In Search of Patience

 

 

PENDULUM BY DELE MOMODU, Email: dele.momodu@thisdaylive.com

Fellow Nigerians, you must be wondering from the title of my Column this week if I am missing Madam Patience Faka Jonathan, our erstwhile indefatigable First Lady, less than two weeks after she left office alongside her husband. Your guess would definitely be wrong, if you think so. This article is not about any human being called Patience. It is on that inner attribute which makes it possible for people to calm down and look deep before hurrying to nowhere.

I’ve been visibly disturbed by the spate of unnecessary and unwarranted attacks on the leadership style of our dear President Muhammadu Buhari who was sworn in barely a week ago. What is his offence? He’s said to have been slow in announcing his cabinet, Special Advisers and personal aides as well as formulating policies that his government intends to follow. I read this firstly on social media, as early as last Sunday, just 48 hours after the President received the baton of power from former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.

I was totally flabbergasted because some Nigerians did not realise that President Buhari’s first official working day should be June 1, 2015 even though the business of governance started immediately the President was sworn in on 29 May. Those castigating President Buhari also failed to appreciate the fact that he would need some time to settle in and examine the realistic state of things as opposed to the guess work that electioneering campaigns engender, since the opposition did not have access to raw government data before assuming office.

Back to my discourse, while I agree that certain offices could have been immediately allocated and announced such as media team (which was the first to be announced) alongside State Chief of Protocol, Principal Private Secretary, National Security Adviser, Secretary to the Federal Government and Chief of Staff, there are always processes and procedures to be followed and complied with. If the President had woken up the day after May 29 to roll out names of all his appointees, I’m sure many would still have challenged the reasons for unilateral decisions without constitutional adherence, due process or enough consultation. His political party in particular and the cynics in general would have frowned at his “dictatorial” tendencies and find an excuse to snooker him. The Nigerian Constitution requires the President to obtain the approval of the National Assembly before appointing Special Advisers. More fundamentally, his Cabinet must be approved by the Senate and there is therefore no point announcing names until the National Assembly has been inaugurated.

As a matter of fact, we need to appeal most passionately to members of the APC, to take it easy with President Buhari and have mercy on Nigerians by reducing the palpable tension in the land as a result of the battle for political posts and party supremacy. If Buhari is put under too much pressure, it may turn out to be an invitation to unmitigated disaster because he is bound to make appointments based on pure sentiments rather than unadulterated merit. Sadly, it is no longer hidden that the new governing party is being torn apart by this self-immolating fiasco over who controls what. That itself is affecting the polity and stoking up disaffection. An average Nigerian would hold only one man responsible for the action or inaction of this government and that is Mr President.

The impatience being displayed from Day One by Nigerians should be instructive. It is not going to be an easy ride for the President and his Vice President, Professor Osinbajo. All eyes are on them and the expectations are very high. As I mentioned last week, we are dealing with a generation of impatient and temperamental youths who won’t listen to, or take, lame excuses. All they want is positive action that can change Nigeria for the better. And they want this change sooner than later. It is certain, therefore, that the honeymoon is going to be brief if this affair is not carefully managed.

My prayer is that the President is able to build a team that would be largely acceptable to the generality of the people for its credibility and competence. Once that is settled, the rest should be easy to deal with. I will suggest a mass attack approach in handling our myriad of problems. The team must work together, strike together and defend together. In short they must speak with one voice. Let me break it down. They must not operate at a tangent. The challenges are intertwined and can only be jointly disentangled.

The first sign of seriousness would be when this government comes up with its plans to cut down on the atrocious costs of running government whilst pledging to ensure that ordinary public servants are regularly paid their salaries. I believe that Government has a duty to pay its workers regularly each month. Even if they cannot do so, for reasons beyond their control, one would expect that they pay those workers at least half of their salary every month, until situations normalise and the accumulated arrears can be settled. I salute the resilience of all our longsuffering public servants. I never cease to marvel about their selflessness in turning up at work, day in day out, despite not being paid for many months. If our political office holders could demonstrate the same diligence and discipline, our country would be well on the way to recovery.

The days of leaders living large and going on a binge should be over. Salaries are never the issue but the allowances and perks of office. The tradition of going around in a long convoy of official cars together with employing a large retinue of aides must be stopped in order to reduce and discourage profligacy. Every effort must be made to convince the people that this is not going to be the typical way of running government in Nigeria where leaders have lived outlandishly while the people wallow in abject poverty and squalid conditions.

The second priority should be to have the right people in the right positions by bringing on board people with veracity and expertise business and leadership. Those privileged to serve their nation should begin to see beyond the glamour and appurtenances of power. Power has become too psychedelic in our clime and this does not augur well for growth and development. It distracts from the serious business of governance. The flamboyance of politicians should be curtailed as much as possible. There is no reason why any soul should travel around with a battalion of government security personnel while an entire region of Nigeria is absolutely abandoned to the rarefied savagery of terror gangs from far and near. Every Nigerian needs protection, not just the leaders and their families. When leaders downgrade their ribaldry, the citizens would gladly take a cue from them and begin to emulate the right and edifying attitudes they evince. For now, everyone is his own government until the change we craved and fought for materialises.

The third is to fortify our institutions. Institutions make a society. The different arms of government must respect one another. The executive must recognise the sanctity of the legislature. The legislature must respect their constitutional role and engage only in laws that can make our nation more virile and respectable. The Federal Government, State and Local Governments should co-exist as Federating units and eschew the present master/servant relationships Each must get its allocations independently and as at when due instead of the beggarly arrangement at the moment. The interference from Federal to State and from State to Local is reprehensible.

The Judiciary is supposed to be the last hope of the common man but it has not been accorded the importance it deserves. Without justice, we live in the jungle where might is right all the time. We shall be ruled by kangaroos and mad dogs instead of men and women of conscience and decorum. A nation where justice and equity are for sale, and readily available to the highest bidder is living a calamitous existence. The much touted independence of the judiciary must be made a reality. A situation where civil servants who work under Judges are paid more than the Judges themselves must stop. The Judiciary must control its own budget. No more should there be the need for Presiding Judges to go cap in hand to the Executive for solace and succour. In most civilised countries, Judges earn more than any other public office holder or politician. The rationale is simply to provide them with enough to ensure their independence and impartiality. Any errant, greedy Judge can then feel the full weight of the law.

The Police as the law enforcer must be properly empowered to do its job well. All the noise about power and energy, infrastructure, education, health, agriculture, and others are desirable but nothing could be more important than the rule of Law and there can be no Law without an enforcer. The almost incurable inferiority complex being suffered by our Police must be exorcised urgently. They have been subjected to so much indignity that has rendered them rudderless and ineffective. A lot of the big or petty crimes in our society would have been better tackled if the Police was allowed to do its job without undue interference from the top. The personnel, resources and training necessary to improve our police must be speedily implemented.

Once we strengthen our institutions, we shall then be able to concentrate on physical development. The fortification of these institutions doesn’t require much money but only the will to protect their sanctity as it is done elsewhere. If the Commander-in-Chief can set this in motion swiftly and explicitly, we would have started the journey towards our restoration and beatification as a people. The President is fortunate to have a Vice President who is well grounded in most of those sectors and he should seize that uncommon opportunity to hand him the task of spearheading that restoration.

It is a job that must be done.

DANGOTE’S GLORIOUS DAY IN ETHIOPIA

When I got a call from Alhaji Aliko Dangote last week, I thought it was for our occasional chit-chat on politics and the state of the nation. I was dead wrong. In his usually calm voice, Alhaji simply said “my brother, can you please join us on a trip to Ethiopia for the launch of our cement plant?”. I felt honoured by the personal invitation extended to me and accepted it immediately.

Working out the logistics was handled professionally and pleasantly by Mr Anthony Chiejina, the energetic Group Head, Corporate Communications at Dangote Group. Alhaji had instructed that I should be flown to Addis Ababa, with his family members and friends, on his Bombardier Global XRS Business Jet, on June 3. That was it.

As arranged, we took off from Lagos on a five hour journey. The assemblage at Sam Iwuajoku’s Quits Aviation’s private hangar was a who’s who in the Nigerian business world. Different planes took off heading towards Ethiopia for one man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, whose rapid expansion is now felt in about 16 African countries.

After landing in the early hours of June 4, 2015, we headed straight to the Sheraton Addis hotel where we spent less than three hours before rushing down for breakfast and driving on a two-hour journey to the Dangote 2.5 Million Metric Tonnes Cement Plant, situated at Mugher, Ethiopia. It was such a wonder to behold.

The $600 million Plant lived up to its billing in physical structure and environmental splendour. Security was good but not over the top. The presence of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, His Excellency Ato Hailemariam Desalegn and the President of The Oromia National Regional State, His Excellency Ato Muktar Kedir, made it mandatory. Otherwise, we travelled that long distance without a single security escort. Considering the number of distinguished personalities from Nigeria, I couldn’t believe there was no Police or military on the buses that took us to and fro.

Another startling discovery was that there was no generator on standby to power the plant because I was told this was an unnecessary item. That is virtually impossible in most African countries. After the ceremonies were over we took a breath-taking tour of the massive Plant that has stretched the limit of science and technology.

The event attracted amongst others, my Governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, who breezed in with his beautiful wife, Lara. The Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria, Mr Godwin Emefiele, who has such a gentle mien, surprised me by chatting with me in impeccable Yoruba. Former Governors, Niyi Adebayo, Donald Duke and Yisa Yuguda were present. Alhaji’s friends, Col Sani Bello, Femi Otedola, Muyiwa Bakare, Oscar Onyeama, Stephen Oronsaye, Haruna Jalo-Waziri, Hon. Farouk Adamu Aliyu, the Daggash Brothers, Kunle Elebute, Mrs Mairo Bashir, Segun Adeniyi, and many others were present. The top bankers came in droves and included Jim Ovia, Emmanuel Ikazoboh, Bisi Onasanya, Ladi Balogun, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, Herbert Wigwe, Oladele Sotubo, and astute lawyer, Asue Ighodalo, also came.

It was an awesome experience to say the least.

A Valedictory Session That Was.

A valedictory session that was  

 Duro Onabule

 

As expected, former President Goodluck Jonathan’s last meeting with his ministers in council was quite illuminating. He was sober, reflective, perhaps, resigned to his imminent status as former president but not necessarily defeated. All the same, Jonathan was dramatic in his observations.
At last, Jonathan commented on the month-long fuel scarcity and blamed the oil importers for the blackmail with which his administration was being sent into history. Second, he requested that any planned probe of his administration should be extended to his predecessors’ tenure. He also admitted that some decisions during his tenure might have been bad or were actually bad and concluded that he did his best.
What instantly emerged was that Jonathan hurt himself with the negative publicity. So, the fuel crisis was a blackmail? The scarcity lasted for over a month and affected all parts of Nigeria and virtually brought the country to a standstill. Yet, Jonathan kept quiet. In the process, the impression created was that, given the bitter campaigns the PDP waged for the presidential elections, the fuel scarcity crisis was aimed at dragging the country to a halt to create a difficult take-off for President Muhammadu Buhari.
Even if that were so, it could only have earned Buhari instant public acclamation for ending the fuel scarcity, restoring electricity supply, etc. It was an irony that Jonathan allowed himself to be discredited by ungrateful oil importers, most of them PDP supporters, the same beneficiaries of government patronage in committing fraud in the name of fuel subsidy.
The first hint of Jonathan’s lamentation on the fuel scarcity crisis was given two days earlier by former Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala at the Senate hearing when she accused the oil importers of political/economic sabotage. According to her, the oil importers never created any problem when government owed them over one trillion naira. She then wondered why the oil importers capitalised on the ongoing verification of the suspected false claims of less than two hundred billion naira as outstanding payment to throw the country into political/economic crisis.
Jonathan should not have waited till his last twenty-four hours in office to expose the economic saboteurs. It was even untenable for the former Nigerian President to demand that any intended probe of his administration should be extended to his predecessors. As far back as when? 1999? Or 1960? That was desperate and self-serving. The standard is that no former Nigerian Head of State should be subjected to such humiliation.
That is not to say every transaction was clean. Much must have happened in the six-year tenure of Jonathan, facts of which might crop up only in the scheme of things. Cropping up of such facts must not necessarily be seen as a probe of the Jonathan administration. For example, none of the criminal suspects in the fraud of over two trillion naira as fuel subsidy so far has been successfully prosecuted. Jonathan had nothing to do with the scandal.
Rejuvenating such prosecutions, leading to convictions or, at least, recovery of the huge amount is not a probe of Jonathan as a former president. After all, both Jonathan and former Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala are on record that the entire fuel subsidy transactions up to that stage were carried out by NNPC without their knowledge. It is also on record that National Assembly never appropriated the huge sum of over two trillion naira purported oil subsidy NNPC paid to the criminals.
Rather than witch-hunt, it will be a recovery of stolen public fund or conviction of the culprits, whoever they are. Again, there should be no deliberate probe of Jonathan. But if down the line, facts emerged on illegal or criminal acquisition of wealth, the only restraint is that there should be no fun-fare of such discovery. Otherwise, any of such abuse of office should be disgorged.
Witch-hunt? Definition of such is ever self-serving. Was it witch-hunt when the son of Sule Lamido, ex-governor of Jigawa State was prosecuted for criminal currency trafficking? Was it witch-hunt when ex—PDP national chairman, Vincent Ogbulafor, was hunted out of office with a criminal offence allegedly committed eight years earlier? Was it witch-hunt when ex-Kwara State governor, Bukunola Saraki, was serially questioned by EFCC on financial transactions at his father’s defunct bank about ten years before he was elected governor? Was it witch-hunt when ex-Bayelsa State governor, Timipre Sylva, was arraigned by EFCC for alleged looting of public funds during his tenure?
They were only made to account for their conduct during their tenure. If found liable, Jonathan’s aides must also legitimately be arraigned. After all, one of them, Doyin Okupe was arraigned by the EFCC only after Jonathan lost the presidential elections. Had Doyin Okupe been arraigned under the new administration of President Buhari, meanings would have been read into the prosecution.
Then, according to former President Jonathan’s self-confession at the valedictory session of the Federal Executive Council, mistakes might have been made or, in fact, were made in some of the decisions he took. In that situation, it is only fair for the succeeding administration to correct such mistakes and that cannot be any sort of witch-hunt.
Correctly put, if Jonathan were still in office and detected those mistakes, he would himself have corrected what he admitted could have been or were indeed real mistakes. Why, for example, did Jonathan continue, in couple of days left for him in office, making fresh appointments to major public offices or reconstituting membership of federal agencies?
If constitutionally possible, Jonathan would have reconstituted the federal cabinet of ministers (and would have) handed to President Buhari as fait accompli.
Jonathan said he did his best for Nigeria. Of course, anybody in Jonathan’s position is expected to do his best, leaving history to be the judge. He can console himself that all his controversial predecessors were eventually appreciated for one distinction or another.

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Beckoning to anarchy

Whatever crime for which Buruji Kashamu (a senator-elect) might have been accused, the fact remains that as a Nigerian and indeed, a citizen of the world, he is entitled a fair trial and should be treated as innocent until he is found guilty in a Court of Law.
Despite that constitutional and legal right, it is disappointing that National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) is hell-bent on denying the man his rights. Faced with the prospects of being kidnapped and bundled to United States, Buruji sought and obtained the protection of Nigerian courts against violent denial of his legal rights by NDLEA.
It is, therefore, a shock that NDLEA could treat our law courts with outrageous contempt by describing as trivial, a court order, restraining NDLEA from infringing Buruji’s freedom of movement. If Buruji is guilty as charged, that should be established in a Court of Law. Instead, NDLEA has assumed the position of the complainant, the prosecutor and the judge, even without trying the accused in a Court of Law.
So far, at least, two Nigerian courts have refused to sanction Buruji’s kidnap and extradition to United States and three Nigerian Courts have restrained Nigerian government, including NDLEA, from unilaterally extraditing Buruji. Earlier, a British court similarly inquired into the charges against Buruji for up to two years and ruled that Buruji should not be extradited to United States on grounds of mistaken identity.
Buruji might yet be liable to criminal prosecution but NDLEA or even Nigerian government must prove that guilt in our law courts to warrant any extradition to United States.
Here is the difference. On the eve of the last presidential elections in United States, Barrack Obama issued a vote-catching proclamation halting further deportations of illegal immigrants. Aggrieved groups went to challenge the legality of Obama’s amnesty. The court, this week, ruled that Obama must withhold his amnesty pending the trial of the suit challenging the legality of the amnesty.
Obama has complied. In short, American government will not defy their law courts. In contrast, why must our NDLEA or even Nigerian government defy the court ruling halting Buruji Kashamu’s extradition?
It is a question of law and an issue for Nigerian Bar Association to be concerned with. Can a government agency or even Nigerian government disobey/disregard a court order? NBA’s interest in this matter is in preserving the sanctity of law courts.
If Buruji is considered liable for deportation, NDLEA and or Nigerian government must appeal to a higher court. Otherwise, we are beckoning at anarchy.

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Sacking of UI council

Retired General Adeyinka Adebayo might not have bothered himself in ticking off former President Goodluck Jonathan for the latter’s discourtesy in removing General Adebayo as Chairman of Governing Council of University of Ibadan.
Jonathan dissolved that Council less than three weeks before his (Jonathan’s) tenure expired. If the former president could not see it, the certainty was that in dissolving the University Council about two years into the statutory four-year tenure, Jonathan only rendered his new appointees all over the place to be similarly dismissed by the new Federal Administration.
It should be emphasised that General Adebayo’s concern was even the discourtesy of not being informed. Can Jonathan henceforth exercise such power?

Change Is The Only Constant In Life

Femi Adesina

 

Finally, come has come to become, as President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan bows out of office today, and is succeeded by President Muhammadu Buhari. It is a consummation of change in Nigeria, a feat attained by a coalition of political parties against the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which had held power at the centre since 1999.
But change did not come by a sudden flight. Nor was it easy by any stretch of the imagination. The Yoruba say you get circumcised only through pains and peppery sensations. Yes, the change was peppery, even painful, at least to the PDP, which had vowed to rule Nigeria for a minimum of 60 years. Sixty then became 16, a reversed rhyming.
People from all walks of life dread change. They want it like they would want a hole in the head. The mere thought of change sends cold chills down the spine, sends people into dire conjurations and expectations. No wonder somebody declared during the campaigns that preceded the presidential election in March that change was a forbidden language, reserved for only bus conductors. “Anyone that tells you change, stone that person,” Mrs Patience Jonathan had declared in Calabar, capital of Cross River State. “Anyone that comes and tells you that he will change, stone that person… You can’t change, rather you will go back to a baby… so nothing like change, rather it is continuity.”
We know that ‘Change’ is the slogan of the All Progressives Congress (APC), which was the leading opposition party then. The APC sent dread into the PDP and President Jonathan, so much so that elections originally scheduled for February were postponed by six weeks. But it did not change anything. The God of FeBuhari (February) still remained the God of March. Muhammadu Buhari and the APC won the presidential election by over 2.5 million votes.
We all fear to leave our comfort zones, so we dread change. It is natural and human. But most times, change is ineluctable, inevitable, inescapable. “The only thing that is constant is change,” says Heraclitus, the Greek philosopher. In fact, he believes that the doctrine of change is central to the universe. True.
But did Jonathan and PDP fight the change that swept across the land in March and April? They did. Almost to a standstill! Remember all the presidential visits to different parts of the country, and the largesse in various currencies that accompanied such visits? Royal fathers, Nollywood stars, pastors, Imams, all suddenly began to spend foreign currencies, courtesy of presidential visits. But did it stop the change? No. Change, when it is ripe and fully-grown, is unstoppable, as attested to by Chief Olusola Oke, former National Legal Adviser of the PDP.
Chief Oke was not just a stalwart of the PDP, he was also the party’s gubernatorial candidate in Ondo State about three years ago. But just before this year’s general elections, he decamped to the APC. Hear him: “I had passionately resisted to be part of the change. I resisted the wind of change that was blowing until it almost blew me out. Now, I have surrendered. I can’t resist anymore.”
That’s a wise man. I have surrendered. I can’t resist anymore. But it took President Jonathan a long time to awaken to that reality. He fought that change, with all the fibre in his body. But at the end, seeing the direction of the wind, he had to surrender.
During Easter, as the Christian community in Abuja paid homage to him, President Jonathan declared: “I was in the hand of government for 16 years… I was in a cage being taken care of by the government. But I think it is enough, and I am happy. Help me thank God for that.”
By the time Jonathan spoke, election was over, and he had lost. How I wish the reality had struck him much earlier. How can you be in a cage for 16 years, and you still fight tooth and nail to remain in the same cage? Rather ironical. That is what happens to a man who does not realise when change becomes inevitable. And change is the only constant in life.
“One must change one’s tactics every 10 years if one wants to maintain one’s superiority,” said French leader, Napoleon Buonaparte. But the PDP was in power for 16 years. It did not review nor change its tactics. It inherited a parlous electricity situation in 1999, it is leaving with electricity in a worse state, and billions of dollars down the drain. It came at a time Nigeria was in the throes of fuel crisis, it is leaving 16 years later, with the same fuel crisis dogging its footsteps. Despite the trillions of dollars that accrued to the country in oil sales in 16 years, PDP did not make much difference in the lives of the people. So, change had to come. If change is due, and you don’t embrace it, you stagnate and lose ground. You atrophy. No wonder Harold Wilson, a former British Prime Minister said: “He who rejects change is the architect of decay. The only human institution which rejects progress is the cemetery.”
Change has come to Nigeria today. But change to what? There can be change for better or change for worse. The onus is on the APC to make this a change for the better. There must be sacrifices. Yes, we must pay the price of change, so that we can have a country to bequeath to our children, and generations unborn. The APC would not need to hold Nigerians in bondage or servitude for 60 years as the PDP vowed, before it can effect change. The change must start now. And in the shortest possible time, Nigerians must see that they have got off the ‘One Chance’ bus of the immediate past.
However, it is not only the government that will bring the change we need. All Nigerians have a part to play. Instead of folding our hands, doing nothing, or even waiting for the Buhaari administration to fail, we should rather join the change train. “You must be the change you wish to see in the world,” said Indian leader, Mahatma Gandhi. Nigerians must change attitude, change thinking, and be the change we wish to see. If we want corruption eradicated, or reduced to the barest minimum, we must eliminate all cravings for filthy lucre. If we want a cohesive, united country, we must eschew all forms of bile or hatred. If we want a robust economy, we must not sabotage the economic wellbeing of the country. Be the change you want to see. “Change will not come if we wait for some other person or some other time. We are the ones we’ve been waiting for. We are the change we seek,” says American president, Barack Obama.
Change is inevitable. It is constant. That change has come upon us. It has invaded our lives. If we are rigid, or impervious to change, we collapse. If we flow with the stream, it leads to fair havens, a halcyon shore.
“The world as we have created it is a process of our thinking. It cannot be changed without changing our thinking.” (Albert Einstein). With the right thinking, the change that is upon Nigeria will have enduring consequences. It will change this land for good.
Remember Naaman? He was the Syrian war hero, a General who was leprous. He heard about Elijah, the prophet in Israel, who could cure him. And when he sought out Elijah, that one told him to go and dip in River Jordan seven times. Naaman was first furious. Me, dip in that dirty River Jordan seven times? Are there not cleaner, neater rivers in Syria?
But eventually, Naaman humbled himself, did as he was told. And his flesh was restored like that of a baby. The lesson? Change takes time. It takes effort. Naaman had thought Elijah would just wave something over his head, and the leprosy would disappear. But no! He had to dip seven times in River Jordan. Change will not come by a sudden flight. We must work for it. All of us! And in the words of John Steinbeck, in his work, Sweet Thursday, change will come “like a little wind that ruffles the curtain at dawn… like the stealthy perfume of wildflowers hidden in the grass.” It is a soothing change.
“There is nothing wrong with change, if it is in the right direction,” says former British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill. Change is here. And it is in the right direction. It is for our collective good.

The Edo People of Western Sudan (Pt. 1). The Benin Empire.

The extent of Benin in 1625
Capital= Benin City (then called Edo)
Languages = Edo ( today fragmented into Edoid sub-dialects)
Government Monarchy = King/Emperor (Oba)
- 1180–1242 EWEKA 1
- 1440–1473 Ewuare (1440–1473) expanded the city-state to an empire
Ovonramwen (exile 1897) = Last absolute Ruler
- 1979– Erediauwa I (post-imperial)
Historical era/Early Modern era
- Established 1180
- Annexed by the United Kingdom 1897
Area - 1625 90,000 km² (34,749 sq mi)
ROOTS OF IZODUWA( Prince Ekalarderhan) corruptly called ODUDUWA by the Yorubas.
The Benin Empire was a pre-colonial African empire, with its capital Benin City (located in what is now Edo State in Nigeria). It should not be confused with the modern-day country called Benin, formerly called Dahomey. The Benin Empire was "one of the oldest and most highly developed states in the coastal hinterland of West Africa, dating perhaps to the Eleventh century C.E",[2] until it was annexed by the British Empire, in 1897.
The original people and founders of the Benin Empire, the Edo people, were initially ruled by the Ogiso (Kings of the Sky) dynasty who called their land Igodomigodo. The rulers or kings were commonly known as Ogiso. Igodo, the first Ogiso, wielded much influence and gained popularity as a good ruler. He died after a long reign and was succeeded by Ere, his eldest son. In the 12th century, a great palace intrigue and battle for power erupted between the warrior crown prince Ekaladerhan son of the last Ogiso ( Ogiso Owodo) and his young paternal uncle - Evian the field Marshall of his father's army. In anger over an oracle, Prince Ekaladerhan left the royal court with his warriors. When his old father the Ogiso died, the Ogiso dynasty was ended as the people and royal kingmakers preferred their king's son as natural next in line to rule.
PRINCE IZODUWA BECAME RULER OF IFE A PRIESTLY MINI SETTLEMENT.
The exiled Prince Ekaladerhan who was not known in Yoruba land, somehow earned the title of Oni Ile-fe Izoduwa which is now corrupt to yoruba language as Ooni (Oghene) of Ile-Ife Oduduwa and refused to return, then sent his son Oranmiyan to become king. Prince Oranmiyan took up his abode in the palace built for him at Usama by the elders (now a coronation shrine). Soon after his arrival he married a beautiful lady, Erinmwinde, daughter of Osa-nego, was the ninth Enogie (Duke) of Ego, by whom he had a son. After some years residence here he called a meeting of the people and renounced his office, remarking that the country was a land of vexation, Ile-Ibinu (by which name the country was afterward known) and that only a child born, trained and educated in the arts and mysteries of the land could reign over the people. He caused his son born to him by Erinmwinde to be made King in his place, and returned to Yoruba land Ile-Ife. After some years in Ife, he left for Oyo, where he also left a son behind on leaving the place, and his son Ajaka ultimately became the first Alafin of Oyo of the present line, while Oranmiyan himself was reigning as Oni of Ife. Therefore, Oranmiyan of Ife, the father of Eweka I, the Oba of Benin, was also the father of Ajaka, the first Alafin of Oyo. Note that,Oni of Uhe and Alafe of Oyo were Bini terms in Benin spoken language. Also note that, almost all the Kings titles in Southerner Nigeria are in old Edo Language. In Nigeria Edo has the greatest and rich culture and most influence in West Africa and powerful King in Nigeria before the whiteman arrived.
THE IMPERIAL FOUNDATION
By the 15th century, Edo as a system of protected settlements expanded into a thriving city-state. In the 15th century, the twelfth Oba in line, Oba Ewuare the Great (1440–1473) would expand the city-state to an empire.
It was not until the 15th century during the reign of Oba Ewuare the Great that the kingdom's administrative centre, the city Ubinu, began to be known as Benin City by the Portuguese, and would later be adopted by the locals as well. Before then, due to the pronounced ethnic diversity at the kingdom's headquarters during the 15th century from the successes of Oba Ewuare, the earlier name ('Ubinu') by a tribe of the Edos was colloquially spoken as "Bini" by the mix of Itsekhiri, Esan, Ika, Ijaw Edo, Urhobo living together in the royal administrative centre of the kingdom. The Portuguese would write this down as Benin City. Though, farther Edo clans, such as the Itsekiris and the Urhobos still referred to the city as Ubini up till the late 19th century, as evidence implies.
INFLUENCE
Aside from Benin City, the system of rule of the Oba in his kingdom, even through the golden age of the kingdom, was still loosely based after the Ogiso dynasty, which was military and royal protection in exchange of use of resources and implementation of taxes paid to the royal administrative centre. Language and culture was not enforced but remained heterogeneous and localized according to each group within the kingdom, though a local "Enogie" (duke) was often appointed by the Oba for specified ethnic areas.
Bronze plaque of Benin Warriors with ceremonial swords. 16th–18th centuries, Nigeria.
The first name of the Benin Empire, since its creation some time in the first millenium (i.e, before year 1000) CE, was Igodomigodo, as called by its own inhabitants. Their ruler was called Ogiso.[3]
Nowadays, nearly 36 known Ogiso are accounted for as rulers of this first form of the state. According to the Edo oral tradition, during the reign of the last Ogiso, his son and heir apparent, Ekaladerhan, was banished from Igodomigodo as a result of one of the Queens having deliberately changed an oracle message to the Ogiso. Prince Ekaladerhan was a powerful warrior and well loved. On leaving Benin he travelled westernly to the land of the Yoruba where he became king and renamed himself Izoduwa, which is now corrupt to Oduduwa by Yorubas. Most Edo cultures and festival ethnics are now practiced by Yorubas such as Ishango, Ogun, Festac of Idia Mother of Oba Esigie of Benin. Also most foods of the Edo are now consumed by the Yorubas, such as Iyan, Eman, Usi, Ighiawo and Ogi. Most current cities in West Nigeria are a mix of Edo and Yoruba, such as Ekiti, Kogi, Oyo, Ogun, Ondo and Lagos itself.
On the death of his father, the last Ogiso, a group of Benin Chiefs led by Chief Oliha came to Ife, pleading with Oduduwa (the Ooni) to return to Igodomigodo (later known as Benin City in the 15th century during Oba Ewuare) to ascend the throne. Oduduwa's reply was that a ruler cannot leave his domain but he had seven sons and would ask one of them to go back to become the next king there.
Eweka I was the first 'Oba' or king of the new dynasty after the end of the era of Ogiso. He changed the ancient name of Igodomigodo to Edo.
Centuries later, in 1440, Oba Ewuare, also known as Ewuare the Great, came to power and turned the city-state into an empire. It was only at this time that the administrative centre of the kingdom began to be referred to as Ubinu after the Itsekhiri word and corrupted to Bini by the Itsekhiri, Edo, Urhobo living together in the royal administrative centre of the kingdom. The Portuguese who arrived in 1485 would refer to it as Benin and the centre would become known as Benin City and its empire Benin Empire.
The Ancient Benin Empire, as with the Oyo Empire which eventually gained political ascendancy over even Ile-Ife, gained political strength and ascendancy over much of what is now Mid-Western and Western Nigeria, with the Oyo Empire bordering it on the west, the Niger river on the east, and the northerly lands succumbing to Fulani Muslim invasion in the North. Interestingly, much of what is now known as Western Iboland and even Yorubaland was conquered by the Benin Kingdom in the late 19th century - Agbor (Ika), Akure, Owo and even the present day Lagos Island, which was named "Eko" meaning "War Camp" by the Bini.
The present day Monarchy of Lagos Island did not come directly from Ile-Ife, but from Bini, and this can be seen up till in the attire of the Oba and High Chiefs of Lagos, and in the street and area names of Lagos Island which are Yoruba corruptions of Bini names (Idumagbo, Idumota, Igbosere etc.). Other parts of the present day Lagos State were under Ijebu, and later Edo now conquer Ijebu and enlarge is domain to Dahomey (tossed between the Dahomey Kingdom, with its seat in present day Republic of Benin, and the Bini Kingdom).
THE SOLID EMPIRE
Benin city in the 17th century.
The Oba had become the paramount power within the region. Oba Ewuare, the first Golden Age Oba, is credited with turning Benin City into City States from a military fortress built by Ogiso, protected by moats and walls. It was from this bastion that he launched his military campaigns and began the expansion of the kingdom from the Edo-speaking heartlands.
Oba Ewuare was a direct descendant of Eweka I great grandson of Oduduwa, Oni of Ife.
A series of walls marked the incremental growth of the sacred city from 850 AD until its decline in the 16th century. In the 15th century Benin became the greatest city of the empire created by Oba Ewuare. To enclose his palace he commanded the building of Benin's inner wall, a seven-mile (11 km) long earthen rampart girded by a moat 50 feet (15 m) deep. This was excavated in the early 1960s by Graham Connah. Connah estimated that its construction, if spread out over five dry seasons, would have required a workforce of 1,000 laborers working ten hours a day seven days a week. Ewuare also added great thoroughfares and erected nine fortified gateways.
Pendant ivory mask of Queen Idia, court of Benin, 16th century, (Metropolitan Museum of Art)
Excavations also uncovered a rural network of earthen walls 4 to 8 thousand miles long that would have taken an estimated 150 million man hours to build and must have taken hundreds of years to build. These were apparently raised to mark out territories for towns and cities. Thirteen years after Ewuare's death tales of Benin's splendors lured more Portuguese traders to the city gates.[4]
At its maximum extent, the empire extended from the western Ibo tribes on the shores of the Niger river, through parts of the southwestern region of Nigeria (much of present day Ondo State, and the isolated islands (current Lagos Island and Obalende) in the coastal region of present day Lagos State). The Oyo Kingdom, which extended through most of SouthWestern Nigeria to parts of present day Republic of Benin was to the West.
The state developed an advanced artistic culture, especially in its famous artifacts of bronze, iron and ivory. These include bronze wall plaques and life-sized bronze heads depicting the Obas of Benin. The most common artifact is based on Queen Idia, now best known as the FESTAC Mask after its use in 1977 in the logo of the Nigeria-financed and hosted Second Festival of Black & African Arts and Culture (FESTAC 77).
THE EUROPEAN CONTACT:
Drawing of Benin City made by an English officer, 1897
The first European travelers to reach Benin were Portuguese explorers in about 1485. A strong mercantile relationship developed, with the Edo trading tropical products such as ivory, pepper and palm oil with the Portuguese for European goods such as manila and guns. In the early 16th century, the Oba sent an ambassador to Lisbon, and the king of Portugal sent Christian missionaries to Benin City. Some residents of Benin City could still speak a pidgin Portuguese in the late 19th century.
The first English expedition to Benin was in 1553, and significant trading developed between England and Benin based on the export of ivory, palm oil and pepper. Visitors in the 16th and 17th centuries brought back to Europe tales of "the Great Benin", a fabulous city of noble buildings, ruled over by a powerful king. However, the Oba began to suspect Britain of larger colonial designs and ceased communications with the British until the British Expedition in 1896-97 when British troops captured, burned, and looted Benin City, which brought the Benin Empire to an end.[5]
A 17th-century Dutch engraving from Olfert Dapper's Nauwkeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaansche Gewesten, published in Amsterdam in 1668 wrote:
The king's palace or court is a square, and is as large as the town of Haarlem and entirely surrounded by a special wall, like that which encircles the town. It is divided into many magnificent palaces, houses, and apartments of the courtiers, and comprises beautiful and long square galleries, about as large as the Exchange at Amsterdam, but one larger than another, resting on wooden pillars, from top to bottom covered with cast copper, on which are engraved the pictures of their war exploits and battles..."
—Olfert Dapper, Nauwkeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaansche Gewesten
Another Dutch traveller was David van Nyendael who in 1699 gave an eye-witness account.
MILITARY STRENGTH AND TACTICAL FORMATION AND DISCIPLINE
Copper sculpture from Benin showing the mix of weapons that co-existed side by side during the colonial era. Note firearms in the right hand of one figure, and traditional swords held by others.
"The King of Benin can in a single day make 20,000 men ready for war, and, if need be, 180,000, and because of this he has great influence among all the surrounding peoples. . . . His authority stretches over many cities, towns and villages. There is no King thereabouts who, in the possession of so many beautiful cities and towns, is his equal."
—Olfert Dapper, Nauwkeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaansche Gewesten (Description of Africa), 1668
The kingdom of Benin offers a snapshot of a relatively well-organized and sophisticated African polity in operation before the major European colonial interlude.[6] Military operations relied on a well trained disciplined force. At the head of the host stood the Oba of Benin. The monarch of the realm served as supreme military commander. Beneath him were subordinate generalissimos, the Ezomo, the Iyase, and others who supervised a Metropolitan Regiment based in the capital, and a Royal Regiment made up of hand-picked warriors that also served as bodyguards. Benin's Queen Mother also retained her own regiment, the "Queen's Own." The Metropolitan and Royal regiments were relatively stable semi-permanent or permanent formations. The Village Regiments provided the bulk of the fighting force and were mobilized as needed, sending contingents of warriors upon the command of the king and his generals. Formations were broken down into sub-units under designated commanders. Foreign observers often commented favorably on Benin's discipline and organization as "better disciplined than any other Guinea nation", contrasting them with the slacker troops from the Gold Coast.[7]
Until the introduction of guns in the 15th century, traditional weapons like the spear, short sword, and bow held sway. Efforts were made to reorganize a local guild of blacksmiths in the 18th century to manufacture light firearms, but dependence on imports was still heavy. Before the coming of the gun, guilds of blacksmiths were charged with war production—–particularly swords and iron spearheads.[6]
Benin's tactics were well organized, with preliminary plans weighed by the Oba and his sub-commanders. Logistics were organized to support missions from the usual porter forces, water transport via canoe, and requisitioning from localities the army passed through. Movement of troops via canoes was critically important in the lagoons, creeks and rivers of the Niger Delta, a key area of Benin's domination. Tactics in the field seem to have evolved over time. While the head-on clash was well known, documentation from the 18th century shows greater emphasis on avoiding continuous battle lines, and more effort to encircle an enemy (ifianyako).[6]
Fortifications were important in the region and numerous military campaigns fought by Benin's soldiers revolved around sieges. As noted above, Benin's military earthworks are the largest of such structures in the world, and Benin's rivals also built extensively. Barring a successful assault, most sieges were resolved by a strategy of attrition, slowly cutting off and starving out the enemy fortification until it capitulated. On occasion however, European mercenaries were called on to aid with these sieges. In 1603–04 for example, European cannon helped batter and destroy the gates of a town near present-day Lagos, allowing 10,000 warriors of Benin to enter and conquer it. As payment the Europeans received items, such as palm oil and bundles of pepper.[8] The example of Benin shows the power of indigenous military systems, but also the role outside influences and new technologies brought to bear. This is a normal pattern among many nations and was to be reflected across Africa as the 19th century dawned.
DECLINE
Britain seeks control over tradeEdit
The city and empire of Benin declined after 1700. By this time, European activity in the area, most notably through the Trans-Atlantic slave-trade, resulted in major disruptive repercussions. However, Benin's power was revived in the 19th century with the development of the trade in palm oil and textiles. To preserve Benin's independence, bit by bit the Oba banned the export of goods from Benin, until the trade was exclusively in palm oil.
By the last half of the 19th century Great Britain had become desirous of having a closer relationship with the Kingdom of Benin; for British officials were increasingly interested in controlling trade in the area and in accessing the kingdom's rubber resources to support their own growing tire market.
Several attempts were made to achieve this end beginning with the official visit of Richard Burton in 1862 when he was consul at Fernando Po. Following that was an attempt to establish a treaty between Benin and the United Kingdom by Hewtt, Blair and Annesley in 1884, 1885 and 1886 respectively. However, these efforts did not yield any results. Benin resisted becoming a British protectorate throughout the 1880s, but the British remained persistent. Progress was made finally in 1892 during the visit of Vice-Consul H.L. Gallwey. This mission was significant, being the first Official visit after Burton's. Moreover, it would also set in motion the events to come that would lead to Oba Ovonramwen's demise.
THE FRAUDULENT ONE-SIDED GALLWEY'S Treaty of 1892
The Gallwey treaty allegedly signed by the king required the Benin Empire to abolish the Benin slave trade and human sacrifice.[9] Despite the stories later told by Gallwey, there is today still some controversy on a number of points—most of all as to whether the Oba actually agreed to the terms of the treaty as Gallwey had claimed. First, at the time of his visit to Benin the Oba could not welcome Gallwey or any other foreigners due to the observance of the traditional Igue festival which prohibited the presence of any non-native persons during the ritual season. Also, even though Gallwey claimed the King (Oba) and his chiefs were willing to sign the treaty, it was common knowledge that Oba Ovonramwen was not in the habit of signing one sided treaties.
The Treaty reads "Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India in compliance with the request of [the] King of Benin, hereby extend to him and the territory under his authority and jurisdiction, Her gracious favor and protection" (Article 1). The Treaty also states "The King of Benin agrees and promises to refrain from entering into any correspondence, Agreement or Treaty with any foreign nation or power except with the knowledge of her Britannic Majesty's Government" (Article 2), and finally that "It is agreed that full jurisdiction, civil and criminal over British subject's and their property in the territory of Benin is reserved to her Britannic Majesty, to be exercised by such consular or other officers as Her Majesty shall appoint for the purpose...The same jurisdiction is likewise reserved to her Majesty in the said territory of Benin over foreign subjects enjoying British protection, who shall be deemed to be involved in the expression "British subjects" throughout this Treaty" (Article 3).
It makes little sense that the Oba and his chiefs would accept the terms laid out in articles IV-IX, or that the Oba or his chiefs would knowingly bestow their dominion upon Queen Victoria for so little apparent remuneration. Under Article IV, the treaty states that "All disputes between the King of Benin and other Chiefs between him and British or foreign traders or between the aforesaid King and neighboring tribes which can not be settled amicably between the two parties, shall be submitted to the British consular or other officers appointed by Her Britannic Majesty to exercise jurisdiction in the Benin territories for arbitration and decision or for arrangement." Oba Ovonremwen was a tenacious man, which is contrary to the accounts of treaty portrayers such as Gallwey; he was not doltish.
OBA OVERANMWEN REFUSED TO SIGN THE DUBIOUS TREATY
The chiefs attest that the Oba did not sign the treaty because he was in the middle of an important festival which prohibited him from doing anything else (including signing the treaty). Ovoramwen maintained that he did not touch the white man's pen. Gallwey later claimed in his report that the Oba basically accepted the signing of the treaty in all respects. Despite the ambiguity over whether or not the Oba signed the treaty, the British officials easily accepted it as though he did.
THE 1897 POGRON
When Benin discovered Britain's true intentions, eight unknowing British representatives, who came to visit Benin, were killed. As a result a Punitive Expedition was launched in 1897. The British force, under the command of Admiral Sir Harry Rawson, razed and burned the city, destroying much of the country's treasured art and dispersing nearly all that remained. The stolen portrait figures, busts, and groups created in iron, carved ivory, and especially in brass (conventionally called the "Benin Bronzes") are now displayed in museums around the world.
AFTERMATH:
The kingdom was fragmented and the British gave semi autonomy to all the dukedoms under the empire.they even tried to make some them feel superior to the mother empire as seen in the Yoruba mini states examples.
The monarchy was suspended and replaced with Benin City Council structure which failed to govern a people used to the most organized state for over 2000 years. They British were forced to restore the monarchy by crowning Aguobasinmwin the Crown Prince and heir to the exiled Oba Ovoramwen as Oba Eweka the second. He was succeeded by his eldest son Oba Akenzua the second who in turn was succeeded by the current Emperor Oba Erediawa in 1979.
CLARION CALL TO ALL EDOID PEOPLE
If our ancestors could build the biggest and strongest empire in Africa from the scratch,what stops us from toeing their footsteps. We can rebuild if we set our minds on it. The British,not the contrived Nigerian state,conquered us. They have since left and since there is no record showing Oba Overanmwen signed us away to Nigeria,we must reclaim our independent state and rebuild our united Empire.
References:
Ben-Amos, Paula Girshick (1995). The Art of Benin Revised Edition. British Museum Press. p. 20. ISBN 0-7141-2520-2.
Robert W. Strayer, Ways of the World: A Brief Global History with Sources, Bedford/St. Martin's: 2012, pp. 695-696
http://www.worldstatesmen.org/Nigeria_native.html
Time Life Lost Civilizations series: Africa's Glorious Legacy (1994) pp. 102–4
Chapter 77, A History of the World in 100 Objects
Osadolor, Osarhieme Benson (23 July 2001). "The military system of Benin Kingdom, c. 1440–1897 (D)" (PDF). University of Hamburg. pp. 4–264.
Robert Sydney Smith, Warfare & diplomacy in pre-colonial West Africa, University of Wisconsin Press: 1989, pp. 54–62
R.S. Smith, Warfare & diplomacy pp. 54–62
Hernon, A. Britain's Forgotton Wars, p.409 (2002)
Strayer, Robert (2012). Ways of the World: A Brief Global History with Sources,. New York: Bedford/St.Martin's. ISBN 978-0312583460.
Bondarenko D. M. A Homoarchic Alternative to the Homoarchic State: Benin Kingdom of the 13th–19th centuries. Social Evolution & History. 2005. Vol. 4, No 2. pp. 18–88.
Ezra, Kate (1992). Royal art of Benin: the Perls collection. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. ISBN 9780870996320.
Mercury, Karen. The Hinterlands, historical fiction about the Benin Expedition of 1897. Medallion Press, 2005
‘P.A.Igbate’ Benin Under British Administration (The Impact of Colonial Rule on an African Kingdom 1897-1938)
Roese, P. M., and D. M. Bondarenko. A Popular History of Benin. The Rise and Fall of a Mighty Forest Kingdom. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2003.
Culled from Wikipedia but refreshed and refleshed with additional information by Prince Friday Stewalt S.Ojealaro.

Yesterday

The Oduduwa Controversy.

 By Naiwu Osahon

A lot of dust was raised in the press in 2004 over the Oduduwa issue. The
controversies on Oduduwa are finally put to rest in this write-up. All students
of history must carefully preserve this historical record as a reference point.
Oduduwa is Prince Ekaladerhan of Edo and he entered Yoruba life about 900
years ago and that is categorical and final. The Yoruba/Edo collaborative
evidence follow. The first most telling revelation about Oduduwa’s ancestry is
from Oduduwa himself. He, in his lifetime, reserved a special seat in his Ife
palace for his ancestors. The seat remains reserved until this day for the Edo
monarch only. No one else, not even the reigning Ooni, or Oronmiyan (Alaafin)
in Oyo, or any of the Obalades of Yorubaland can sit on the seat. So, if Edo
is not the wellspring of Ife, why is it that no member of the Alaafin, or Ife
Ooni dynasties (or siblings), can use the seat?

Besides, the most sacred name for Ife is ‘Uhe’ a (non-Yoruba), deep and strong
Edo word, meaning virgin or vagina depending on how it is pronounced, and is
interpreted in myth as ‘innocence,’ ‘the birth canal,’ or ‘the source of life.’
Also, no major Ifa ritual or ceremony in Ife even now is considered authentic,
blessed by or acceptable to the gods and ancestors, without the presence and
involvement of relevant Edo traditional faith custodians. The dress culture of
Ife chiefs and priests is from Edo court.

Professor Ade Ajayi’s comment that the Edo are trying to re-write history and
that the motivation for this is political is ridiculous to say the least,
unless professors are not supposed to have some responsibility for truth and
scholarship. Ajayi’s comment influenced less-informed commentators who accused
the Oba of Edo of possible political bias at the age of 80, in an interview
published in The News of 28 June 2004. The age of the Edo monarch bellies the
silly accusation. No Edo historian, including Omo N’oba Erediauwa has said
that a rebel king migrated from Benin to father Oduduwa in Ile-Ife. The Yoruba
historians peddling this falsehood should take time off to read this specially
packaged report on Oduduwa because it puts the Oduduwa controversy to rest once
and for all.

Perhaps the most childish comment on the Oduduwa issue so far was the one in an
article published in the Sunday Sun of June 27, 2004. The writer is upset over
the antics of Edo prostitutes in Italy but ignores the Yoruba credit card
schemers, painting the USA and Europe red with their notoriety? He says and I
quote: “The Edo position on Oduduwa is motivated by imperial politics, a dose
of envy and irrepressible ego. It is part of an agenda to hijack the enviable
fame of Yoruba dynasty and superimpose it on the subdued ego of the Edo people
who have lost the glory of their once powerful Edo Empire to the greater might
of the British colonial masters.”

I was expecting the writer to say ‘Yoruba masters’ instead of ‘British masters’
in his erroneous statement. As far as I know, there is no record of the Yoruba
ever once conquering or colonizing even an inch of Edoland. Rather, the Edo
colonized, dominated and enslaved large tracks of Yorubaland and people until
British colonialism liberated the Yoruba, so who should be envying who?
Besides, the Yoruba were colonized along side the Edo and we all gained our
‘flag’ independence from the British on the same day, which was the 1st of
October 1960. Black collective plight as the most wretched people in the world
has not changed since ‘flag’ independence, so what is there in the Yoruba to
make the Edo or anyone jealous? The writer is proud that there are Yoruba
enclaves in Brazil and so on. But they got there as slaves and they are still
slaves, (second-class citizens), in the Diaspora right now. The Edo were never
enslaved, (the Edo kept hordes of Yoruba and other slaves from their conquests
and shielded them from the slave trade), so you would not find slave colonies
of the native Edo extraction anywhere in the Diaspora. What greater honour
could anyone have than that?

No Yoruba commentator or expert so far has provided concrete evidence or
credible story on Oduduwa. Some that have attempted to do so, have quoted
spurious speculations from racist, paternalistic and condescending British
historians like Basil Davidson, because that was what they passed their exams
on. Prof. Siyan Oyeweso of the LASU History Department, goes further to swear
by some 1950s – 60s researchers, such as Philip Igbafe, R. E. Bradbury, Alan
Ryder and G.A. Akinola, who quoted profusely from each other, and largely
relied on the ‘white god’ Davidson’s story for authenticity. What right do we
have to expect these ‘experts’ to transcend the infantile bias of their day
that Oduduwa was God incarnate, who as the Yoruba progenitor, descended with a
rope from the sky? Could the historians have said Oduduwa was not God at a time
of Yoruba political dominance in the region? Could they have set off on a limb
and expect their books to be recommended reading by the West African
Examination Council (WAEC)?

The overwhelming counter argument by the Yoruba so far, weighs heavily on why
the Edo have only just come out now with their Oduduwa story? It is wrong for
anyone to claim that the Edo origin of Oduduwa story is a recent creation. Prof
Siyan Oyeweso even tried to put a 1971 date on when Edo people invented the
Oduduwa story. He provides no evidence of his assertion other than that we
should take his words for it because he is a professor. And if he were allowed
to get away with his blatant distortion of history, it would become the history
that students pass their exams on. That is how the Davidsons and Bradburys
became the authorities on African history.

I have discovered serious laxity on the part of some of our supposed African
professors. They accept any rubbish put out by the dishonest, ill-informed
Basil Davidsons of the white world as the gospel truth requiring no further
investigation. No black intellectual outside Africa today relies on racist
whites as sources of knowledge about themselves because such whites lie about
the African contributions. They claim that we were nothing until slavery. That
we were worse than wild animals before they intervened in our lives and that we
are still less than animals now.

Racists whites do not want us challenging their lies and upsetting the
applecart. But the greatest thing about truth is that until it triumphs, it
allows lie no peace. It does not matter when the truth comes out? If a
researcher comes out with the true identity of God today (as I have now done in
this book), billions of years into the creation story, does that make the truth
less true? The world continues to stumble on new ‘truths’ everyday because
original researchers did not have the accumulated knowledge and tools now
available to modern research work.

Ovbia Oba Edun Agharese Akenzua, in his book: Ekaladerhan, tells us that while
the Oba of Benin was visiting Ife on November 11, 1982, the Ooni said in
part……”As we have mentioned briefly during our historic visit to your domain
not too long ago, we said that we were there to pat you on the back for a job
well done. Your present visit we regard as a short homecoming, where you will
have an opportunity to commune with those deities you left behind. Now my son
and brother, long may you reign.” “The address suggested that the people of
Benin, or at least, the Royal Family, owe their origin to Ile-Ife. In the
prelude of his response to the Ooni’s welcome address, the Oba of Benin tacitly
rebutted the submission.” “The Oba said: If the Ooni of Ife calls the Oba of
Benin his son and the Oba of Benin calls the Ooni of Ife his son, they are both
right.” “The Oba did not elaborate, but in the womb of that innocuous assertion
is the fetus of a story, which had never been told in full. In both Benin and
Uhe, the story is told with varying details.”

Six years ago, I sent the Edo story on Oduduwa to Adeniji, the Arts Editor of
ThisDay newspaper at the time. I phoned and he said I should send it but he
never used the story. I understand that the Daily Independent of Friday May 14,
2004, published a version of the article in my name with my original title. I
have not read it but I suspect it is the same article I sent to ThisDay two
years earlier that the Daily Independent newspaper published when the controversy
was raging. Whatever it is, am I to blame for the story not being used earlier?
I don’t own a newspaper or magazine. I can only try and reach out through
facilitators, hoping that they and everyone else would be interested in the
unraveling of truth.

Edo historians have written volumes on the Oduduwa story. My parents told me
the story in my early teens. They too were told the story in their teens as are
every Edo child regardless of what they are taught at school for WAEC exams. I
wrote about it in the Sunday Guardian and the Post Express some twelve to
fifteen years ago. Five years back, I put the story all over the Internet, and
a few years earlier I produced a book on Oduduwa in my Obobo book series for
children. Four years ago, I did a four-part series on Edo history in my Daily
Sun’s weekly column, which was lost on the public until the Oba of Edo’s book
reviews woke up our pseudo authorities on Oduduwa. The Yoruba professors who
put a workshop together on Oduduwa history at the EKO FM Multi-purpose Hall in
Lagos on Thursday October 7, 2004, were not aware that my write-up preceded the
Edo monarch’s book reviews, and yet they pretend to be knowledgeable on what is
written and when about Oduduwa. So, there is a time, place and opportunity for
everything.

Prof Isola Olomola of the OAU’s History Dept. claims that Oduduwa could not
have been a Benin man. Olomola would not accept such history anyway and his
reason is very simple indeed, Olomola is a professor and a Yoruba. He puts no
argument forward to buttress his position; instead, he allows his tribal pride
to becloud his better judgment. That is not scholarship but an attempt to write
history by ‘ugboju’ or terror tactics. Prof. Siyan Oyeweso beats his chest that
Oduduwa is not Ekaladerhan and that Oduduwa dropped from the sky. The works of
such professors litter library shelves around our country, distorting our
history and keeping us ill informed. To move forward on the Oduduwa issue,
Yoruba historians must let go on their two fallacious preoccupations: (a) that
Oduduwa dropped from the sky at the beginning of time, and (b) that Oduduwa was
the Yoruba progenitor. The Edo do not claim to be the Yoruba progenitors and
as Prof. Isola Olomola suggested at the October 7, 2004, workshop on Oduduwa,
skeletal remains of a stone-age man has been found at Iwo Eleru, near Isarun in
Ondo state, with similar sites also discovered in Ife, Owo, and Asejire. Dating
of the sites may need more vigorous investigation and coupled with the
facilities of an open mind, we could begin to move forward on the Oduduwa
issue. This is what this article on Oduduwa tries to do by asking questions and
providing available knowledge in a systematic, comprehensive, and simplified
way, to solve the controversy and carry even non-scholars along. My most potent
weapon in this regard, is the unraveling of the date of the Oduduwa experience.

When did Oduduwa reign in Ife?

If we can establish the date and time of Oduduwa’s interregnum in Ife, most of
the mysteries about who he was would be laid to rest. I have solved the problem
of date in this article to finally put the Oduduwa controversy to rest. The
Yoruba do not know the time of his reign in Ife beyond the speculation that his
name was synonymous with Ifa, and that the Ifa divinity was there from the
beginning of time. In other words that Oduduwa is as old as time itself. The
idea that he was here at the beginning of time is too vague for serious minded
people to consider.

The Universe is some 10 to 20 billion years old and the Earth 4.6 billion
years. Humans are the late comers on Earth and have evolved over a period of 13
million years albeit as members of the chimpanzee family. We only started
looking as we do now (i.e. Homo sapiens) 50,000 to 100,000 years ago. 15,000
years ago to be specific, the human race was still very primitive. The stirring
of civilization started in earnest from Black Egypt less than 10,000 years ago.
All races of the world originated from the African (Black), and moved to occupy
the rest of the earth from Africa. Even when original African settlers all over
the world had begun to change in skin colour due to climatic differences and
had forgotten their African origins, new waves of Africans continued to invade
their old colonies to assert their authority and teach new knowledge. From the
Osirian reign in Egypt in 4100 BCE, Africans began to teach the rest of mankind
farming, industrialization, commerce, and how to organize cities and nation
states, while the African religion, the Mystery System, (which is the mother of
all the religions of the world), began its uninterrupted supremacy until about
2000 years ago.

Africans from Egypt colonized Mesopotamia and Elam in 4000 BCE to teach the
rudiments of civilization and introduce African religion (spirituality), which
with emphasis on Nimrod, carved from the image of Ausar (Osiris), went through
several phases to become Zoroastrianism. The African religion also gave birth
to the Islamic religion in Persia, 1000 years before the birth of Muhammad. The
Dravidians from Ethiopia took Hinduism to India in 3200 BCE. In 1640 BCE, 70
Hebrews entered Egypt but some 3,154,000 African-Hebrews left Egypt in 1230
BCE, under the leadership of the African prince called Moses. Moses trained in
the Mystery System as a prince for 40 years and adapted its laws for his
followers. Arabs are a hybrid of Africans and Caucasians. Muhammad was born in
570 CE and he adopted the Babylonian (African) religion that was already 1000
years old from Persia during his time.

The reverse dispassion of blacks from the Nile Valley began seriously as a
result of the over population of the Valley, then as a consequence of social
upheavals, and finally due to Persian 525 BCE, Greek 332 BCE, and Roman 55 BCE
invasions of the black race Egypt. The civilizations that emerged from the
Egyptian disturbances in the West African sub-region, not in any special order,
where Ghana, Chad, Mali, Benin and Songhai, with some dating back to 1500 BCE,
at least.

The Edo so far trace their history to perhaps hundreds or thousands of years
before 40 BCE when they where called Idu and to 40 BCE specifically, when the
Ogiso dynasty began. Thirty-one Ogisos ruled Idu (called Igodomigodo), between
40 BCE and about 1200 CE. The first Ogiso (king) was called Ogiso Igodo and his
capital was at Ugbekun. Ogiso Igodo’s successor, Ogiso Ere, transferred the
capital from Ugbekun to Uhudumwunirin. The last of the Ogiso kings was called
Owodo. He reigned in the early 11th century CE and had only one child, a son,
despite having many wives. That child, Ekaladerhan, is Oduduwa. All Oduduwa’s
telltale links with Edo are still there open to investigation. The non-mortal
aura of Edo God-son kings since 40 BCE. The sacrosanct first son succeeding
father traditional law. The, around 1200 CE, Ogiso succession problems because
heir apparent, Ekhaladerha, escaped to Yorubaland. The emergence of Ogieamie
chiefdom to sell Edo land at every coronation to Edo Oba elect since 1200 CE.
By the above account, Edo historians are saying that Oduduwa’s reign in Ife
ended around 1200 CE. Yoruba historians confirm that Oduduwa’s first child and
son was Oronmiyan and that Oronmiyan was the first Alaafin of Oyo. Yoruba
historians deliberately avoid discussing the date Oronmiyan ascended the
Alaafin throne obviously because that would destroy their myth about when
Oduduwa intervened in their lives.

The Edo say the Alaafin’s dynasty in Oyo began around 1200 CE. Oronmiyan was
in Igodomigodo in 1170 CE, and it was after his sojourn in Igodomigodo that he
set up his Oyo dynasty. This date is not difficult for Yoruba historians to
verify and if it is true, Oduduwa was alive during his son’s sojourn in
Igodomigodo and also when the Oyo dynasty came into being. Therefore, the Ife
stool could not have become vacant until about 1200 CE. This is not really
debatable because Yoruba historians confirm that 37 Oonis reigned in Ife before
Akinmoyero in (1770-1800), and that 13 more have reigned since. This enables us
to prove the 1200 CE date mathematically. If from 1800 CE to 2004 CE (i.e. a
period of 204 years), produced 13 Oonis on the average, how many Oonis could
have reigned from 1200 CE to 1800 CE (i.e. a period of 600 years)? The answer
is 38 Oonis.

The Ife history of

the Ooni dynasty confirms 38 Oonis, including Akinmoyero (1770 – 1800). Here
are their names in the ascending order of the period of their reign: Ogun,
Osangangan, Obamakin, Ogbogbodirin, Obalufon, Oronmiyan, Ayetise, Lajamisan,
Lajodogun, Lafogido, Odidimode Regbesin, Aworokolokun, Ekun, Ajimuda, Gboo-Nijio,
Okinlajosin, Adegbalu, Osinkola, Ogbooru, Giesi, Luwoo (female), Lumobi,
Agbedegbede, Ojee-Lokunbirin, Lagunja, Larunka, Ademilu, Omogbogbo,
Ajila-Oorun, Adejinle, Olojo, Okiti, Lugbade, Aribiwoso, Osinlade, Adagba,
Ojigidiri (Lumbua), Akinmoyero (1770 – 1800), Gbanlare (1800 –1823), Gbegbaaja
(1823 –1835), Wunmonije (1835 –1839), Adegunle Abewelo (1839 –1849),
Degbinsokun (1849 – 1878), Oranyigba (1878 – 1880), Derin Ologbenla (1880
–1894), Adelekan Olubuse I (1894 –1910), Adekola (1910), Ademiluyi Ajagun (1910
–1930), Adesoji Aderemi (1930 – 1970), and the current Ooni Okunade Sijuwade
Olubuse II, whose reign dates from 1980. Obviously, Oronmiyan, the first child
and son of Oduduwa, did not inherit his father’s throne, which is the genesis
of the quarrel between the true Oduduwa’s heirs and the Ooni’s dynasty.

Oduduwa’s eight children (as claimed by Yoruba historians), are known as the
Obalades or crowned chiefs of Yorubaland. The argument is that not all Yoruba
Obas have genuine crowns; only the Obalades are the exception and consist of
the Alaafin of Oyo, the Oregun of Ile Ila, the Alake of Egbaland, the Owaoboku
of Ijeshaland, the Alaketu of Ketu, the Owa of Ilesa and two Obas in the
Republic of Benin as follows: the Onipopo of Popo and the Onisabe of Sabe. What
this means in effect is that Yoruba civilization did not start in earnest until
the reign of Oduduwa and his sons. All leading Yoruba historians agree on this.

In fact, we know that it was from early twelfth century that Ife grew into a
large city surrounded by walls, inhabited mostly by farmers and some skilled
craftsmen who created great works of arts respected around the world today. The
famous Ife bronze, terracotta works, statues in baked clay, some representing
the Ooni dressed in full regalia, are among the world’s greatest works of art.
Some of the terracotta were so large and complex, it is impossible to bake them
today even with modern technology. All these date back to the eleventh century
CE.

Because Ogun, the first Ooni after the demise of Oduduwa, was not Oduduwa’s
child, he was not considered an Obalade by Yoruba tradition and elite. Ogun was
a chief with spiritual responsibilities. He usurped the Ife throne because the
true heirs to the throne were busy else where at the time of their father’s
death. Ogun out maneuvered the children of Oduduwa over the Ife throne with his
superior knowledge of the inner working of the Ooni’s palace, and his spiritual
prowess as the head of the Ogun shrine. Oduduwa’s true heirs have been smarting
over this ever since.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Premier of the Western Region of Nigeria in the
early sixties, strengthened the hands of the Oonis, and facilitated their
prominence in Yorubaland by appointing Oba Adesoji Aderemi, the Ooni of Ife at
the time, as the first Governor of the now defunct Western Region of Nigeria.
Oba Adesoji Aderemi’s ascendance was consolidated with his Chairmanship of the
Western Region’s Council of Obas that at the time entrapped the Edo Oba. With
such immense political power of his own, and the political influence and
authority of Awolowo as the leader of the Yoruba, no one could raise a finger
against the supposed illegitimacy of the Ooni’s dynasty in Yorubaland. The
Edo, of course, were worst hit as a voiceless minority in Awolowo’s Western
Region’s politics of tribal exclusion and domination.

The Oduduwa lineage tried to fight back by identifying with the NPN in
opposition to the UPN. Awolowo accentuated the schism by promoting the
emergence of Bode Thomas, a young and dynamic lawyer from Oyo. Bode, with
Awolowo’s clout, wielded considerable political power in Oyo to the point of
being rude to the Alaafin, who was alleged to have put a curse on him. Bode
became mad to the chagrin of Awolowo, who promptly banished the Alaafin from
his Oyo throne. Just as the Oduduwa’s legitimate heirs and the Yoruba elite
generally, have always known and concealed the quarrel over the Ife throne, the
Edo have always known their history and borne the pains of not being able to
act on it because Chief Awolowo was unassailable and had turned the Ooni
dynasty into a colossus to cow all opposition.

Another way of confirming Oduduwa’s 1200 CE demise date in Ife, is to look into
the famous account of valour during Oduduwa’s reign when an external invasion
by the Igbos from the East took place. The record can easily be traced and
Moremi’s courage came to the fore at the time for sacrificing her life for the
safety of her people. From 1200 CE to 2004 CE is only 804 years, so the Yoruba
should stop deceiving themselves that Oduduwa dropped from the skies at the
beginning of time or that Ife is the ‘source’ of the universe. Ife is ‘Uhe,’
meaning Oduduwa’s re-birth, or successful re-location from Edo land of his
ancestors.

Where did Oduduwa come from in Yoruba myth?

The Yoruba story about Oduduwa is extremely thin on substance. What we have is
wrapped largely in myths, parables, and folktales. In fact, the most generous
way to describe the story is that the Yoruba do not know anything about their
highly revered progenitor. Oduduwa himself left a tell tale evidence of his
ancestry in his lifetime. He reserved a special seat in his palace for his
ancestors, which only the Edo monarch can sit on even now. No other human,
whether Arab, Eskimo, Alaafin, Ooni, or Yoruba, (bleached or not), can sit on
the seat. Despite this vivid evidence that has survived through the centuries,
some Yoruba historians still claim that he was from somewhere in Arabia.

Any place from Egypt to Lebanon to Iraq to Saudi Arabia has been mentioned, and
the Yoruba professors’ strongest proof of Oduduwa’s Arabian ancestry so far is
that he was light in complexion. This may have influenced some heirs of
Oduduwa, who have been accused of serious attempt at bleaching. The ‘light’ in
complexion argument could place Oduduwa’s origin any where in the world from
Edo, to China, to Britain, to Mexico, but who dares fault our professors who
passed their exams on European history? The Saudi Arabian origin theory is not
popular with the Ijebus who erroneously claim Wadai as their roots. Those
linking Oduduwa with Iraq claim that he descended from Lamurudu (the Nimrod of
Babylon’s myth). Nimrod was not an historical figure but a myth constructed
from the life image of Ausar, the god of the Chaldeans, who invaded and
colonized Persia from 4000 BCE. In any case, is it not dishonest to try to link
6000-year-old ancestry with 900-year-old personalities, without authentic and
verifiable historical documents or DNA test? You can deceive the illiterate
with myths but Nigerians are becoming more and more educated now.

There is another school of thought among some Yoruba historians claiming that
Oduduwa came from the East. Some Yoruba historians are more specific and claim
that Oduduwa first settled on a hill East of the valley over-looking the native
Yoruba settlements. If he settled first in the Eastern side of the hamlet,
isn’t there a good chance that he may have come from that side too? Edo would
appear to be more East of Yorubaland than any Arabian country. The argument
that the native Yoruba people probably did not know their East from their North
is not tenable because the same people told us that the Igbos attacked them
from the East in Moremi’s story, and both the Edo and the Igbos are East of
Yorubaland.

Who was Oduduwa in Yoruba myth?

There is a measure of agreement between the Yoruba and Edo historians about
who Oduduwa was. The Edo say he was their prince. All Yoruba historians agree
that Oduduwa was a noble and some say he is a god. Many settle for a prince
with impeccable royal blood and immense spiritual powers. The Yoruba historians
tell us that Oduduwa was the first ruler of the Yoruba people.

There is no mention in any Arabian historical records of a prince of such
illustrious ancestry who abandoned his privileged ranks at home and moved
several hundreds of miles through bush paths to live in the West African
jungle. Such incidents do not happen casually or without clear excuse such as a
jihad or war of conquest, and when it did, all tribes along their routes felt
their impact one way or the other. In the case of Oduduwa, mum is the word from
the Northern flanks of Yorubaland all the way through the jungle to the other
side of the Mediterranean Sea.

Please Continue this article here: The Oduduwa Controversy Resolved (Part 2)

• 

  Otedo News Update

  EDO STOP ADDING YORUBA TO YOUR HISTORY! DOESN'T MAKE SENSE AND SHOWS ILL RESEARCH PRESENTATION!
  WHY YORUBA NEVER HAD AN EMPIRE BUT CIVILIZED BY BENIN.
  1.Their story of kingship began with Edo prince and the Benin recorded History.
  2.Ayayi crawder said, little were know about yoruba existence, meaning they were not part of Nigeria of today boarder or were in small settlement close to dahomy. yoruba are half muslims and those with African traditions copied or got them from Benin civilization. I doubt if they not immigrants from dahomy mix with Benins or other fulani-hausa from Niger . Go figure,
  3.They have dublicity of kingship with the process highly politized to being traditional
  4.Most of their Religion are Benin Origin, Olokun, Ogun, Iha oguega(ifa), oronmila, Esago(shango), Ayelala etc. Many Benin traditions and spirituality are stillfully documented by yorubas in high places as YORUBA? (Never mind the Edo man's christian mindset quickly dening Edo have niothing to do with African traditional religion, agreeing they are foriegn to Edoland...LIE)
  5.Benin Ruled Yoruba
  6.Benin founded lagos and ruled lagos
  7.Benin first to meet Europeans
  8."Oba" adopted from Benin not the other way round as many made to believe
  9.They never conquered no territory but rather struggle with their neighbours before and after the first encounter with Europeans
  10."Edo" have no relative with the word Yoruba.
  11.Note history is subject to scientific diagnosis and many historic writtings in the past about Benin yoruba have been proved by archaeologies and scientist as erroneous and false.
  12.Many Yoruba being those in the forfront of Nigeria history writters,used in Nigeria institutions had the benefit of making their yoruba look leading culture and history for nigerians
  13. Yorubas all along paddling lies in Nigeria, US and British universities. deceivng Africans with grammar and academic titles. They confuse other external scholars about the true realities of African history.. buy their lies into African America book, which Benin in the Palace have no ideal. thank God the world is now a small village.
  14. Yoruba had and did the highest slave rading in their togo-oyo region stretched to lagos during slave trade.
  (15) Yoruba never colonise Benin but Benin colonize Yoruba
  (16) Yoruba is not in anyway related to Igbo ancestral history
  (17) Yoruba not in anyway related to itsekiri history. Their could be later migrant during the European expliotation and commerce but not related to the itsekiri ancestral lineage. Never mind all the title of "Olu" in the region, its all inventions
  (18) Thank God for Obafemi Awolowo, Yoruba is known today as an ethnic group in NIgeria
  (19) How can an Empire be inside an Empire? Many so called yoruba territories of today never existed in the past but invented and stillfully documented into their borrowed history
  (20) Yoruba copied Benin-Edo history, twisted them and publish as Yoruba History. Most of their books and publications are mere opinions of the writers inside their rooms without no singgle scientific research or a visit to Ancient Benin for true archaeological discovery. Covered up with self hate, jealousy and envy of the Great Benin, bias and leftish in many of their so called Nigerian history.
  (21) if cameroon was inside Nigeria today , Yoruba would have as well say they are their ancestors..
  (22)Many yorubas dominating Lagos today came as migrant workers for British companies and construction project. that why you have alot of their fotos with whites. Britain also use them as colonial officers.
  Before Britain or before the punitive expedition of 1897, Yoruba have no were to be found as recognized major ethnic group in lagos but Edos.
  (23)lastly, where is yoruba ancient flag or before 1897?
  Nigerians wise up! Yoruba have been writting and teaching us Gabage for so long.....
  DETTAILS LATER...¨^view bellow map carefully and never mind other maps spread accross the internet designed by photoshop *
  Sep 19, 2014

Khobe - The Brave

Asante, Ben
 Ben Asante who knew Gen. Maxwell Khobe personally writes about the exploits of the Nigerian general and chief of defence staff of Sierra Leone who died of a heart attack on 18 April.
  Sometime around Christmas 1998, Brigadier General Maxwell Mitikishe Khobe invited us – a group of visiting journalists – to lunch with him at his official residence in Freetown.
It was a Sunday. He arrived late, and when his military convoy sped through the gate, he briskly jumped down from the jeep. With a quick apology, using words like, “he has been busy doing nothing and wasting other people’s time”, he proceeded to say the grace. It was unusual for even an ofFicer known to be deeply religious. For several minutes, Khobe prayed that President Kabbah be protected and allowed to complete his mandate against attempts by rebels to overthrow him.
Little did we know at the time that what was uppermost on Khobe’s mind was rebel activities slowly threatening the government and the people of Freetown. Barely a year before, he had liberated the capital in a swift action against the AFRC military junta headed by Major Johnny Paul Koroma. Khobe was among a small core of Ecomog officers who saw action in both Liberia and Sierra Leone. I first met him in Monrovia, Liberia, in 1992.
Few soldiers trust civilians, and least journalists, especially during operations, but Khobe invited us to film battle action involving his tanks.
We were not disappointed For one moment by the experience and in seeing what impact our work was having on the morale of Ecomog troops. Several times soldiers came on our camera to send messages to their relatives. One 25-year-old gunner shouted a message on camera to his father. “Papa, I am a man now for I have fought in a war as a soldier!”
Khobe hardly entered a tank at the front but preferred to walk armed with nothing but a radio. In typical fashion, he and several officers and troops marched on foot to take town after town in Liberia until they captured Buchanan City in 1992.
Because of the utter confusion generated by Ecomog’s role in fighting to protect itself and the civil population in its areas of control, people began accusing the force of becoming a party to the conflict. The level of misgivings about Ecomog was such that a CNN reporter asked the then Ecomog chief of staff Brig-Gen Victor Malu, why his troops who were supposed to be neutral were fighting alongside other factions opposed to Charles Taylor’s NPFL and allowing them to operate freely in Monrovia.
We visited Khobe regularly at his Caldwell base in Monrovia where he kept an open door. He was an avid poultry farmer, a habit he brought to Monrovia.
After his tour of duty in Liberia, he went back home where in very quick succession, he held appointments first as head of a special unit formed to protect Lagos against armed robbers, then to Abuja, and to the Armour Brigade headquarters at Yola, not Ear from his hometown, Numan.
In 1985, he turned down a political posting from the military head of state, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. After serving in Ecomog in Liberia, another posting was to follow not long after. The May 1997 overthrow of President Kabbah by the AFRC junta in Sierra Leone offered Khobe another opportunity to work abroad. He was appointed the commander of the Ecomog Task Force in Sierra Leone.
In a lighting action, Ecomog troops marched into the capital and seized the centre of Freetown including the State House with Koroma’s junta in flight. In recognition of his efforts, President Kabbah asked the Nigerian government to second him as chief of defence staff of the Sierra Leone army.
Khobe had been promoted a full Brigadier-General but he hardly had enough time to re-build the Sierra Leone army before the rebels invaded Freetown again on 6 January 1999. In spite of repeated intelligence warnings, no-one would listen.
Weeks before the attack, Khobe went out one early morning and removed the rebel leader, Foday Sankoh from the Pademba Maximum Security Prison where he was on death row. Had he not removed Sankoh, the fate of Sierra Leone and the outcome of the 1999 invasion would have been different.
The rebels broke into the prison on G January and freed all the inmates, but they missed Sankoh who remained in the hands of the government and ended up negotiating for a ceasefire.
Khobe was a joy to watch at the front. He kept encouraging the troops to move forward. Several times we went to the front at first light only to discover that the men had withdrawn from the positions we left them the evening before. Many factors caused the pull back. Ammunitions were not delivered after they ran out or no food supplies came through. Other times rumours circulated that the rebels were coming with anti-aircraft guns, and lacking effective cover the men just pulled back. Wherever Khobe went, the troops seeing him surged forward and just kept going.
Late last year, Khobe came to London to undergo an operation to remove a shrapnel lodged in his back which he sustained on duty in Freetown. He came only after the rebels had signed a peace agreement. His back hurt him most times and he walked with a limp but he rather put up with the pain than abandon his post. The first operation was successful.
In December he had another operation which unfortunately had to be reopened after an abscess was discovered at the airport just as he was about to return to Freetown.
  He returned to his post in January this year. His wife, Martina, who was in London throughout his treatment, went along to Freetown to nurse him.
In March, Khobe went to Harare, Zimbabwe, to address an NGO conference on the plight of civilians in a conflict situation. He passed through London on his way back From Harare, and told me that his British doctors had given him a clean bill of health. He planned to come back to London for further check up in April.
But while in Harare, someone had given him a photocopy of New African’s report (NA February) on how Patrice Lumumba, Congo’s first premier, had been killed in a Western-backed plot in 1961 while UN peacekeepers looked on. He wanted the original copy badly because UN troops had recently been sent to Freetown to keep the peace in Sierra Leone.
I sent copies of the Lumumba report to him later, but according to Capt. Hassan who was with him in London, Khobe had been unwell since he returned to Freetown on 23 March. Until then, I knew nothing about his sudden poor health.
He died of cardiac arrest in his hospital bed at 10.30 am on 18 April, aged 50. He was buried in his hometown of Numan in Adamawa State, Nigeria, on 29 April. NA


Copyright International Communications
Jun 2000