Thursday, 11 June 2015

Buhari Wants Boko Haram's Across to Funds, Weapons Others Limited

 

 
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President Muhammadu Buhari
  • To offset $100 million pledge to Multi-National Joint Task Force
  • Opposes six-months' change of MNJTF Commander
  • Wants Nigeria in charge of MNJTF till Boko Haram's defeat
Jaiyeola Andrews in Abuja
In a bid to completely degrade and eradicate the menace of Islamist terrorist group, Boko Haram, President Muhammadu Buhari on Thursday called for strategic ways of limiting the violent sect's capacity to access funds and weapons.

He also called for strengthening of cross border patrols, as well as increase in capacity to gather and share intelligence.
In this wise the president urged that all necessary steps be immediately taken to re-invigorate the Regional Intelligence Fusion Unit (RIFU).
Buhari disclosed this in his welcome address at the Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Lake Chad Basin Commission held at the Presidential Wing of the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja.
Buhari said: "Our Ministers of Defence have proposed modalities for the operations of the MNJTF. I want to commend them for the painstaking effort and the outcomes of their deliberations, which they have presented to us for our consideration and approval.
"While I agree that this is a joint operation with shared responsibilities, I am, however, of the opinion that military operations that are subjected to a rapid turnover of command and control structures, six months duration, as it is being proposed in the documents before us, do not augur well for effectiveness and efficiency.
"Such a process will undermine, even if it is not intended, the military capacity to sustain the push against the insurgents, who also have the uncanny ability to adapt and re-jig their operational strategies.
"I am inclined, on account of the above, to suggest for Your Excellencies consideration that Nigeria retains the position of the Force Commander of the MNJTF for the period of the war effort. This command will be to the effectiveness of military strategy, since Nigeria will be providing the bulk of the troops and the main theatre of the war is on Nigerian soil.”
"Permit me, at this juncture, to recall that Nigeria has already pledged the sum of one hundred million ($100,000,000) USD for the smooth take-off of the MNJTF. I hereby reassure you that my government will keep faith with this promise.
"Notwithstanding this pledge by my government, funding still remains a major issue of this campaign. I had raised this issue at my meeting with the G7 leaders, while I am encouraged by their support, I also urge you to garner the support of your international friends and partners to sustain this campaign."
The president stressed that the campaign against Boko Haram must be seen within the wider context of the global war against terror.

Is Medical Marijuana The Future of Breast Cancer Therapy?

  | Saso Denkovik 
 
Statistics show that breast cancer is the most common tumor among women and accounts for 22.9% of all cancers in women across the globe. In 2008, breast cancer was reported as the cause of over 450,000 deaths worldwide.
CANNABINOIDS AND CANCER
The therapeutic potential of cannabinoids – the medical compounds found in marijuana – in the treatment of cancer has only been discovered recently. Since the late 1990s, numerous preclinical studies have demonstrated the antitumor effects of cannabinoids in a variety of cancers.
marijuana against breast cancer
Numeorus Studies show that cannabinoid receptors are over-expressed in the tumor cells of certain cancers, such as cancers of the liver, lung, prostate and breast. Thus, researchers have been led to believe that the endocannabinoid system may be up-regulated in cancer in an innate biological effort to fight off this disease.
Studies also show that when cannabinoids are administered and bind to these receptors, they are able to inhibit cancer cell growth by preventing the proliferation of cancer cells and by inducing cancer cell death (apoptosis). Furthermore, cannabinoids have been found to impair both tumor angiogenesis – the increase in localized blood flow induced by tumor cells – and metastasis – the spreading of cancer to other organs.
CANNABINOIDS AND BREAST CANCER
There has been great medical advancements in breast cancer in recent decades, but certain breast tumors continue to be resistant to conventional treatments. Breast cancer is comprised of tumors that are distinct in their molecular profiles, leading medical professionals to categorize the disease into 3 main subtypes.
Research suggests that synthetic cannabinoids and phytocannabinoids (mainly THC and CBD) may be useful in treating all 3 subtypes of breast cancer, with the strongest evidence of therapeutic potential pointing to treatment of HER2-positive and triple-negative breast tumors. The therapeutic potential of cannabinoids is particularly important for patients with triple-negative breast cancer, as there is no standard therapy that currently exists and prognosis for this group of patients is poor.
In addition to their anti-cancer effects, research also shows that cannabinoids are considerably safer and less toxic than conventional treatments. Cannabinoids are non-toxic to non-tumor cells and are well tolerated by patients – only eliciting relatively mild side-effects such as dizziness and fatigue.
“This compound offers the hope of a non-toxic therapy that could achieve the same results without any of the painful side effects.” – Dr. Sean McAllister
In 2007, Dr. Sean McAllister and his team of researchers were one of the first to discover that CBD’s cancer-fighting properties could be successfully applied to breast cancer.
As it turns out, cannabinoids can provide a variety of other benefits in the treatment of cancer, including the prevention of nausea and vomiting associated with standard chemotherapeutic treatments and reduction of cancer-associated pain. Research also shows that, when combined with conventional cancer treatments, cannabinoids are able to induce a synergistic action against cancer and tumor cells, suggesting that the combination of conventional and cannabinoid-based treatments may more powerful than the administration of either treatment alone.
CLINICAL APPLICATIONS: THE CURRENT STATE
Scientific research on the effects of cannabinoids on breast cancer has been limited to preclinical trials involving cell cultures and animal models. Researchers believe that further preclinical trials are necessary to identify which patient population is the most appropriate for cannabinoid treatment and which cannabinoids specifically present the best therapeutic option for patients before trials can advance to the clinical stage.
Until these factors are established, it is unlikely that oncologists will be willing to prescribe cannabinoid-based medicine for the treatment of breast cancer, despite the fact that research authors continue to assert the need for health professionals to be aware of cannabinoid research.
In a recent update (2013) published in the Oncology Nursing Forum, associate editor Susan Weiss Behrend concluded:
“…cannabinoids have demonstrated anti tumor activity in preclinical breast cancer models. Practicing oncology professionals need to be aware of the clinical potential of these agents…” – Susan Weiss Behrend, RN
The good thing is that cannabinoid-based pharmaceuticals such as Marinol and Cesamet (oral capsules of synthetic THC) are widely available to cancer patients for the treatment of chemotherapy-induced nausea. As well, Sativex (a natural-cannabinoid derived mouth spray) has been approved in Canada for the treatment of cancer-associated pain.
As modern cannabinoid research flourishes and continues to provide strong evidence of the cancer-fighting effects of these compounds, patients should remain optimistic about the future of cancer research and the emerging role of marijuana-based treatments that may one day take center stage in the battle against this devastating disease.
Sources:
http://www.truthonpot.com/2013/03/22/the-endocannabinoid-system-an-overview/
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/7098340.stm
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23448745

Eat 5 Walnuts And Wait 4 Hours: This Is What Will Happen To You.


A brand new research showed that eating a handful of nuts a day provides immediate protection against heart disease. Eating them regularly will greatly decrease the risk and provide permanent protection from heart disease. The research also showed an improvement in cholesterol levels and the flexibility of the blood vessels, which helps good blood flow, just 4 hours after people ate nuts or nut oil.
wallnuts
The conclusion was that regular consumption of walnuts can protect you from cardiovascular diseases.

 
“And only by consuming a handful of walnuts or walnut oil for four days in a week you can significantly reduce the risk of heart disease,” said Dr. Penny Kris Eterton, professor of nutrition at Penn State University in Pennsylvania.
In this study, they specifically identified the portion you need to eat daily in order to achieve better health. Eating only three tablespoons (51 g) of walnut oil you can improve the condition of your blood vessels in 4 hours.
Walnut oil proved to be especially good for the integrity of endothelial cells. It is the cells that line the blood vessels and play an important role in their flexibility.
Source: http://www.yourstylishlife.com/eat-5-walnuts-and-wait-4-hours-this-is-what-will-happen-to-you/

Friday, 5 June 2015

In Search of Patience

 

 
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PENDULUM BY DELE MOMODU, Email: dele.momodu@thisdaylive.com
Fellow Nigerians, you must be wondering from the title of my Column this week if I am missing Madam Patience Faka Jonathan, our erstwhile indefatigable First Lady, less than two weeks after she left office alongside her husband. Your guess would definitely be wrong, if you think so. This article is not about any human being called Patience. It is on that inner attribute which makes it possible for people to calm down and look deep before hurrying to nowhere.
I’ve been visibly disturbed by the spate of unnecessary and unwarranted attacks on the leadership style of our dear President Muhammadu Buhari who was sworn in barely a week ago. What is his offence? He’s said to have been slow in announcing his cabinet, Special Advisers and personal aides as well as formulating policies that his government intends to follow. I read this firstly on social media, as early as last Sunday, just 48 hours after the President received the baton of power from former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.
I was totally flabbergasted because some Nigerians did not realise that President Buhari’s first official working day should be June 1, 2015 even though the business of governance started immediately the President was sworn in on 29 May. Those castigating President Buhari also failed to appreciate the fact that he would need some time to settle in and examine the realistic state of things as opposed to the guess work that electioneering campaigns engender, since the opposition did not have access to raw government data before assuming office.
Back to my discourse, while I agree that certain offices could have been immediately allocated and announced such as media team (which was the first to be announced) alongside State Chief of Protocol, Principal Private Secretary, National Security Adviser, Secretary to the Federal Government and Chief of Staff, there are always processes and procedures to be followed and complied with. If the President had woken up the day after May 29 to roll out names of all his appointees, I’m sure many would still have challenged the reasons for unilateral decisions without constitutional adherence, due process or enough consultation. His political party in particular and the cynics in general would have frowned at his “dictatorial” tendencies and find an excuse to snooker him. The Nigerian Constitution requires the President to obtain the approval of the National Assembly before appointing Special Advisers. More fundamentally, his Cabinet must be approved by the Senate and there is therefore no point announcing names until the National Assembly has been inaugurated.
As a matter of fact, we need to appeal most passionately to members of the APC, to take it easy with President Buhari and have mercy on Nigerians by reducing the palpable tension in the land as a result of the battle for political posts and party supremacy. If Buhari is put under too much pressure, it may turn out to be an invitation to unmitigated disaster because he is bound to make appointments based on pure sentiments rather than unadulterated merit. Sadly, it is no longer hidden that the new governing party is being torn apart by this self-immolating fiasco over who controls what. That itself is affecting the polity and stoking up disaffection. An average Nigerian would hold only one man responsible for the action or inaction of this government and that is Mr President.
The impatience being displayed from Day One by Nigerians should be instructive. It is not going to be an easy ride for the President and his Vice President, Professor Osinbajo. All eyes are on them and the expectations are very high. As I mentioned last week, we are dealing with a generation of impatient and temperamental youths who won’t listen to, or take, lame excuses. All they want is positive action that can change Nigeria for the better. And they want this change sooner than later. It is certain, therefore, that the honeymoon is going to be brief if this affair is not carefully managed.
My prayer is that the President is able to build a team that would be largely acceptable to the generality of the people for its credibility and competence. Once that is settled, the rest should be easy to deal with. I will suggest a mass attack approach in handling our myriad of problems. The team must work together, strike together and defend together. In short they must speak with one voice. Let me break it down. They must not operate at a tangent. The challenges are intertwined and can only be jointly disentangled.
The first sign of seriousness would be when this government comes up with its plans to cut down on the atrocious costs of running government whilst pledging to ensure that ordinary public servants are regularly paid their salaries. I believe that Government has a duty to pay its workers regularly each month. Even if they cannot do so, for reasons beyond their control, one would expect that they pay those workers at least half of their salary every month, until situations normalise and the accumulated arrears can be settled. I salute the resilience of all our longsuffering public servants. I never cease to marvel about their selflessness in turning up at work, day in day out, despite not being paid for many months. If our political office holders could demonstrate the same diligence and discipline, our country would be well on the way to recovery.
The days of leaders living large and going on a binge should be over. Salaries are never the issue but the allowances and perks of office. The tradition of going around in a long convoy of official cars together with employing a large retinue of aides must be stopped in order to reduce and discourage profligacy. Every effort must be made to convince the people that this is not going to be the typical way of running government in Nigeria where leaders have lived outlandishly while the people wallow in abject poverty and squalid conditions.
The second priority should be to have the right people in the right positions by bringing on board people with veracity and expertise business and leadership. Those privileged to serve their nation should begin to see beyond the glamour and appurtenances of power. Power has become too psychedelic in our clime and this does not augur well for growth and development. It distracts from the serious business of governance. The flamboyance of politicians should be curtailed as much as possible. There is no reason why any soul should travel around with a battalion of government security personnel while an entire region of Nigeria is absolutely abandoned to the rarefied savagery of terror gangs from far and near. Every Nigerian needs protection, not just the leaders and their families. When leaders downgrade their ribaldry, the citizens would gladly take a cue from them and begin to emulate the right and edifying attitudes they evince. For now, everyone is his own government until the change we craved and fought for materialises.
The third is to fortify our institutions. Institutions make a society. The different arms of government must respect one another. The executive must recognise the sanctity of the legislature. The legislature must respect their constitutional role and engage only in laws that can make our nation more virile and respectable. The Federal Government, State and Local Governments should co-exist as Federating units and eschew the present master/servant relationships Each must get its allocations independently and as at when due instead of the beggarly arrangement at the moment. The interference from Federal to State and from State to Local is reprehensible.
The Judiciary is supposed to be the last hope of the common man but it has not been accorded the importance it deserves. Without justice, we live in the jungle where might is right all the time. We shall be ruled by kangaroos and mad dogs instead of men and women of conscience and decorum. A nation where justice and equity are for sale, and readily available to the highest bidder is living a calamitous existence. The much touted independence of the judiciary must be made a reality. A situation where civil servants who work under Judges are paid more than the Judges themselves must stop. The Judiciary must control its own budget. No more should there be the need for Presiding Judges to go cap in hand to the Executive for solace and succour. In most civilised countries, Judges earn more than any other public office holder or politician. The rationale is simply to provide them with enough to ensure their independence and impartiality. Any errant, greedy Judge can then feel the full weight of the law.
The Police as the law enforcer must be properly empowered to do its job well. All the noise about power and energy, infrastructure, education, health, agriculture, and others are desirable but nothing could be more important than the rule of Law and there can be no Law without an enforcer. The almost incurable inferiority complex being suffered by our Police must be exorcised urgently. They have been subjected to so much indignity that has rendered them rudderless and ineffective. A lot of the big or petty crimes in our society would have been better tackled if the Police was allowed to do its job without undue interference from the top. The personnel, resources and training necessary to improve our police must be speedily implemented.
Once we strengthen our institutions, we shall then be able to concentrate on physical development. The fortification of these institutions doesn’t require much money but only the will to protect their sanctity as it is done elsewhere. If the Commander-in-Chief can set this in motion swiftly and explicitly, we would have started the journey towards our restoration and beatification as a people. The President is fortunate to have a Vice President who is well grounded in most of those sectors and he should seize that uncommon opportunity to hand him the task of spearheading that restoration.
It is a job that must be done.
DANGOTE’S GLORIOUS DAY IN ETHIOPIA
When I got a call from Alhaji Aliko Dangote last week, I thought it was for our occasional chit-chat on politics and the state of the nation. I was dead wrong. In his usually calm voice, Alhaji simply said “my brother, can you please join us on a trip to Ethiopia for the launch of our cement plant?”. I felt honoured by the personal invitation extended to me and accepted it immediately.
Working out the logistics was handled professionally and pleasantly by Mr Anthony Chiejina, the energetic Group Head, Corporate Communications at Dangote Group. Alhaji had instructed that I should be flown to Addis Ababa, with his family members and friends, on his Bombardier Global XRS Business Jet, on June 3. That was it.
As arranged, we took off from Lagos on a five hour journey. The assemblage at Sam Iwuajoku’s Quits Aviation’s private hangar was a who’s who in the Nigerian business world. Different planes took off heading towards Ethiopia for one man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, whose rapid expansion is now felt in about 16 African countries.
After landing in the early hours of June 4, 2015, we headed straight to the Sheraton Addis hotel where we spent less than three hours before rushing down for breakfast and driving on a two-hour journey to the Dangote 2.5 Million Metric Tonnes Cement Plant, situated at Mugher, Ethiopia. It was such a wonder to behold.
The $600 million Plant lived up to its billing in physical structure and environmental splendour. Security was good but not over the top. The presence of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, His Excellency Ato Hailemariam Desalegn and the President of The Oromia National Regional State, His Excellency Ato Muktar Kedir, made it mandatory. Otherwise, we travelled that long distance without a single security escort. Considering the number of distinguished personalities from Nigeria, I couldn’t believe there was no Police or military on the buses that took us to and fro.
Another startling discovery was that there was no generator on standby to power the plant because I was told this was an unnecessary item. That is virtually impossible in most African countries. After the ceremonies were over we took a breath-taking tour of the massive Plant that has stretched the limit of science and technology.
The event attracted amongst others, my Governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, who breezed in with his beautiful wife, Lara. The Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria, Mr Godwin Emefiele, who has such a gentle mien, surprised me by chatting with me in impeccable Yoruba. Former Governors, Niyi Adebayo, Donald Duke and Yisa Yuguda were present. Alhaji’s friends, Col Sani Bello, Femi Otedola, Muyiwa Bakare, Oscar Onyeama, Stephen Oronsaye, Haruna Jalo-Waziri, Hon. Farouk Adamu Aliyu, the Daggash Brothers, Kunle Elebute, Mrs Mairo Bashir, Segun Adeniyi, and many others were present. The top bankers came in droves and included Jim Ovia, Emmanuel Ikazoboh, Bisi Onasanya, Ladi Balogun, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, Herbert Wigwe, Oladele Sotubo, and astute lawyer, Asue Ighodalo, also came.
It was an awesome experience to say the least.

A Valedictory Session That Was.

A valedictory session that was  
 
As expected, former President Goodluck Jonathan’s last meeting with his ministers in council was quite illuminating. He was sober, reflective, perhaps, resigned to his imminent status as former president but not necessarily defeated. All the same, Jonathan was dramatic in his observations.
At last, Jonathan commented on the month-long fuel scarcity and blamed the oil importers for the blackmail with which his administration was being sent into history. Second, he requested that any planned probe of his administration should be extended to his predecessors’ tenure. He also admitted that some decisions during his tenure might have been bad or were actually bad and concluded that he did his best.
What instantly emerged was that Jonathan hurt himself with the negative publicity. So, the fuel crisis was a blackmail? The scarcity lasted for over a month and affected all parts of Nigeria and virtually brought the country to a standstill. Yet, Jonathan kept quiet. In the process, the impression created was that, given the bitter campaigns the PDP waged for the presidential elections, the fuel scarcity crisis was aimed at dragging the country to a halt to create a difficult take-off for President Muhammadu Buhari.
Even if that were so, it could only have earned Buhari instant public acclamation for ending the fuel scarcity, restoring electricity supply, etc. It was an irony that Jonathan allowed himself to be discredited by ungrateful oil importers, most of them PDP supporters, the same beneficiaries of government patronage in committing fraud in the name of fuel subsidy.
The first hint of Jonathan’s lamentation on the fuel scarcity crisis was given two days earlier by former Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala at the Senate hearing when she accused the oil importers of political/economic sabotage. According to her, the oil importers never created any problem when government owed them over one trillion naira. She then wondered why the oil importers capitalised on the ongoing verification of the suspected false claims of less than two hundred billion naira as outstanding payment to throw the country into political/economic crisis.
Jonathan should not have waited till his last twenty-four hours in office to expose the economic saboteurs. It was even untenable for the former Nigerian President to demand that any intended probe of his administration should be extended to his predecessors. As far back as when? 1999? Or 1960? That was desperate and self-serving. The standard is that no former Nigerian Head of State should be subjected to such humiliation.
That is not to say every transaction was clean. Much must have happened in the six-year tenure of Jonathan, facts of which might crop up only in the scheme of things. Cropping up of such facts must not necessarily be seen as a probe of the Jonathan administration. For example, none of the criminal suspects in the fraud of over two trillion naira as fuel subsidy so far has been successfully prosecuted. Jonathan had nothing to do with the scandal.
Rejuvenating such prosecutions, leading to convictions or, at least, recovery of the huge amount is not a probe of Jonathan as a former president. After all, both Jonathan and former Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala are on record that the entire fuel subsidy transactions up to that stage were carried out by NNPC without their knowledge. It is also on record that National Assembly never appropriated the huge sum of over two trillion naira purported oil subsidy NNPC paid to the criminals.
Rather than witch-hunt, it will be a recovery of stolen public fund or conviction of the culprits, whoever they are. Again, there should be no deliberate probe of Jonathan. But if down the line, facts emerged on illegal or criminal acquisition of wealth, the only restraint is that there should be no fun-fare of such discovery. Otherwise, any of such abuse of office should be disgorged.
Witch-hunt? Definition of such is ever self-serving. Was it witch-hunt when the son of Sule Lamido, ex-governor of Jigawa State was prosecuted for criminal currency trafficking? Was it witch-hunt when ex—PDP national chairman, Vincent Ogbulafor, was hunted out of office with a criminal offence allegedly committed eight years earlier? Was it witch-hunt when ex-Kwara State governor, Bukunola Saraki, was serially questioned by EFCC on financial transactions at his father’s defunct bank about ten years before he was elected governor? Was it witch-hunt when ex-Bayelsa State governor, Timipre Sylva, was arraigned by EFCC for alleged looting of public funds during his tenure?
They were only made to account for their conduct during their tenure. If found liable, Jonathan’s aides must also legitimately be arraigned. After all, one of them, Doyin Okupe was arraigned by the EFCC only after Jonathan lost the presidential elections. Had Doyin Okupe been arraigned under the new administration of President Buhari, meanings would have been read into the prosecution.
Then, according to former President Jonathan’s self-confession at the valedictory session of the Federal Executive Council, mistakes might have been made or, in fact, were made in some of the decisions he took. In that situation, it is only fair for the succeeding administration to correct such mistakes and that cannot be any sort of witch-hunt.
Correctly put, if Jonathan were still in office and detected those mistakes, he would himself have corrected what he admitted could have been or were indeed real mistakes. Why, for example, did Jonathan continue, in couple of days left for him in office, making fresh appointments to major public offices or reconstituting membership of federal agencies?
If constitutionally possible, Jonathan would have reconstituted the federal cabinet of ministers (and would have) handed to President Buhari as fait accompli.
Jonathan said he did his best for Nigeria. Of course, anybody in Jonathan’s position is expected to do his best, leaving history to be the judge. He can console himself that all his controversial predecessors were eventually appreciated for one distinction or another.

Beckoning to anarchy
Whatever crime for which Buruji Kashamu (a senator-elect) might have been accused, the fact remains that as a Nigerian and indeed, a citizen of the world, he is entitled a fair trial and should be treated as innocent until he is found guilty in a Court of Law.
Despite that constitutional and legal right, it is disappointing that National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) is hell-bent on denying the man his rights. Faced with the prospects of being kidnapped and bundled to United States, Buruji sought and obtained the protection of Nigerian courts against violent denial of his legal rights by NDLEA.
It is, therefore, a shock that NDLEA could treat our law courts with outrageous contempt by describing as trivial, a court order, restraining NDLEA from infringing Buruji’s freedom of movement. If Buruji is guilty as charged, that should be established in a Court of Law. Instead, NDLEA has assumed the position of the complainant, the prosecutor and the judge, even without trying the accused in a Court of Law.
So far, at least, two Nigerian courts have refused to sanction Buruji’s kidnap and extradition to United States and three Nigerian Courts have restrained Nigerian government, including NDLEA, from unilaterally extraditing Buruji. Earlier, a British court similarly inquired into the charges against Buruji for up to two years and ruled that Buruji should not be extradited to United States on grounds of mistaken identity.
Buruji might yet be liable to criminal prosecution but NDLEA or even Nigerian government must prove that guilt in our law courts to warrant any extradition to United States.
Here is the difference. On the eve of the last presidential elections in United States, Barrack Obama issued a vote-catching proclamation halting further deportations of illegal immigrants. Aggrieved groups went to challenge the legality of Obama’s amnesty. The court, this week, ruled that Obama must withhold his amnesty pending the trial of the suit challenging the legality of the amnesty.
Obama has complied. In short, American government will not defy their law courts. In contrast, why must our NDLEA or even Nigerian government defy the court ruling halting Buruji Kashamu’s extradition?
It is a question of law and an issue for Nigerian Bar Association to be concerned with. Can a government agency or even Nigerian government disobey/disregard a court order? NBA’s interest in this matter is in preserving the sanctity of law courts.
If Buruji is considered liable for deportation, NDLEA and or Nigerian government must appeal to a higher court. Otherwise, we are beckoning at anarchy.

Sacking of UI council
Retired General Adeyinka Adebayo might not have bothered himself in ticking off former President Goodluck Jonathan for the latter’s discourtesy in removing General Adebayo as Chairman of Governing Council of University of Ibadan.
Jonathan dissolved that Council less than three weeks before his (Jonathan’s) tenure expired. If the former president could not see it, the certainty was that in dissolving the University Council about two years into the statutory four-year tenure, Jonathan only rendered his new appointees all over the place to be similarly dismissed by the new Federal Administration.
It should be emphasised that General Adebayo’s concern was even the discourtesy of not being informed. Can Jonathan henceforth exercise such power?

Change Is The Only Constant In Life

 
Finally, come has come to become, as President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan bows out of office today, and is succeeded by President Muhammadu Buhari. It is a consummation of change in Nigeria, a feat attained by a coalition of political parties against the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which had held power at the centre since 1999.
But change did not come by a sudden flight. Nor was it easy by any stretch of the imagination. The Yoruba say you get circumcised only through pains and peppery sensations. Yes, the change was peppery, even painful, at least to the PDP, which had vowed to rule Nigeria for a minimum of 60 years. Sixty then became 16, a reversed rhyming.
People from all walks of life dread change. They want it like they would want a hole in the head. The mere thought of change sends cold chills down the spine, sends people into dire conjurations and expectations. No wonder somebody declared during the campaigns that preceded the presidential election in March that change was a forbidden language, reserved for only bus conductors. “Anyone that tells you change, stone that person,” Mrs Patience Jonathan had declared in Calabar, capital of Cross River State. “Anyone that comes and tells you that he will change, stone that person… You can’t change, rather you will go back to a baby… so nothing like change, rather it is continuity.”
We know that ‘Change’ is the slogan of the All Progressives Congress (APC), which was the leading opposition party then. The APC sent dread into the PDP and President Jonathan, so much so that elections originally scheduled for February were postponed by six weeks. But it did not change anything. The God of FeBuhari (February) still remained the God of March. Muhammadu Buhari and the APC won the presidential election by over 2.5 million votes.
We all fear to leave our comfort zones, so we dread change. It is natural and human. But most times, change is ineluctable, inevitable, inescapable. “The only thing that is constant is change,” says Heraclitus, the Greek philosopher. In fact, he believes that the doctrine of change is central to the universe. True.
But did Jonathan and PDP fight the change that swept across the land in March and April? They did. Almost to a standstill! Remember all the presidential visits to different parts of the country, and the largesse in various currencies that accompanied such visits? Royal fathers, Nollywood stars, pastors, Imams, all suddenly began to spend foreign currencies, courtesy of presidential visits. But did it stop the change? No. Change, when it is ripe and fully-grown, is unstoppable, as attested to by Chief Olusola Oke, former National Legal Adviser of the PDP.
Chief Oke was not just a stalwart of the PDP, he was also the party’s gubernatorial candidate in Ondo State about three years ago. But just before this year’s general elections, he decamped to the APC. Hear him: “I had passionately resisted to be part of the change. I resisted the wind of change that was blowing until it almost blew me out. Now, I have surrendered. I can’t resist anymore.”
That’s a wise man. I have surrendered. I can’t resist anymore. But it took President Jonathan a long time to awaken to that reality. He fought that change, with all the fibre in his body. But at the end, seeing the direction of the wind, he had to surrender.
During Easter, as the Christian community in Abuja paid homage to him, President Jonathan declared: “I was in the hand of government for 16 years… I was in a cage being taken care of by the government. But I think it is enough, and I am happy. Help me thank God for that.”
By the time Jonathan spoke, election was over, and he had lost. How I wish the reality had struck him much earlier. How can you be in a cage for 16 years, and you still fight tooth and nail to remain in the same cage? Rather ironical. That is what happens to a man who does not realise when change becomes inevitable. And change is the only constant in life.
“One must change one’s tactics every 10 years if one wants to maintain one’s superiority,” said French leader, Napoleon Buonaparte. But the PDP was in power for 16 years. It did not review nor change its tactics. It inherited a parlous electricity situation in 1999, it is leaving with electricity in a worse state, and billions of dollars down the drain. It came at a time Nigeria was in the throes of fuel crisis, it is leaving 16 years later, with the same fuel crisis dogging its footsteps. Despite the trillions of dollars that accrued to the country in oil sales in 16 years, PDP did not make much difference in the lives of the people. So, change had to come. If change is due, and you don’t embrace it, you stagnate and lose ground. You atrophy. No wonder Harold Wilson, a former British Prime Minister said: “He who rejects change is the architect of decay. The only human institution which rejects progress is the cemetery.”
Change has come to Nigeria today. But change to what? There can be change for better or change for worse. The onus is on the APC to make this a change for the better. There must be sacrifices. Yes, we must pay the price of change, so that we can have a country to bequeath to our children, and generations unborn. The APC would not need to hold Nigerians in bondage or servitude for 60 years as the PDP vowed, before it can effect change. The change must start now. And in the shortest possible time, Nigerians must see that they have got off the ‘One Chance’ bus of the immediate past.
However, it is not only the government that will bring the change we need. All Nigerians have a part to play. Instead of folding our hands, doing nothing, or even waiting for the Buhaari administration to fail, we should rather join the change train. “You must be the change you wish to see in the world,” said Indian leader, Mahatma Gandhi. Nigerians must change attitude, change thinking, and be the change we wish to see. If we want corruption eradicated, or reduced to the barest minimum, we must eliminate all cravings for filthy lucre. If we want a cohesive, united country, we must eschew all forms of bile or hatred. If we want a robust economy, we must not sabotage the economic wellbeing of the country. Be the change you want to see. “Change will not come if we wait for some other person or some other time. We are the ones we’ve been waiting for. We are the change we seek,” says American president, Barack Obama.
Change is inevitable. It is constant. That change has come upon us. It has invaded our lives. If we are rigid, or impervious to change, we collapse. If we flow with the stream, it leads to fair havens, a halcyon shore.
“The world as we have created it is a process of our thinking. It cannot be changed without changing our thinking.” (Albert Einstein). With the right thinking, the change that is upon Nigeria will have enduring consequences. It will change this land for good.
Remember Naaman? He was the Syrian war hero, a General who was leprous. He heard about Elijah, the prophet in Israel, who could cure him. And when he sought out Elijah, that one told him to go and dip in River Jordan seven times. Naaman was first furious. Me, dip in that dirty River Jordan seven times? Are there not cleaner, neater rivers in Syria?
But eventually, Naaman humbled himself, did as he was told. And his flesh was restored like that of a baby. The lesson? Change takes time. It takes effort. Naaman had thought Elijah would just wave something over his head, and the leprosy would disappear. But no! He had to dip seven times in River Jordan. Change will not come by a sudden flight. We must work for it. All of us! And in the words of John Steinbeck, in his work, Sweet Thursday, change will come “like a little wind that ruffles the curtain at dawn… like the stealthy perfume of wildflowers hidden in the grass.” It is a soothing change.
“There is nothing wrong with change, if it is in the right direction,” says former British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill. Change is here. And it is in the right direction. It is for our collective good.

The Edo People of Western Sudan (Pt. 1). The Benin Empire.


The extent of Benin in 1625
Capital= Benin City (then called Edo)
Languages = Edo ( today fragmented into Edoid sub-dialects)
Government Monarchy = King/Emperor (Oba)
- 1180–1242 EWEKA 1
- 1440–1473 Ewuare (1440–1473) expanded the city-state to an empire
Ovonramwen (exile 1897) = Last absolute Ruler
- 1979– Erediauwa I (post-imperial)
Historical era/Early Modern era
- Established 1180
- Annexed by the United Kingdom 1897
Area - 1625 90,000 km² (34,749 sq mi)
ROOTS OF IZODUWA( Prince Ekalarderhan) corruptly called ODUDUWA by the Yorubas.
The Benin Empire was a pre-colonial African empire, with its capital Benin City (located in what is now Edo State in Nigeria). It should not be confused with the modern-day country called Benin, formerly called Dahomey. The Benin Empire was "one of the oldest and most highly developed states in the coastal hinterland of West Africa, dating perhaps to the Eleventh century C.E",[2] until it was annexed by the British Empire, in 1897.
The original people and founders of the Benin Empire, the Edo people, were initially ruled by the Ogiso (Kings of the Sky) dynasty who called their land Igodomigodo. The rulers or kings were commonly known as Ogiso. Igodo, the first Ogiso, wielded much influence and gained popularity as a good ruler. He died after a long reign and was succeeded by Ere, his eldest son. In the 12th century, a great palace intrigue and battle for power erupted between the warrior crown prince Ekaladerhan son of the last Ogiso ( Ogiso Owodo) and his young paternal uncle - Evian the field Marshall of his father's army. In anger over an oracle, Prince Ekaladerhan left the royal court with his warriors. When his old father the Ogiso died, the Ogiso dynasty was ended as the people and royal kingmakers preferred their king's son as natural next in line to rule.
PRINCE IZODUWA BECAME RULER OF IFE A PRIESTLY MINI SETTLEMENT.
The exiled Prince Ekaladerhan who was not known in Yoruba land, somehow earned the title of Oni Ile-fe Izoduwa which is now corrupt to yoruba language as Ooni (Oghene) of Ile-Ife Oduduwa and refused to return, then sent his son Oranmiyan to become king. Prince Oranmiyan took up his abode in the palace built for him at Usama by the elders (now a coronation shrine). Soon after his arrival he married a beautiful lady, Erinmwinde, daughter of Osa-nego, was the ninth Enogie (Duke) of Ego, by whom he had a son. After some years residence here he called a meeting of the people and renounced his office, remarking that the country was a land of vexation, Ile-Ibinu (by which name the country was afterward known) and that only a child born, trained and educated in the arts and mysteries of the land could reign over the people. He caused his son born to him by Erinmwinde to be made King in his place, and returned to Yoruba land Ile-Ife. After some years in Ife, he left for Oyo, where he also left a son behind on leaving the place, and his son Ajaka ultimately became the first Alafin of Oyo of the present line, while Oranmiyan himself was reigning as Oni of Ife. Therefore, Oranmiyan of Ife, the father of Eweka I, the Oba of Benin, was also the father of Ajaka, the first Alafin of Oyo. Note that,Oni of Uhe and Alafe of Oyo were Bini terms in Benin spoken language. Also note that, almost all the Kings titles in Southerner Nigeria are in old Edo Language. In Nigeria Edo has the greatest and rich culture and most influence in West Africa and powerful King in Nigeria before the whiteman arrived.
THE IMPERIAL FOUNDATION
By the 15th century, Edo as a system of protected settlements expanded into a thriving city-state. In the 15th century, the twelfth Oba in line, Oba Ewuare the Great (1440–1473) would expand the city-state to an empire.
It was not until the 15th century during the reign of Oba Ewuare the Great that the kingdom's administrative centre, the city Ubinu, began to be known as Benin City by the Portuguese, and would later be adopted by the locals as well. Before then, due to the pronounced ethnic diversity at the kingdom's headquarters during the 15th century from the successes of Oba Ewuare, the earlier name ('Ubinu') by a tribe of the Edos was colloquially spoken as "Bini" by the mix of Itsekhiri, Esan, Ika, Ijaw Edo, Urhobo living together in the royal administrative centre of the kingdom. The Portuguese would write this down as Benin City. Though, farther Edo clans, such as the Itsekiris and the Urhobos still referred to the city as Ubini up till the late 19th century, as evidence implies.
INFLUENCE
Aside from Benin City, the system of rule of the Oba in his kingdom, even through the golden age of the kingdom, was still loosely based after the Ogiso dynasty, which was military and royal protection in exchange of use of resources and implementation of taxes paid to the royal administrative centre. Language and culture was not enforced but remained heterogeneous and localized according to each group within the kingdom, though a local "Enogie" (duke) was often appointed by the Oba for specified ethnic areas.
Bronze plaque of Benin Warriors with ceremonial swords. 16th–18th centuries, Nigeria.
The first name of the Benin Empire, since its creation some time in the first millenium (i.e, before year 1000) CE, was Igodomigodo, as called by its own inhabitants. Their ruler was called Ogiso.[3]
Nowadays, nearly 36 known Ogiso are accounted for as rulers of this first form of the state. According to the Edo oral tradition, during the reign of the last Ogiso, his son and heir apparent, Ekaladerhan, was banished from Igodomigodo as a result of one of the Queens having deliberately changed an oracle message to the Ogiso. Prince Ekaladerhan was a powerful warrior and well loved. On leaving Benin he travelled westernly to the land of the Yoruba where he became king and renamed himself Izoduwa, which is now corrupt to Oduduwa by Yorubas. Most Edo cultures and festival ethnics are now practiced by Yorubas such as Ishango, Ogun, Festac of Idia Mother of Oba Esigie of Benin. Also most foods of the Edo are now consumed by the Yorubas, such as Iyan, Eman, Usi, Ighiawo and Ogi. Most current cities in West Nigeria are a mix of Edo and Yoruba, such as Ekiti, Kogi, Oyo, Ogun, Ondo and Lagos itself.
On the death of his father, the last Ogiso, a group of Benin Chiefs led by Chief Oliha came to Ife, pleading with Oduduwa (the Ooni) to return to Igodomigodo (later known as Benin City in the 15th century during Oba Ewuare) to ascend the throne. Oduduwa's reply was that a ruler cannot leave his domain but he had seven sons and would ask one of them to go back to become the next king there.
Eweka I was the first 'Oba' or king of the new dynasty after the end of the era of Ogiso. He changed the ancient name of Igodomigodo to Edo.
Centuries later, in 1440, Oba Ewuare, also known as Ewuare the Great, came to power and turned the city-state into an empire. It was only at this time that the administrative centre of the kingdom began to be referred to as Ubinu after the Itsekhiri word and corrupted to Bini by the Itsekhiri, Edo, Urhobo living together in the royal administrative centre of the kingdom. The Portuguese who arrived in 1485 would refer to it as Benin and the centre would become known as Benin City and its empire Benin Empire.
The Ancient Benin Empire, as with the Oyo Empire which eventually gained political ascendancy over even Ile-Ife, gained political strength and ascendancy over much of what is now Mid-Western and Western Nigeria, with the Oyo Empire bordering it on the west, the Niger river on the east, and the northerly lands succumbing to Fulani Muslim invasion in the North. Interestingly, much of what is now known as Western Iboland and even Yorubaland was conquered by the Benin Kingdom in the late 19th century - Agbor (Ika), Akure, Owo and even the present day Lagos Island, which was named "Eko" meaning "War Camp" by the Bini.
The present day Monarchy of Lagos Island did not come directly from Ile-Ife, but from Bini, and this can be seen up till in the attire of the Oba and High Chiefs of Lagos, and in the street and area names of Lagos Island which are Yoruba corruptions of Bini names (Idumagbo, Idumota, Igbosere etc.). Other parts of the present day Lagos State were under Ijebu, and later Edo now conquer Ijebu and enlarge is domain to Dahomey (tossed between the Dahomey Kingdom, with its seat in present day Republic of Benin, and the Bini Kingdom).
THE SOLID EMPIRE
Benin city in the 17th century.
The Oba had become the paramount power within the region. Oba Ewuare, the first Golden Age Oba, is credited with turning Benin City into City States from a military fortress built by Ogiso, protected by moats and walls. It was from this bastion that he launched his military campaigns and began the expansion of the kingdom from the Edo-speaking heartlands.
Oba Ewuare was a direct descendant of Eweka I great grandson of Oduduwa, Oni of Ife.
A series of walls marked the incremental growth of the sacred city from 850 AD until its decline in the 16th century. In the 15th century Benin became the greatest city of the empire created by Oba Ewuare. To enclose his palace he commanded the building of Benin's inner wall, a seven-mile (11 km) long earthen rampart girded by a moat 50 feet (15 m) deep. This was excavated in the early 1960s by Graham Connah. Connah estimated that its construction, if spread out over five dry seasons, would have required a workforce of 1,000 laborers working ten hours a day seven days a week. Ewuare also added great thoroughfares and erected nine fortified gateways.
Pendant ivory mask of Queen Idia, court of Benin, 16th century, (Metropolitan Museum of Art)
Excavations also uncovered a rural network of earthen walls 4 to 8 thousand miles long that would have taken an estimated 150 million man hours to build and must have taken hundreds of years to build. These were apparently raised to mark out territories for towns and cities. Thirteen years after Ewuare's death tales of Benin's splendors lured more Portuguese traders to the city gates.[4]
At its maximum extent, the empire extended from the western Ibo tribes on the shores of the Niger river, through parts of the southwestern region of Nigeria (much of present day Ondo State, and the isolated islands (current Lagos Island and Obalende) in the coastal region of present day Lagos State). The Oyo Kingdom, which extended through most of SouthWestern Nigeria to parts of present day Republic of Benin was to the West.
The state developed an advanced artistic culture, especially in its famous artifacts of bronze, iron and ivory. These include bronze wall plaques and life-sized bronze heads depicting the Obas of Benin. The most common artifact is based on Queen Idia, now best known as the FESTAC Mask after its use in 1977 in the logo of the Nigeria-financed and hosted Second Festival of Black & African Arts and Culture (FESTAC 77).
THE EUROPEAN CONTACT:
Drawing of Benin City made by an English officer, 1897
The first European travelers to reach Benin were Portuguese explorers in about 1485. A strong mercantile relationship developed, with the Edo trading tropical products such as ivory, pepper and palm oil with the Portuguese for European goods such as manila and guns. In the early 16th century, the Oba sent an ambassador to Lisbon, and the king of Portugal sent Christian missionaries to Benin City. Some residents of Benin City could still speak a pidgin Portuguese in the late 19th century.
The first English expedition to Benin was in 1553, and significant trading developed between England and Benin based on the export of ivory, palm oil and pepper. Visitors in the 16th and 17th centuries brought back to Europe tales of "the Great Benin", a fabulous city of noble buildings, ruled over by a powerful king. However, the Oba began to suspect Britain of larger colonial designs and ceased communications with the British until the British Expedition in 1896-97 when British troops captured, burned, and looted Benin City, which brought the Benin Empire to an end.[5]
A 17th-century Dutch engraving from Olfert Dapper's Nauwkeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaansche Gewesten, published in Amsterdam in 1668 wrote:
The king's palace or court is a square, and is as large as the town of Haarlem and entirely surrounded by a special wall, like that which encircles the town. It is divided into many magnificent palaces, houses, and apartments of the courtiers, and comprises beautiful and long square galleries, about as large as the Exchange at Amsterdam, but one larger than another, resting on wooden pillars, from top to bottom covered with cast copper, on which are engraved the pictures of their war exploits and battles..."
—Olfert Dapper, Nauwkeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaansche Gewesten
Another Dutch traveller was David van Nyendael who in 1699 gave an eye-witness account.
MILITARY STRENGTH AND TACTICAL FORMATION AND DISCIPLINE
Copper sculpture from Benin showing the mix of weapons that co-existed side by side during the colonial era. Note firearms in the right hand of one figure, and traditional swords held by others.
"The King of Benin can in a single day make 20,000 men ready for war, and, if need be, 180,000, and because of this he has great influence among all the surrounding peoples. . . . His authority stretches over many cities, towns and villages. There is no King thereabouts who, in the possession of so many beautiful cities and towns, is his equal."
—Olfert Dapper, Nauwkeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaansche Gewesten (Description of Africa), 1668
The kingdom of Benin offers a snapshot of a relatively well-organized and sophisticated African polity in operation before the major European colonial interlude.[6] Military operations relied on a well trained disciplined force. At the head of the host stood the Oba of Benin. The monarch of the realm served as supreme military commander. Beneath him were subordinate generalissimos, the Ezomo, the Iyase, and others who supervised a Metropolitan Regiment based in the capital, and a Royal Regiment made up of hand-picked warriors that also served as bodyguards. Benin's Queen Mother also retained her own regiment, the "Queen's Own." The Metropolitan and Royal regiments were relatively stable semi-permanent or permanent formations. The Village Regiments provided the bulk of the fighting force and were mobilized as needed, sending contingents of warriors upon the command of the king and his generals. Formations were broken down into sub-units under designated commanders. Foreign observers often commented favorably on Benin's discipline and organization as "better disciplined than any other Guinea nation", contrasting them with the slacker troops from the Gold Coast.[7]
Until the introduction of guns in the 15th century, traditional weapons like the spear, short sword, and bow held sway. Efforts were made to reorganize a local guild of blacksmiths in the 18th century to manufacture light firearms, but dependence on imports was still heavy. Before the coming of the gun, guilds of blacksmiths were charged with war production—–particularly swords and iron spearheads.[6]
Benin's tactics were well organized, with preliminary plans weighed by the Oba and his sub-commanders. Logistics were organized to support missions from the usual porter forces, water transport via canoe, and requisitioning from localities the army passed through. Movement of troops via canoes was critically important in the lagoons, creeks and rivers of the Niger Delta, a key area of Benin's domination. Tactics in the field seem to have evolved over time. While the head-on clash was well known, documentation from the 18th century shows greater emphasis on avoiding continuous battle lines, and more effort to encircle an enemy (ifianyako).[6]
Fortifications were important in the region and numerous military campaigns fought by Benin's soldiers revolved around sieges. As noted above, Benin's military earthworks are the largest of such structures in the world, and Benin's rivals also built extensively. Barring a successful assault, most sieges were resolved by a strategy of attrition, slowly cutting off and starving out the enemy fortification until it capitulated. On occasion however, European mercenaries were called on to aid with these sieges. In 1603–04 for example, European cannon helped batter and destroy the gates of a town near present-day Lagos, allowing 10,000 warriors of Benin to enter and conquer it. As payment the Europeans received items, such as palm oil and bundles of pepper.[8] The example of Benin shows the power of indigenous military systems, but also the role outside influences and new technologies brought to bear. This is a normal pattern among many nations and was to be reflected across Africa as the 19th century dawned.
DECLINE
Britain seeks control over tradeEdit
The city and empire of Benin declined after 1700. By this time, European activity in the area, most notably through the Trans-Atlantic slave-trade, resulted in major disruptive repercussions. However, Benin's power was revived in the 19th century with the development of the trade in palm oil and textiles. To preserve Benin's independence, bit by bit the Oba banned the export of goods from Benin, until the trade was exclusively in palm oil.
By the last half of the 19th century Great Britain had become desirous of having a closer relationship with the Kingdom of Benin; for British officials were increasingly interested in controlling trade in the area and in accessing the kingdom's rubber resources to support their own growing tire market.
Several attempts were made to achieve this end beginning with the official visit of Richard Burton in 1862 when he was consul at Fernando Po. Following that was an attempt to establish a treaty between Benin and the United Kingdom by Hewtt, Blair and Annesley in 1884, 1885 and 1886 respectively. However, these efforts did not yield any results. Benin resisted becoming a British protectorate throughout the 1880s, but the British remained persistent. Progress was made finally in 1892 during the visit of Vice-Consul H.L. Gallwey. This mission was significant, being the first Official visit after Burton's. Moreover, it would also set in motion the events to come that would lead to Oba Ovonramwen's demise.
THE FRAUDULENT ONE-SIDED GALLWEY'S Treaty of 1892
The Gallwey treaty allegedly signed by the king required the Benin Empire to abolish the Benin slave trade and human sacrifice.[9] Despite the stories later told by Gallwey, there is today still some controversy on a number of points—most of all as to whether the Oba actually agreed to the terms of the treaty as Gallwey had claimed. First, at the time of his visit to Benin the Oba could not welcome Gallwey or any other foreigners due to the observance of the traditional Igue festival which prohibited the presence of any non-native persons during the ritual season. Also, even though Gallwey claimed the King (Oba) and his chiefs were willing to sign the treaty, it was common knowledge that Oba Ovonramwen was not in the habit of signing one sided treaties.
The Treaty reads "Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India in compliance with the request of [the] King of Benin, hereby extend to him and the territory under his authority and jurisdiction, Her gracious favor and protection" (Article 1). The Treaty also states "The King of Benin agrees and promises to refrain from entering into any correspondence, Agreement or Treaty with any foreign nation or power except with the knowledge of her Britannic Majesty's Government" (Article 2), and finally that "It is agreed that full jurisdiction, civil and criminal over British subject's and their property in the territory of Benin is reserved to her Britannic Majesty, to be exercised by such consular or other officers as Her Majesty shall appoint for the purpose...The same jurisdiction is likewise reserved to her Majesty in the said territory of Benin over foreign subjects enjoying British protection, who shall be deemed to be involved in the expression "British subjects" throughout this Treaty" (Article 3).
It makes little sense that the Oba and his chiefs would accept the terms laid out in articles IV-IX, or that the Oba or his chiefs would knowingly bestow their dominion upon Queen Victoria for so little apparent remuneration. Under Article IV, the treaty states that "All disputes between the King of Benin and other Chiefs between him and British or foreign traders or between the aforesaid King and neighboring tribes which can not be settled amicably between the two parties, shall be submitted to the British consular or other officers appointed by Her Britannic Majesty to exercise jurisdiction in the Benin territories for arbitration and decision or for arrangement." Oba Ovonremwen was a tenacious man, which is contrary to the accounts of treaty portrayers such as Gallwey; he was not doltish.
OBA OVERANMWEN REFUSED TO SIGN THE DUBIOUS TREATY
The chiefs attest that the Oba did not sign the treaty because he was in the middle of an important festival which prohibited him from doing anything else (including signing the treaty). Ovoramwen maintained that he did not touch the white man's pen. Gallwey later claimed in his report that the Oba basically accepted the signing of the treaty in all respects. Despite the ambiguity over whether or not the Oba signed the treaty, the British officials easily accepted it as though he did.
THE 1897 POGRON
When Benin discovered Britain's true intentions, eight unknowing British representatives, who came to visit Benin, were killed. As a result a Punitive Expedition was launched in 1897. The British force, under the command of Admiral Sir Harry Rawson, razed and burned the city, destroying much of the country's treasured art and dispersing nearly all that remained. The stolen portrait figures, busts, and groups created in iron, carved ivory, and especially in brass (conventionally called the "Benin Bronzes") are now displayed in museums around the world.
AFTERMATH:
The kingdom was fragmented and the British gave semi autonomy to all the dukedoms under the empire.they even tried to make some them feel superior to the mother empire as seen in the Yoruba mini states examples.
The monarchy was suspended and replaced with Benin City Council structure which failed to govern a people used to the most organized state for over 2000 years. They British were forced to restore the monarchy by crowning Aguobasinmwin the Crown Prince and heir to the exiled Oba Ovoramwen as Oba Eweka the second. He was succeeded by his eldest son Oba Akenzua the second who in turn was succeeded by the current Emperor Oba Erediawa in 1979.
CLARION CALL TO ALL EDOID PEOPLE
If our ancestors could build the biggest and strongest empire in Africa from the scratch,what stops us from toeing their footsteps. We can rebuild if we set our minds on it. The British,not the contrived Nigerian state,conquered us. They have since left and since there is no record showing Oba Overanmwen signed us away to Nigeria,we must reclaim our independent state and rebuild our united Empire.
References:
Ben-Amos, Paula Girshick (1995). The Art of Benin Revised Edition. British Museum Press. p. 20. ISBN 0-7141-2520-2.
Robert W. Strayer, Ways of the World: A Brief Global History with Sources, Bedford/St. Martin's: 2012, pp. 695-696
http://www.worldstatesmen.org/Nigeria_native.html
Time Life Lost Civilizations series: Africa's Glorious Legacy (1994) pp. 102–4
Chapter 77, A History of the World in 100 Objects
Osadolor, Osarhieme Benson (23 July 2001). "The military system of Benin Kingdom, c. 1440–1897 (D)" (PDF). University of Hamburg. pp. 4–264.
Robert Sydney Smith, Warfare & diplomacy in pre-colonial West Africa, University of Wisconsin Press: 1989, pp. 54–62
R.S. Smith, Warfare & diplomacy pp. 54–62
Hernon, A. Britain's Forgotton Wars, p.409 (2002)
Strayer, Robert (2012). Ways of the World: A Brief Global History with Sources,. New York: Bedford/St.Martin's. ISBN 978-0312583460.
Bondarenko D. M. A Homoarchic Alternative to the Homoarchic State: Benin Kingdom of the 13th–19th centuries. Social Evolution & History. 2005. Vol. 4, No 2. pp. 18–88.
Ezra, Kate (1992). Royal art of Benin: the Perls collection. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. ISBN 9780870996320.
Mercury, Karen. The Hinterlands, historical fiction about the Benin Expedition of 1897. Medallion Press, 2005
‘P.A.Igbate’ Benin Under British Administration (The Impact of Colonial Rule on an African Kingdom 1897-1938)
Roese, P. M., and D. M. Bondarenko. A Popular History of Benin. The Rise and Fall of a Mighty Forest Kingdom. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2003.
Culled from Wikipedia but refreshed and refleshed with additional information by Prince Friday Stewalt S.Ojealaro.
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