced commander; but the casualties kept coming in an alarming rate.
    Plan of Op Pincer 1, which Obasanjo preferred
    Plan of Op Pincer 1, which Obasanjo preferred
    However, Obasanjo’s aim in reorganizing the Division as he did was to ensure that as GSO1 Akinrinade would still be able to control his old 17 Bde under the new command of Major Tomoye as well as the 13 Bde. But there was a snag. Of all the Pincer options, the one Obasanjo had preference for was Operation Pincer 1 which was the bloodiest, and the one rejected by the Army HQ as well as 3MCDO under Adekunle. And to canvass support for his choice, he went to 1 Division himself to brief Col. Bisalla on Pincer 1. Bisalla was not in Enugu at the time, so he spoke with Lt. Col. Danjuma who received him warmly but could not take a decision on the issue. Obasanjo also got in touch with 2 Division on the same subject.
    However, when Bisalla returned to base in Enugu and looked at the bloody implication of Operation Pincer 1 he rejected the plan. That was how God saved Nigeria and Biafra from what would have been a senseless massacre that would have forever blighted the conduct of the civil war, and the image of Nigeria. To give a picture of the enormity of the possible consequences of Op. Pincer 1, you just have to think of a people trapped and surrounded by 1 and 2 Divisions, of the Nigeria Army, and the 3MCDO; all of them advancing simultaneously with tank, artillery and air support bombardment. Could Nigeria have been able to justify the aftermath? But that was Obasanjo’s preference, which practically every body in the command structure of the entire Nigerian army rejected. Since he had to settle for Pincer 2, innocent refugees, women and children, including the aged and disabled trapped in what was left of Biafra were thus saved from the horror of the devastation that would have been their fate if Obasanjo had had his way.
    My modest estimate is that if Operation Pincer 1 had been executed there would have been a total of only slightly over a million Ibos left in Nigeria today. And there would have been no way we could absolve ourselves from heavy responsibility of what could truly have been genocide. In the final analysis, Obasanjo and Bisalla met at a meeting in Lagos where Bisalla had to explain why he could not accept to go along with Operation Pincer 1. In restrospect, he showed same brutal force in Odi, Bayelsa State in November 20, 1999 when he was civilian president.
    Gen Hassan Usman Katsina, who became the Chief of Staff (Army) in May 1968, was briefed on Operations Pincer 1, 2 and 3 during his visit to 3MCDO in July 1968 after the capture of Port Harcourt. That was when 3MCDO started going astray with Adekunle’s operation OAU. In particular, after the fall of Owerri and Aba, the disastrous effort to take Umuahia in early October 1968 (secretly approved by Gowon and SHQ) rather than focus on Uli as approved by AHQ, brought things to a head. According to his memoirs, in mid-October 1968 the GSO1 at the AHQ, Col. Oluleye visited 3MCDO HQ in Port Harcourt and subsequently raised the possibility of creating a 4MCDO from the 3MCDO as an option to sending Adekunle on leave or replacing him altogether. But Gowon was not convinced yet. I was told about Oluleye’s visit; I did not know about it.
    Bisalla rejects Obasanjo's Pincer 1 operation
    Bisalla rejects Obasanjo’s Pincer 1 operation
    Col. Obasanjo was finally convinced that OP Pincer 2 was the way to go at last. It was not the only way to do it, as there were other methods of achieving the same result, but definitely not the initial way we had gone about it.
    When I saw his confused look which suggested doubt, disbelief, and a lack of comprehension, I explained again, using the same map. All the 3MCDO problems were in Sector 1. Let us stop the blame game and get on with it. I further explained, by going into details as follows using the same map :-
    *The remaining 16 Bde should be beefed up to strength, to defend their present position to disallow further Biafran advance across their defence line.
    *19 Bde commanded by Maj Aliyu, should also be beefed up to strength to take up defensive positions where they were.
    *15 Bde that was still at Omoku, should also be brought up to strength, and, with an extra Battalion, should advance to Uli Ihiala, passing through Ebocha,Mbebe, to Izombe, Mgbidi, with Oguta to the left. The extra Battalion would be left to defend Izombe, to avoid troops at Oguta from interfering with the advance of the main body of 15 Bde advancing to Mgbidi. They would bypass Owerri to the right, as we did not need Owerri. Otamiri River would be on the Battalion’s left flank.
    *Then, 12, 14, and 17 Bdes under the command of Akinrinade, should advance from their present Sector HQ at Aba, to Inyiogugu, with Owerri to the left, aiming for Orlu. I also explained that 3MCDO never fought in the towns. We always bypassed them, surprising Biafran troops that expected us to fight inside the towns and villages, on the streets, including perhaps house-to-house fighting, which we avoided by all means. Based on the projections, I predicted that Akinrinade would take Uli-Ihiala in exactly seven days of crossing the start line at “H” hour.(5). We were lucky, I continued, that 1 Division had captured Okigwe in Oct. 1968, followed by Umuahia in April 1969, (which was two months before this briefing). Col. Obasanjo himself arrived in May 1969 three weeks after Umuahia was captured. 13 Bde, which was in my sector was already the largest of all the Brigades, and was well beefed up, ready to go. 13 Bde, therefore, would link up with 1 Division at Umuahia, and thence, advance along both sides of the river to RV right of Akinrinade at Urualla to take Nnewi (Ojukwu’s home town), behind Uli-Ihiala.
    *18 Bde, another brigade in Sector 3, would hold its position at Itu and be prepared to enter Arochukwu, should the Biafran troops in Arochukwu move against Pincer troops of 13 Bde. A battalion each was still standing by at Obubra, Ugep, and at Ikot Okpora, under the command of Lt Col Ignatius Obeya, who was the Commander of 18 Bde, should the Biafrans move against Calabar instead.
    *The worst scenario was if Biafran troops in Arochukwu moved towards Calabar, which was our own Centre of Gravity. In that case, the battalion at Ikot Okpora would engage them before they cross the river at Ikot Okpora. The role of 18 Bde would not change, they would enter Arochukwu behind the Biafrans. Either way, a dilemma would be created for Biafran troops at Arochukwu if they ever moved. Their best bet was to do nothing. Col. Obasanjo then took a good look at the map and the plan again, while Col. (Fr.) Pedro Martins laughed, and said that he was impressed. When in 2009, Mr. Kayode Williams and I went to see Fr. Martins at his Victoria Island residence in Lagos for his 90th birthday belated greetings, he remembered everything in detail as related to the Operation Pincer 2 briefing in Port Harcourt. It was incredible.
    Op Pincer 2 plan, renamed Op Tailwind
    Op Pincer 2 plan, renamed Op Tailwind
    But Col Obasanjo preferred Op Pincer 1, despite all advice against it.
    He then went about contacting the other two Divisions. Fortunately, the Pincer 1 idea was turned down by both Col. Bisalla of 1 Division and Col. Jalo of 2 Division. Col Bisalla’s point was very valid; he said there would be too much blood and that the aim of the war was not to exterminate the Ibo people or permanently change their culture by us occupying Iboland. I was impressed. I took the picture of their meeting. It was then that he had a rethink on Op Pincer 2. It was at this time that Col Obasanjo suddenly transferred me to I Division at Enugu.
    The final battle (Final execution of Op Pincer 2)
    I will explain here how Op Pincer 2 was finally executed when the officers were tired of line straightening operations which yielded no positive results except more casualties. Since all the units were already in position, and battle ready, the final battle started. As early as 0600 hours on 22 December 1969, 17 Bde under Maj SS Tomoye fired the first shot. He advanced to the right flank in order to be able to link up with 1 Division troops already at Umuahia since April 1969. This was what was expected of 13 Bde, but he did not move because he was not part of the line straightening operation; but since Akinrinade had decided to advance without 13 Bde, he did not bother.
    VANGUARD