Friday, 26 June 2015

And Where Is Femi Fani-Kayode?



Suddenly, the noise stopped. Femi Fani-Kayode (alias FFK) went quiet as the overblown propaganda machine of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) did very little to convince the electorate.
FFK, the publicity director of Jonathan Goodluck’s campaign did his job beyond the call of duty. He personalised his assault on Muhammadu Buhari in the name of discrediting the only formidable opponent of the PDP.
It’s interesting that after so much negative and derogatory remarks against Buhari, FFK is almost like a fish out of water. The PDP is virtually done with him, just like the All Progressive Congress’ (APC) rejection of his membership. It’s obvious the former aviation minister is no longer in bed with either of the two front running parties.
Why should Fani-Kayode, a man in his prime, be deserted so early? The answer is simple: FFK is unreal with life. He wants to belong without commitment. He would protect any party whose umbrella can buy him temporary freedom. Freedom from the law, in his fight to exonerate himself from the money laundering charges. Although, in my own opinion, these charges are frivolous, but this is Nigeria, a country where jungle justice prevails.
FFK’s loud and abusive noise in the media, for obvious reasons, did not translate to election victory for his erstwhile party. A victory would have given him permanent shield from prosecution and, it did not happen. Therefore, he will continue with the case until justice or injustice is concluded.
What I find strange about Fani-Kayode’s unwarranted arsenal against President Buhari in the election campaign is his naivety about the dynamics of life. Change was inevitable, most Nigerians saw it and reflected it in the election results but for some reason, and this is always peculiar to politicians, the mouthpiece of the PDP and the other heavy weights did not believe for a second that the tide had changed; Nigerians were yearning for a new direction.
From the Osun state gubernatorial election, presidential, and the scramble for Lagos governorship contests, FFK’s rhetoric did not work for his party. The megaphone pouring his venom became blocked and inaudible when Jonathan lost the election. He tried to reactivate his loud voice in the Lagos state gubernatorial contest, but this time, there was no echo to reverberate. Agbaje, his last hope to reappear on the podium of minor relevance, finally lost. A few weeks ago, Chief Fani-Kayode turned his verbal attack on his own party; he credited the mild, humiliating defeat of Goodluck to his relentless effort. Goodluck Jonathan would have lost, at least, 10 million votes to Buhari had it not been for FFK’s effort, he lamented.
So, what next for the megaphone of the PDP as the possibility of expulsion from the party hangs on his window?
My advice to the former minister is to join a political party for ideological conviction, not for social convenience. Camping and decamping from one political party to another in the name of social and economic benefits show the instability in a politician’s behaviour. It does not indicate a firm and reliable individual who is capable of handling affairs of this country in any position of service to the people.
When he was in the APC, his verbal attacks on the PDP members, especially Goodluck Jonathan, the immediate past President, were crude and denigrating. After migrating to the PDP, Fani-Kayode, like rain drops, relentlessly assassinated characters of top members of the APC. Muhammadu Buhari and Bola Tinubu became his personal targets. Unfortunately, the exercise was in pure futility; very few took notice, and voted for change.
Politics and political parties should be based on ideology, not for economic convenience and reward. An ideology is a set of beliefs that affects our outlook on the world. Our ideology is our most closely held set of values and feelings, and it acts as the filter through which we see everything and everybody. In fact, these beliefs are often so close to us that we do not realise that they are there. We simply think that our beliefs are natural and obviously true. Religion is one type of ideology, and religious belief affects a person’s views.
What does it mean to be a Liberal or Conservative? What does it mean to be a Socialist or a Communist? These terms, or labels, refer to a belief in the way government should run within a society—also known as a political ideology. Political ideologies are belief systems that provide people with a perspective on the proper role of elected officials, which types of public policies should be prioritised, and how the various elements of society should be arranged. Whether or not they realise it, most people possess a definitive political ideology. In the United States, most citizens consider themselves liberal, moderate, or conservative. In other countries, you may find a majority of people who identify as Socialists, Marxists, or even Anarchists. Most ideologies are identified by their position on a political spectrum—a way of comparing or visualising different political ideologies. The political spectrum is usually described along a left-middle-right line. It is important to recognise that many ideologies defy categorisation, mainly because they encompass views on different parts of the spectrum. Muhammadu Buhari is revered by Nigerians today because of his firm ideological stand. He refused to change his beliefs; he refused to be cajoled into the PDP’s unstable and corrupt image.
One aspect of FFK’s personalised, abusive politics is how low and disrespectful he is viewed by the Nigerian public. Everyone sees the former aviation minister as an uncoordinated, crude and desperate-for-power individual. The defamatory level he took Buhari and Tinubu to, just to achieve victory for Jonathan, further exposed his weakness, lousiness, and unrefined character in politics. He is less of an asset and more of a nuisance to any political party wishing to associate with him. I am not surprised that although the PDP lost most of the elections, especially at the Presidential level, the party will not, at this crucial time, accept Fani-Kayode’s big baggage.
In my view, the PDP’s loss in the elections would have been minimized if the party had employed the services of a more decent and respectful orator to appeal to the electorate.

The Truth About Buhari's 20 Months Regime - Ope Banwo.


Dr. Ope Banwo watched the infamous AIT-aired documentary The Real Buhari and points out to a number of facts that the 55-minute-long feature may have gotten wrong in depicting the former military ruler of Nigeria who is today contesting for a presidential seat.
Much like the highlypublicized scandal regarding Buhari’s school certificates, the aforementioned broadcast has become a subject of scrutiny and harsh criticism for portraying Gen. Buhari (rtd.) in a mostly negative light.
Dr. Ope Banwo is a Nigerian attorney and a PhD holder in Law, a pastor, author of several books, and a business consultant. In his opinion article, entitled The BIG FAT LIES Of AIT In “The Real Buhari” Documentary EXPOSED! and published on the hardtalknaija.com website, Dr. Banwo admits that AIT is a privately-owned TV station and is, therefore, entitled “to advertise or air anything it wants”. However, he is quick to point out that “it should be a criminal act for a nationally-licensed TV station” to broadcast “falsehood against a contestant in the Nigerian elections” and “pull the wool over the eyes of unsuspecting Nigerians who trust his station to report the news to them daily.”
Dr. Banwo decided to watch the 55-minute documentary himself to do his own fact-checking. Below is the list of nine points that AIT got wrong on Muhammadu Buhari, as stated by Dr. Banwo.
The documentary claimed the Maitatsine riots started during Buhari regime: A simple online fact-check will reveal that the Maitatsine riots started in 1980, and the riots in which over 3,000 people died actually occurred from 1975 -1982, many years before Buhari came to power. In fact, Maitatsine was killed in one of the riots in 1980, though some of his adherents continued to inflict damage up to 1984.
Truth be told, unlike the lackluster campaign we have witnessed under Jonathan against the Boko Haram sect, the Maitatsine sect was actually crushed during the Buhari regime, and its leaders scattered to Cameroon, when Buhari sent an overwhelming military force to confront them in 1984. Again, this happened in my school activism days so I know what I am talking about. Also, the objective history books and websites still online support this history. Yet, AIT shamelessly tried to claim that religious riots started under Buhari.
The documentary claimed Buhari expelled Ghanians from Nigeria: Simply Google or ask any Ghanaian who was old enough at the time. It was President Shehu Shagari of NPN who first expelled over 1,000,000 Ghanaians in 1983 in the infamous ‘Ghana-Must-Go’ inicdent, as some sort of retaliation for what the Ghanaians did to Nigeria in 1969. This was before Buhari came to power. You can check the facts yourself from this 1983 story by New York Times.
The documentary claimed Gloria Okoh, the drug carrier, disappeared from justice under Buhari: We all know the Gloria Okon fake “death” and disappearance saga happened under Ibrahim Babanginda after he overthrew Buhari. In fact, the late Dele Giwa was rumored to have been bombed to eternity after Buhari had been overthrown, for being too nosy about what really happened. I remember very well how Gani Fawehinmi fought a gallant battle to bring the perpetrators to justice. Again, the person most people accused at the time was Ibrahim Babangida, who overthrew Buhari, and not Buhari himself.
The documentary claimed Fela identified Buhari in the $2.8billion oil money scandal in his song: Fela’s song about the missing money is still available everywhere. I have a copy of it and have listened to it again just in case I didn’t listen well before. Truth is, Fela never mentioned Buhari’s name. He only mentioned OBJ and Abola. Of course, the AIT people disingenuously edited that part of the tape out when they played Fela’s music in their documentary. This is definite proof they deliberately lied, otherwise why not let the song play to the point where names were mentioned?
Continue reading from the link
http://www.naij.com/377951-opinion-the-real-buhari-got-the-facts-wrong.html
The documentary claimed that Buhari had a nabd in the death of Fela’s mother, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti: Again, a simple fact check by my 6-year-old daughter would reveal that Fela’s mother died after Olusegun Obasanjo invaded the Kalakuta Republic of Fela in 1978. It was OBJ that ordered the house of his former Abeokuta Grammar schoolmate to be burnt down over his criticism of OBJ government. I remember that one very well because our house was a walking distance from Fela’s shrine then and we all rushed to witness the “unknown soldier” saga play out in living colors ,and I saw Fela’s mother actually being thrown out of the window from upstairs by soldiers loyal to OBJ. Fela even released a song about it well before Buhari even came power more than 6 years later in 1984.
The documentary claimed Buhari imprisoned innocent politicians: History shows that all politicians sentenced to prison by the 1984 Military Tribunal were found to either having enriched themselves with public funds, or diverted public funds. None of them were convicted. Even President Jonathan whom they were trying to help did not really say the politicians were innocent. He only said there should have been a difference between stealing and fraud! He said, someone someday stole “only N5m” and was given 15 years jail, or someone stole money that was not enough to buy a Volkswagen and was sentenced to life. A government thief is a thief, whether N1 or N100M. They were all tried, not by Buhari but by a properly constituted tribunal. In any case, how any sane person who was an adult in 1983, could argue that people like Umaru Dikko, Akinloye, Ambrose Alli and even Ekwueme were innocent is beyond me.
The documentary claimed that Buhari has been losing since 1999: Buhari’s first shot was in 2003. In 1999, it was Chief Olu Falae of ANPP/AD that contested against Obj. In any case, why does it matter if he contested so many times and lost? Many great leaders have lost countless elections before finally getting a chance. Even the Great Obafemi Awolowo and the Great Nnamdi Azikiwe also contested many times, too, without winning, but I don’t see AIT criticizing that!
The documentary criticized Buhari for his stewardship of PTF: Yet, the truth remains that he was vigorously investigated by the vengeful OBJ and nothing was found on him. Even OBJ recently confessed that the Fraud Investigation report did not find anything against Buhari. Still, that did not stop the lying journalists at AIT from claiming he was corrupt as the PTF leader though they could not show any proof.
The documentary claimed that Buhari owned and benefited from Afri-Projects Consortium scandals: While I definitely agree that the Afri-Project Consortium did a poor job with the enormous responsibilities it was given as consultants by the PTF, there is no shred of evidence to suggest that Buhari is one of its owners or that he personally benefited from their operations. It is a testament to the deception behind this hogwash documentary that the narrator kept saying “APC” in its presentation of Afri-Projects Consortium to somehow connect the company with APC on a mental level. What a shame.
The truth behind this big fat lie is that Afri-Projects Consortium Ltd is a registered company in Nigeria, and the AIT should have published their Form CO2 and CO7 to show us the real owners. Buhari has constantly challenged everyone to show proof of any ill-gotten wealth in his hands and nobody, including the AIT crew, has been able to do that. The man still lives in a modest house and remains the only former head of state without mansions in Abuja or elsewhere, and yet these idiots would want us to believe he stole billions of dollars.
“The fact that President Jonathan and his paid supporters are desperate to win at all costs is all too obvious, even to the blind,” Dr. Banwo writes. “It is really annoying that every time you ask Jonathan’s supporters to give you a lucid reason why Jonathan should be returned for another

Wednesday, 17 June 2015

Sunil Vaswani Takes over Delta Steel in Multibillion Naira Deal

       
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Sunil Vaswani

• Stallion Group to achieve 1.5m tonnes in local rice production
Crusoe Osagie

Premium Steel & Mines, a company owned by Mr. Sunil Vaswani and other institutional investors, has successfully acquired Delta Steel Company Limited (also known as Aladja Steel) from the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON) in a multibillion naira deal.

AMCON and Premium Steel, THISDAY learnt from sources conversant with the transaction, closed the sale in March this year, paving the way for the new owners to take over the steel plant and all of its non-core assets such as its workers’ quarters, schools and hospitals.

The deal, according to a source, was struck after Premium Steel offered to pay a sum higher than what was paid by Global Steel Holdings Limited (GSHL), promoted by Mr. Pramod Mittal, to the federal government through the Bureau of Public of Enterprises (BPE) almost a decade ago.

BPE had sold Delta Steel in 2006 under controversial circumstances to Pramod Mittal, the younger brother of Lakshmi Mittal, an Indian multibillionaire and Chairman/CEO of ArcelorMittal, the world’s largest steel manufacturer.

However, the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua reversed the privatisation of Delta Steel when it was discovered that GSHL breached the terms of the sale by failing to inject equity into the company.

Instead, it borrowed heavily from Zenith Bank Plc and other Nigerian banks, but failed to repay the banks, thus forcing them to sell their non-performing loans (NPLs) to AMCON between 2011 and 2012.

It was on this basis that AMCON, with the approval of the Federal Ministry of Mines and Steel, undertook to sell the steel complex.
An initial attempt by AMCON to sell the plant in 2013 was botched when a Nigerian consortium failed to meet the payment terms.

AMCON then reopened the process to sell Delta Steel last year under which a Chinese consortium fronted by Nigerians and Premium Steel emerged bidders for the steel plant.

During negotiations with AMCON and its advisers for the sale, Premium Steel was said to have offered more than the Chinese consortium to emerge as the preferred bidder.

Although the source declined to disclose what Premium Steel paid for the Delta plant, he said AMCON sold it at a loss since the NPLs it took over from the banks, including interest charges, were valued at N35 billion on AMCON’s books at the time of the transaction.

However, AMCON felt that it would be better to transfer the plant to new owners with the expertise and financial capacity to inject capital, revitalise Delta Steel and create thousands of jobs.

Efforts to reach Vaswani, who holds dual Indian and Nigerian citizenship, and along with his family owns Stallion Group, an African conglomerate specialising in automobile manufacturing and sales, agriculture and agro-processing, real estate, financial services, steel manufacturing, logistics and shipping, to comment on the transaction were unsuccessful.

The Managing Director/CEO of AMCON, Mr. Mustafa Chike-Obi, was also unavailable for comment.

Delta Steel, a fully integrated steel complex, was set up by the federal government in the 1980s under its industrialisation policy. However, like the Ajaokuta Steel Company in Kogi State, Delta Steel has been lying moribund for decades.

In a statement issued by the company yesterday, Premium Steel said it had established an elaborate plan for revival and is set to resuscitate the plant with new investments of N70 billion in the first phase and N300 billion in further phases.

“The investor’s plan includes a substantial socio-economic value chain in the Delta region, through revival of the current plant to 1 million metric tonnes capacity and thereafter expanding capacities and establishing industries for other value added products.

“The product range at the complex is aimed at optimal utilisation of the country’s mining and gas resources and produce import substitution products, whilst providing gainful employment to the community,” the company said.

It added that a critical area of its plan is also to foster the welfare of the communities with assistance in the areas of education and healthcare.

“Premium has taken over only the assets with a commitment for the restoration of the operations, but the liabilities still remain the responsibility of AMCON and the plant’s receivers,” it said.

In February, the Minister of Mines and Steel Development had appeared before the Senate Committee on Power, Mines and Steel and explained that AMCON had given Delta Steel the opportunity to pay back the loans, but the company was unable to do so and the grace period had long lapsed.

The minister had informed the committee that there were no previous claims that Delta Steel was a privately owned company, but it took loans from the local banks, and by Nigerian law, AMCON was put in place to make sure that banks do not fail.

Despite its acquisition, Premium Steel acknowledged that its challenges as new investors in Delta Steel are “enormous and need perseverance, patience and financial strength for resolution”.

The Delta Steel plant, it said, is in a very bad state of decay with overgrown weeds, burnt down facilities and vandalised equipment and other damaged infrastructure.

“Significant work and investments are required to restore the completely burnt down sub-station, blown off roofing, cannibalised furnaces, rusted scrap management machines, damaged cables and DRI plant.

“Past employees and the communities have suffered immensely for lack of gainful employment and non-settlement of their rightful dues. Their obligations need to be resolved by AMCON after due verification.

“Needless to add, the successful resuscitation of Delta Steel would act as a great catalyst for the restoration of peace and prosperity in the region, while making productive use of gas resources and iron ore reserves available in abundance,” it said.

When fully operational, Premium Steel revealed that the plant is expected to employ in excess of 1,500 employees, expanding to 5,000 over the next phases of expansion and diversification.

“Several suppliers and ancillary industries in the region are also expected to flourish upon the restoration of operations,” it added.
Premium Steel is a large-scale industry operator with international trading operations in several countries, mining operations and steel plants in Turkey.

It has other plans to invest in mining and large-scale industrial projects in Nigeria and sub-Saharan Africa in the next five years.
In addition to the acquisition of Delta Steel, Stallion Group announced yesterday that it had intensified efforts to expand its operations in Nigeria’s fully integrated rice value chain.
In a statement, it said the group’s efforts to increase local rice production commenced as early as 2007 when the associated challenges were more complex.
“Leveraging on the policy impetus provided by the federal government through its Agricultural Transformation Agenda, Stallion Group has already established a major increase in local production to 430,000 metric tonnes per annum.
"The group is targeting production of 1.50 million metric tonnes of rice production in Nigeria through setting up more milling capacities and structured farming activities,” Stallion said in the statement.

Investments by Stallion in the rice supply chain are expected to exceed N30 billion in the coming months, the company said.
The group is producing premium varieties of rice from local paddy being marketed by the company under the names “Royal Stallion Shinkafa” and “Super Champion” which are now amongst the most popular made in Nigeria brands of rice.

Stallion Group Chairman, Vaswani, said: “Sensing the need for local self-sufficiency and alignment with local government’s ambitions for food security, Stallion pioneered investments into backward integration, creating a fully integrated value chain.

“Stallion is working tirelessly to improve farm yields and bring in sustainable and scalable growth to farmers.”
The group said its vision is to preserve and enrich rice production in Nigeria by ensuring genetic integrity of the seed, encouraging farmers to adopt scientific agricultural practices and leveraging world-class rice processing technologies; and emerge as the industry benchmark for product quality and customer service.

According to Stallion, it has established several collection centres spread across rice producing states of Adamawa, Taraba, Benue, Niger, Jigawa, Sokoto and Kano, which not only assist farmers in understanding modern rice farming techniques but also focuses on forming associations with various farmers’ cooperatives and progressive farmers to lead the Nigerian rice revolution.

ThisDay

At 72, there’s limit to what I can do alone, says Buhari



  • By Mohammed Abubakar and Abosede Musari
At Abuja airport: President Muhammadu Buhari (right); Inspector General of Police, Solomon Arase; a presidential aide, Mustapha Balarabe Shehu;  Governors Ibikunle Amosun and Samuel Ortom of Ogun and Benue states as well as others, during Buhari’s arrival from African Union Summit in Johannesburg…yesterday                          PHOTO: PHILIP OJISUA
At Abuja airport: President Muhammadu Buhari (right); Inspector General of Police, Solomon Arase; a presidential aide, Mustapha Balarabe Shehu; Governors Ibikunle Amosun and Samuel Ortom of Ogun and Benue states as well as others, during Buhari’s arrival from African Union Summit in Johannesburg…yesterday PHOTO: PHILIP OJISUA
‘How I wish I became Head of State when I was a governor or just a few years after
• To reopen botched $9.7 million arms deals with Zuma, xenophobic attacks
APPARENTLY determined to fulfil his campaign promises, President Muhammadu Buhari has assured that his administration would work assiduously to make the country safe, manage the economy well, create employment and fight corruption.
The President, who made the remarks when he met Nigerians resident in South Africa, however, admitted that at 72, there were limits to how far he could go in tackling the country’s many ills alone without the support, encouragement and prayers from Nigerians.
Speaking extempore, he also vowed to stop at nothing in confronting insecurity, corruption in the polity and even the public perception of his personality as well as the recent attacks on Nigerians in South Africa, where so many citizens lost their property and other belongings.
And in pursuance of one of the kernels of his programmes, which is to fight corruption, Buhari will meet the head of leading global watchdog on corruption, the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), to see how billions of dollars in oil revenue leakages can be curbed.
Head of the Oslo-based EITI, Clare Short is expected to meet the President or Vice President this week, Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, NEITI revealed.
Short’s visit is to explore ways of helping with long-term reforms. The initiative sets global standards for openness in the natural resources industries.
To earn enough funds to fulfill its campaign promises, a rights group, the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), has urged Buhari to begin the recovery of all revenues in the region of N2.32 trillion that have accrued to the Federal Government from the extractive industries.
Executive Director of CISLAC, Auwal Ibrahim Musa Rafsanjani, said that this amount if verified, is more than 50 per cent of the total expenditure in the 2015 annual budget. “It is also 10 per cent more than the allocation for recurrent expenditure, 75 per cent of the provision for capital allocation and about 65 per cent of the fiscal deficit in the annual budget for the 2015 fiscal year.”
Last week, Executive Secretary of NEITI, Zainab Ahmed had said that over $7.5 billion between 1999 and 2011 was still needed to be recovered from oil and gas companies in Nigeria.
Speaking on the recent xenophobic attacks in South Africa, the President said he and other African leaders have received briefings from the country’s leader.
“I’m told there are 83 Nigerians in prison. I don’t know what they have done but I spoke to the President of South Africa this afternoon, (yesterday). He wants to come to Nigeria. There are issues he knows we have to talk about, I will certainly talk to him. I hope our ambassador will send a comprehensive report about the court cases, about those who lost properties during the disturbances. And at that time I will attempt to ask him about our $9.7 million (arms deal), which was not correctly transferred.
“Government is determined to secure the country, manage the economy, create employment and fight corruption. Some articulate writers have said if we do not kill corruption in Nigeria, corruption will kill Nigeria. This All Progressives Congress (APC) administration intends to kill corruption in Nigeria. We will do our best, I assure you.”
“How I wish I became Head of State when I was a governor or just a few years after, then as a young man, now at 72, there is a limit to what I can do alone. But what brought me here I think mainly is because I love this country. I was in the war front for 30 months during our civil war, I lost a lot of loyal people to me, I lost a relative and a lot of Nigerians did too,’’ Buhari said.
The President lamented the wrong public perception about his person, noting that he had made his contributions to the development of the country, but regretted that his contributions were limited to only the period he served as the chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) under the administration of the late Head of State, General Sani Abacha.
He said: “I was the governor of the North Eastern State comprising six states of Yobe, Borno, Bauchi, Adamawa, Taraba and Gombe, then under Obasanjo, I was the Minister of Petroleum for three and a half years, then Head of State, then chairman of PTF.
“They chose to remember me only as chairman of PTF than as a former Head of State, than a governor or a minister of petroleum. In spite of the fact that it was during my time that I signed the contract for Warri Refinery, Kaduna Refinery, laying more than 3,500 petroleum and gas pipelines, built more than 20 depots, we got the tankers off the road, we saved lives, we saved fuel, we saved the road itself. However, from 1999 till date, PDP has messed it up. That is why Nigerians decided to

Thursday, 11 June 2015

A Week in the Life of President Buhari

 

 
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Simon Kolawole Live! By Simon Kolawole, Email: simon.kolawole@thisdaylive.com, sms: 0805 500 1961

I love Nigerians with all my heart. They always put a smile on your face. Moments after President Muhammadu Buhari was inaugurated on May 29, his tenure was already being appraised on the social media! One witty chap said something like: "It is now 30 minutes since Buhari was sworn in and we still don't have fuel or light!" If that does not make you laugh, nothing else will. Nobody would expect power supply to stabilise in Buhari's first one year, much less in the first 30 minutes! The guy was obviously pulling the legs of Buhari's supporters who had marketed him during the presidential campaign as the solution to all the problems bedevilling Nigeria.
Within hours of Buhari's inauguration, I already knew where his biggest opposition would come from: the social media. In just one week, the signals are emitting furiously. Former President Goodluck Jonathan got the raw taste of the social media venom. At some stage, he described himself as the most abused president in the world. I don't know about that, but there is no president of Nigeria that will not face fierce criticism. People are in pains. Preaching patience to them — in the midst of debilitating fuel shortages, steady blackouts, mangled infrastructure, crippling corruption and high unemployment — is never going to be a fluent homily.
Jonathan is different from Buhari, of course. People did not turn on Jonathan until after several months, and some of these attacks were based on his missteps and pronouncements on duty. But, at least, he was given the benefit of the doubt for a while. He had a prolonged honeymoon— that period when your little mistakes are overlooked and people even make excuses for you. It appears Buhari would not get that kind of favour. As soon as he assumed power, he came under intense scrutiny from certain sections. Except he doesn't read the newspapers or get Twitter updates, he would know by now that he is in for a big fight. He has to brace up.
His wife, Aisha, was the first to come under fire. The fact that she had an "official" portrait — despite the "office" of first lady not existing in the constitution — was criticised. Indeed, Buhari had reportedly said something to the effect that there would be no office of first lady. While we were still at it, a storm started on Aisha's wristwatch seen in the "official portrait". Some critics said it is worth £34,000 (about N10.3 million). They questioned the legendary modesty of the Buharis, but there were also counter arguments that the wife is a successful entrepreneur and has an affluent background. However, to think that nobody ever looked at Patience Jonathan's wristwatch…
The issue of Buhari's asset declaration was soon trending. He had promised, or someone had promised on his behalf, that he would make his asset declaration public on assuming office. He has declared his assets quite all right, but he is yet to send photocopies to journalists. To be sure, public declaration is not a legal requirement. It was President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua who decided to make his own public in 2007. His vice-president, Jonathan, was against it but had to succumb to pressure after it was seen as an affront on his principal. Taking over the driving seat in 2011, Jonathan then refused to make his assets public again.
Asked on national TV why he did not make it public despite popular demand, Jonathan made THAT retort: "I don't give a damn!" It did him no favours. It is now Buhari's turn. Some have tried to defend him over the delay, suggesting that the Code of Conduct Bureau needs to verify his declaration before he can make it public. In truth, this is not true. It is not stipulated anywhere. You simply fill the form and submit it to the CCB after your inauguration. The bureau then verifies and acts if need be. But making the assets public is entirely your decision. No time frame is defined by any law or regulation. And there is no difference between one day and 100 days.
Another highlight of Buhari's week is the trip to Niger and Chad. Someone commented that having condemned Jonathan for seeking help from these same countries in the fight against Boko Haram, Buhari has swiftly betrayed himself. I think there is some misunderstanding here. I don't think Buhari said we should not co-operate with them. He said it was shameful for us to rely on them to bail us out. There is a bit of a difference between cooperation and dependency. Nevertheless, those who said Buhari crushed Chadian rebels and Maitatsine in 1983 and 1984 without foreign help were probably oblivious of the fact that terrorism is a different animal altogether.
Meanwhile, many people are worried that we still don't have a national security adviser, chief of staff, secretary to the government of the federation and service chiefs by now. I am surprised at the delay too, especially as Buhari had two months to prepare for May 29. We should note, however, that nothing says a new president must change service chiefs. President Shehu Shagari inherited Yisa Doko (air force) and Ayinde Adelanwa (navy) in 1979. Yar'Adua did not change service chiefs until well after a year in office. Buhari can, therefore, change them at any time. But there should be an NSA, SGF and chief of staff by now, in my opinion.
The appointment of two spokesmen is yet another highlight of Buhari's week. This is the first time a president would have a special adviser (SA) and a senior special assistant (SSA) both on media and publicity. Under President Olusegun Obasanjo, we had Dr. Doyin Okupe, Mr. Tunji Oseni and Mrs Remi Oyo as SSAs on media and publicity in that order. The first SA on communications (later rebranded media and publicity) was Deacon Olusegun Adeniyi who had a cabinet status under Yar'Adua — a first for a presidential spokesman. On his part Jonathan first had Olorogun Ima Niboro and later Dr. Reuben Abati as SA media and publicity.
Some have tried to defend Buhari's choices, arguing that one will relate with the media and the other with the general public. I think there is some confusion here. Public affairs is not media and publicity. In 1999, Obasanjo created the position of SSA on national orientation and public affairs, which was occupied by Chief Onyema Ugochukwu. But it was later shortened to public affairs when Obasanjo needed a political talking head. In came Chief Femi Fani-Kayode and Mallam Uba Sani in that order. Yar'Adua did not have SSA public affairs. Jonathan did not appoint one until 2013. Having two senior persons in media and publicity is a strange compromise by Buhari.
Meanwhile, Buhari's apparent refusal to show interest in the election of senate president and speaker is also under scrutiny. Many think it is a good development and bodes well for our democracy, but others think he may be digging his own grave. If his opponents install their own candidates, he could find himself boxed into a corner and find it difficult getting things done at the national assembly. Imagine the face-off between Obasanjo and the lawmakers in 2002 and 2003 which stalled a lot of bills. Whichever way Buhari goes, there will be consequences. If he shows interest, he is damned. If he doesn't show interest, he is damned.
All said and done, I am very happy that Buhari is under intense scrutiny. I am happier that he does not enjoy any honeymoon with some of the social media warriors. Although you can argue with the quality of debate on the internet, the fact remains that it is a reflection of the views and feelings of the predominantly youthful Nigerians. Some Twitter elite believe it was their tweets that made Buhari president — and he indeed acknowledged their support in his inaugural speech — so the president cannot afford to ignore this community if he does not want to get the Jonathan treatment. He needs to watch his steps because he is being closely watched.
And now, we eagerly await Buhari's second week in power...
QUOTE================================
"It appears Buhari would not get a honeymoon. As soon as he assumed power, he came under intense scrutiny from certain sections. Except he doesn't read the newspapers or get Twitter updates, he would know by now that he is in for a big fight. He has to brace up"
=======================================


AND FOUR OTHER THINGS


BOKO AGAIN
Boko Haram's resurgence worries me. Are we entering another phase of the insurgency? For a moment, I feared the PDP would issue a statement accusing President Buhari of incompetence — and APC would then reply by saying PDP was sponsoring Boko Haram. This was the politics these parties played for four years. Some of us kept arguing that neither President Jonathan nor APC was behind Boko Haram, but only a few people listened to us. Permit me to repeat what I said throughout Jonathan's tenure: the president needs the support of all parties and all Nigerians to defeat Boko Haram. Incontrovertible.
TAMBUWAL SYNDROME
When you liberalise the political space — meaning things should run their course — the result could be as exciting as it is discomforting. In 2011, the PDP zoned speakership to the south-west, but Hon. Aminu Tambuwal, working with the opposition and rebel PDP members, was resoundingly elected speaker above his party's choice. If my analysis is right, the scenario will play out again. I have a funny feeling that the APC is powerless in anointing its preferred candidates for the country's No. 3 and No. 4 positions. There is every chance the "unofficial" candidates would become senate president and speaker. Showdown.
BPE MESS
One government agency that President Buhari will have to turn his searchlight on is, no doubt, the Bureau for Public Enterprises (BPE). The pile of allegations of misdeeds cannot be overlooked by any serious president. Recently, the disengaged PHCN employees embarked on a protest over unpaid entitlements. Yet, the BPE made a curious payment of N500 million to the office of the accountant-general of the federation for "consultancy" over PHCN's privatisation. What sort of payment is that? Does this make any sense when former employees are yet to be paid? Was the payment from the proceeds of the privatisation? Questions.
TYPHOID FIFA
When Europe and the US started hounding Sepp Blatter and other members of the FIFA hierarchy after Russia and Qatar were awarded the hosting rights of the 2018 and 2022 World Cup, my initial reaction was that of resentment. I told myself we would never have heard about corruption in FIFA if the US and England had not lost their bids to host the World Cup. But the revelations now gushing out of the FIFA horrendously stinking sewage of graft should lay to rest any doubts on the foul play in the world football governing body. Reform is inevitable. Decadent.

Saraki, Dogara and APC's 'Naivety’

 

 
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The Verdict By Olusegun Adeniyi: olusegun.adeniyi@thisdaylive.com
Following the election of Dr. Bukola Saraki and Hon. Yakubu Dogara as Senate President and House of Representatives' Speaker respectively on Tuesday, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Publicity Secretary, Olisa Metuh, released a cynical statement, telling the All Progressives Party (APC) to “stop whining and accept the will of the people, respect the independence of the legislature, as the PDP is not responsible for their naivety and crass inexperience.”
I believe that the APC leaders will do well to heed that admonition. The statement released after the party had been out-snookered by Saraki and Dogara was to say the least, very disappointing. Such disposition is not in any way helpful to their cause or that of President Muhammadu Buhari. To imagine that the person you needed to truncate a legally convened legislative session is the Inspector General of Police rather than the Clerk of the National Assembly was poor judgement. And not following on what was happening within the PDP camp was a sign that the APC leaders still need to learn the ropes when it comes to high-wire politics in Abuja.
The night before the election, 47 PDP Senators had gathered at the Apo Legislative Quarters’ residence of the immediate past Senate President David Mark to present to him three options. Option one: Exploit the division within the rank of the APC by sponsoring Mark to contest for the office of Senate President. The argument was that by the Senate rule, all that a winner needed was a simple majority and since neither of the two APC contenders (Ahmed Lawan and Bukola Saraki) would likely step down for the other, Mark would get more votes. The reasoning was that once that happened, Mark could take the gavel. The only thing the APC could do in such situation would be to go to court. But Mark declined the offer. Option two: Conduct a mock poll among themselves (the PDP Senators in attendance) on who between the two APC candidates, (Ahmed Lawan and Bukola Saraki) they should back but with the proviso that PDP would produce the Deputy Senate President. That was something they were not prepared to negotiate. Option three: Nominate another Senator in APC and give him their block vote in what would amount to divide and rule.
This option has a precedent. A similar scenario played out at the Cross River State House of Assembly in 1991 during the transition to civil rule programme of General Ibrahim Babangida when there were two political parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). While Mr. Clement Ebri of the NRC won the gubernatorial election, his party secured only 12 of the 25 seats in the House of Assembly with the SDP winning the remaining 13.
On the day of the election of Speaker, there was drama. The moment the SDP nominated its candidate for the office, a member from the NRC nominated another SDP member to be Speaker and he went on to win on the strength of his own vote added to that of the 12 NRC members. As it would happen, the said SDP member had done a deal with the NRC by trading away the position of Deputy Speaker.

By Monday night, at the end of what was the third PDP meeting in Mark’s house, it was the second option that was adopted. But with 32 of the 49 PDP Senators coming from the South-east and South-south, there was a strong argument at the meeting that Lawan, most favoured by Mark, holds extreme views when it comes to the issue of North and South. “He is, in fact, seen as a northern irredentist. From the PIB debate to confirmation of appointments to state of emergency and insurgency debates, Lawan employs hurtful, arrogant, and clearly divisive dictions”, said a returning Senator from the South-east. That gave Saraki a huge advantage.

However, the biggest odd against Saraki was that he had long-running ego issues with Mark who considers him arrogant and disrespectful. There was also an argument at the meeting that supporting Saraki by PDP would be like rewarding bad behavior since he was one of the people who brought the party down. However, Ekweremadu argued in Saraki’s favour that he is more cosmopolitan and nationalistic in his approach to issues. A PDP Senator also told Mark that even if Saraki was a prodigal son, he was at least once a member of the family, hence it would be easier to work with him than with someone like Lawan who had never been a member of PDP in the last 16 years of his membership of National Assembly (eight years in the House and eight in the Senate).

So, even before the PDP Senators began to cast their mock ballots, it had been concluded that with Lawan being the choice of the APC, it was more pragmatic to go with Saraki who had been sounded out and had agreed to run with a PDP man for the office of Deputy Senate President. The choice of Ekweremadu was also strategic because, being very close to Mark, that helped to douse whatever ill-feeling the former Senate President may harbour against Saraki. There was also a strong anti-Tinubu sentiment at the meeting as many of the Senators argued that a vote for Lawan would be a vote for the APC National Leader. It was the same sentiment that was employed against Gbajabiamila in the House of Representatives.

With the mock poll conducted among the PDP Senators while Mark and Ekweremadu abstained, Saraki polled 28 votes and Lawan secured 17 votes. By this time, the acting PDP National Chairman, Chief Uche Secondus and Metuh, who were practically in Mark’s house throughout Monday, had entered the fray to seal the decision of the Senators as that of the party. And Saraki was brought into the meeting where he agreed to offer the position of Deputy Senate President to the PDP, specifically to Ekweremadu.

However, once the APC leaders got wind of the PDP decision, a meeting was immediately scheduled for 9am at the International Conference Centre, just one hour ahead of the time that the National Assembly was supposed to be inaugurated. Meanwhile, since the president had already transmitted to the Clerk of the National Assembly the proclamation order and did not withdraw it, Mark and Ekweremadu, experienced in such matters (with sufficient clout to put pressure on the Clerk) knew the APC Senators were misreading the rule of the game by staying away from their inaugural session on the pretext of holding a party meeting elsewhere. To worsen matters, attempts were made to use the police to prevent the National Assembly members from entering the premises. Who gave the directive is still a matter of speculations but it only infuriated the PDP Senators who rallied behind Saraki who had also got some of his APC senate colleagues to attend the session. By 6am, Saraki was already inside the National Assembly premises.
10am on the dot, the Clerk of the National Assembly commenced the session for the election of principal officers in the Senate. With Lawan and several of his APC colleagues still marooned at the International Conference Centre (ICC), Saraki was nominated for the post of Senate President and since he was unopposed and there were enough senators to make a simple majority, there was no contest. By the time the APC leaders and the senators (who were still expecting the president to arrive the ICC) realised the futility of their action, it was all over. Many of course rushed back to the National Assembly only to meet Saraki holding the gavel as the Senate President.
However, in what is perhaps a clear pointer that there are testy days ahead, Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu, yesterday accused both the Clerk of the National Assembly and Saraki of snubbing President Buhari’s request that the time of the inauguration be shifted forward in order for the meeting with the APC lawmakers to hold.
“I am talking about the Clerk, Governor Saraki, the key characters in all of these (who) had sufficient information directly or indirectly coming to them that the President will be meeting the party members and the party chairman was present on the ground. Assumption would have been that every loyal and committed party member would have presented themselves to the party and to their President. That did not happen yesterday (Tuesday)”, said Shehu.
The presidential spokesman, who was on ‘Sunrise Daily’, a morning programme on Channels TV, said while 51 APC Senators chose to respect the president by going to the ICC for the scheduled meeting, some others deliberately stayed away. “The party had begun a process and concluded it and some of these actors were part of that process. They knew what had happened. There was a shadow election of some sort. It is clear that there was nothing accidental in all of these things that happened. There was a shadow election in which leaders were chosen on the platform of the political party and it was complete. There was no doubt about it,” he said.
With such statement coming from a presidential spokesman, the days ahead are definitely worrying for the ruling party and its relationship with the National Assembly. However, to put what happened in proper context, we have to go back to the origin of the APC. The party is an amalgam of politicians with disparate interests and from different camps whose main agenda was to wrest control of power (and government) from then incumbent, Dr Goodluck Jonathan. Each of the principal actors had his/her own grouse against Jonathan and they all came together with their individual ambitions.
For instance, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar was pursuing his long-running presidential ambition just as the former Kano Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso was. In the meantime, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was positioning himself to be running mate to Buhari while Saraki never disguised his ambition to be Senate President should the APC win. However, following the emergence of Buhari as the APC candidate, Saraki ganged up with others like former Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi, Kwankwaso and Atiku to block the emergence of Tinubu as Buhari’s running mate. Whatever the other misgivings, that was the beginning of Tinubu’s antagonism towards the idea of Saraki’s emergence as Senate President. But there are other forces that moved against the former Kwara State Governor.
I understand that some of the people close to Buhari were also not comfortable with the idea of Saraki as Senate President. Aside seeing him as an ambitious politician who could possibly have an eye on the 2019 presidency, there is also the allegation that before the election, Saraki was hedging his bets. As the story goes, Saraki was the first person sounded out to be the Director General of Buhari’s presidential campaign but he cleverly turned it down on the pretext that he would prefer to play a role that would give him the latitude to reach out to all sides of the APC divides, apparently with his own ambition in mind.
What the foregoing shows clearly is that the APC leaders that are talking about party discipline are simply being hypocritical. APC was more a special purpose vehicle to get power than any cohesive group of men and women sharing the same vision. That explains why just a few minutes after the party’s national publicity secretary, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, issued a scathing statement about Saraki and Dogara, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who is being slated to chair the APC Board of Trustees would congratulate them. Meanwhile, the president himself has accepted the outcome as a fait accompli.

Even before the latest fiasco, the contradictions within the APC are all there to see. For instance, Dr. Samuel Ortom was a minister in President Jonathan’s cabinet who contested and lost the PDP gubernatorial ticket, crossed over to the APC, secured its gubernatorial ticket and is today a governor on the platform of the party. Ditto for Senator Barnabas Gemade, a former PDP National Chairman whose senatorial ticket was taken away from him by former Governor Gabriel Suswan. He simply moved to the APC where he was handed the party’s ticket with which he defeated Suswan. There are hundreds of such cases across the country today which then means that the APC has a lot of work to do before it can be a party of shared ideals.
However, to the extent that Dogara’s deputy is from the APC, the problem in the House of Representatives will be easier to resolve. But how does APC reconcile itself to the fact that the Deputy Senate President is from another party? Saraki himself must be in a quandary over the choices he made. How do those colleagues of his who were backing him feel now that their candidate has practically been taken over by the opposition party? Dealing with these issues in the days and possibly weeks ahead will not be easy either for Saraki or the APC.

Dangote, Adenuga and the Nigerian Condition

Last Thursday in Mugher District in Oramia National Region, the Ethiopian Dangote Cement Plant was commissioned by Prime Minister Ato Hailemariam Desalegn. While the ceremony was impressive with the presence of who-is-who in Ethiopia and several top Nigerian business leaders, the subtext came in the opening remark by Alhaji Aliko Dangote that “because of the reliability of power supply of the Ethiopian national grid, our Mugher Plant is connected to the grid for base supply. With the exception of South Africa, all our other plants in Africa including those in Nigeria are connected to our own captive generation for base supply.”
That admission brought to fore the challenge of electricity supply in Nigeria and the reason why the cost of doing business in our country has become so high with all the attendant consequences for our economy. Unfortunately, this is an issue for which I have practically been blackmailed into silence because whenever I broach it, I am quickly reminded that the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua “caused the problem”. While I admit, with a benefit of hindsight, that my late boss made some mistakes in the manner he handled the power sector, the fact also remains that five years after his death no solution has worked which then suggests that the problem might be far deeper than what one man did or did not do.
However, whatever may be the misgivings about the power situation in Nigeria; I was delighted by something that happened when we arrived Addis Ababa at the wee hours of Thursday last week. As we (about 16 of us in the aircraft) switched on our mobile phones, we were immediately connected to the Ethiopian MTN network. As it would happen, the Nigerian MTN line did not work neither did any of the other mobile lines, except one: Globacom! The message from that experience for me was simple: If we apply ourselves enough, we can resolve the power situation the way we have done with telecoms while the example of Globacom teaches that Nigerians have the capacity to play in any sector and be successful.
Unfortunately, here is so much obsessions about politics at a time we should be paying greater attention to the economy. We need to get the power sector right but beyond that, we need to encourage entrepreneurship at every level so that we can put our people to work. That, for me is the value of Dangote and Dr. Mike Adenuga (Jr) who have dared the odds in our country and have succeeded to the extent that their companies are now becoming multinationals within the continent and by so doing, spreading the Nigerian brand.

In his opening remark last Thursday in Ethiopia, Dangote revealed that the Dangote Cement is currently simultaneously setting up new cement plants and terminals across some 16 African countries. “The Ethiopian plant is our sixth offshore plant that has commenced operations in Africa outside Nigeria. The other countries where our plants are currently running include Senegal, Cameroon, Ghana, South Africa and Zambia. In a few months from now, we will also commission our plant in Tanzania. Our plants in other African countries, which are in various stages of construction, are scheduled for completion next year”, he said.
With a projection that each of the plants would create thousands of direct and indirect jobs, Dangote disclosed that the Ethiopian project was funded entirely from his company’s cash flow and savings without any borrowing. But he lamented a situation in which American citizens could enter almost all the countries within the continent without visas whereas even he is restrained. “We must break down the barriers and borders between our countries, and allow free flow of goods, services and people. For instance, as a Nigerian, I need visas to visit more than half of the 54 African countries, while an Ethiopian needs visas to travel to 78 percent of African countries. As a matter of fact, only 14 out of our 54 African countries (Seychelles, Mali, Uganda, Cape Verde, Togo, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Mauritania, Rwanda, Burundi, Comoros, Madagascar, Somalia and Senegal) offer visa-free or visa-on-arrival access to citizens of all African countries”, he said.
I know from experience that anytime I write about Dangote, I get criticised by those who are fixated about the fact that the system has been generous to him. I am well aware of that. But what many ignore, as I usually counter, is that the transition from trading into manufacturing, as Dangote did, was a risky enterprise that required guts and now that it has paid off for him, we should not begrudge him his rewards. Besides, the illustration I often use is the Biblical parable of talents (a most profound teaching by the Lord Jesus Christ) that is set within the context of investments and productivity (Matthew 25: 14-30).
As the parable goes, shortly before embarking on a journey, a rich man delegated the management of his wealth to three servants by giving five talents to one, two talents to another and one talent to a third. While, upon his return, the first two earned him a hundred percent profit on his investments, the third servant who had buried his talent in the ground returned it without profit.
In his exposition on the parable, Hugh Whelchel argues that since the Bible makes it clear that the master understood the capacity of each servant, that then explained the disparity in the number of talents given them. “We want to protest this as unfair. Yet we know this is true from our own experience. But even though we’re not created equal in regard to the talents we’re given, there is equality found in the Parable of the Talents. It comes from the fact that it takes just as much work for the five-talent servant to produce five more talents as it does the two-talent servant to produce two more talents. This is why the reward given by the master is the same. The master measures success by degrees of effort…The unfaithful steward in this parable didn’t so much waste the master’s money – he wasted an opportunity”, wrote Whelchel.
I have heard stories from some business competitors of both Dangote and Adenuga about how ruthless they can be and I will not defend them on those scores. In any case, Mario Puzo, in his classic, ‘The Godfather’, has already made it clear that you don’t amass stupendous wealth in any society without breaking some rules. But to the extent that fortunes favour the brave, I will say that the duo of Dangote and Adenuga deserve the rewards for all the risks they take.
The point here is simple: For every Dangote and Adenuga that the Nigerian State has given either five or two ‘talents’, there are thousands of other Nigerian businessmen who have been handed a ‘talent’ each. And most of them have squandered those ‘talents’. Indeed, if a tenth of the number of the people who were handed one ‘talent’ each had been faithful, Nigeria would be a better country today. Therefore, when many of us argue that we need more Dangotes and Adenugas in Nigeria, we are not talking about the quantum of ‘talents’ they have been given but rather in the efforts they put in while deploying those ‘talents’ for the advancement of our society.
More than at any period in our history, we need to grow the economy and put our people to work. Doing that means providing the right environment and encouraging private entrepreneurship at practically all levels. Essentially because of that, this page will begin to focus more on entrepreneurship and I will appreciate inputs from readers who can help identify some of our young business people (preferably under 40) and what they do. Of course, I will do my due diligence before promoting such people but it is time we began to celebrate Nigerian business owners who employ our people and are adding value to our society.
If anything, the Ethiopian trip opened my eyes to the self-abuse to which some of our successful business owners subject themselves. We arrived Addis Ababa and checked into the Sheraton Addis by 2.30am on Thursday, left the hotel by 7am for the two-hour bus-ride to the cement plant, concluded the ceremony by 1pm, got back to the hotel at about 3pm, picked our luggage and headed for the airport. By 4pm we were already airborne and we arrived Nigeria by 8.30pm same day! That, I understand, is the kind of crazy schedules Dangote keeps almost every day. As for the reclusive Adenuga, he is hardly ever seen because he is always minding his business, literally and figuratively.
Yet, if tasked, I can list more than a hundred Nigerians who are billionaires yet have no daytime job and they hardly task themselves beyond playing golf, attending parties and giving in to all forms of vanities. These are people who employ no more than drivers, cooks, gardeners, stewards and the likes—personal staff who merely minister to their indulgences and those of their families.
Thanks to social media, at least many Nigerians have read about some idle oil barons who waste hundreds of thousands of dollars ferrying around some super models in their private jets from Monaco Grand Prix to Horse races in London. We also know of those who sponsor hundreds of their friends to go and attend the wedding ceremonies of their children in Dubai. Many of these characters, creations of the Nigerian State and its rent system, have no visible investment anywhere within our country and they create no jobs. Yet, to the extent that the challenge of the moment is that of how far individual beneficiaries of state patronage are prepared to go in investing their advantages in productive enterprises, we must commend both Dangote and Adenuga.
Even their most implacable foes would concede that the duo have made the great crossing from passive receptacles of state patronage into active engines of economic productivity and growth. In addition, both men have been creative and innovative in their chosen areas of investment. The important lesson therefore is that no matter the source of their wealth, the Nigerian business oligarchs cannot defy the fundamental ethics of capitalism which are hard work and discipline. Those are the attributes that have set Dangote and Adenuga apart from the rest.

How Saraki, Dogara Snookered APC with the Help of PDP.

    

 
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R-L, Senator Bukola Saraki and Hon. Yakubu Dogara

  • Lawan's group vows to fight on, may head to court
  • Na’Abba, others urge reconciliation with Dogara
  • Former Kwara gov says he remains APC member
  • PDP insists ruling party is not ready for governance
THE INSIDE STORY (RLB)
Olusegun Adeniyi, Chuks Okocha, Omololu Ogunmade, Muhammad Bello in Abuja and Anayo Okoli in Lagos

More facts have emerged on what transpired on the eve of the National Assembly polls, which threw up Senator Bukola Saraki as the Senate president, Senator Ike Eweremadu as his deputy, Hon. Yakubu Dogara as the Speaker of the House of Representatives and Hon. Suleiman Yusuf Lasun as the deputy speaker.

Saraki, Dogara, Ekweremadu and Lasun had beaten all the anointed candidates of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) on Tuesday, in a high-stakes contest that was preceded by political horse-trading, deception and subterfuge on both sides of the divide.

Based on first hand accounts by some of the dramatis personae involved in the late night meetings and machinations before the inauguration of the National Assembly, THISDAY gathered, was that APC chieftains made the mistake of using the police to shut down the National Assembly as early as 5 am on Tuesday to prevent members from gaining entry into the complex and delaying the legislature’s inauguration by an hour or two.

The plan by the ruling party, according to a source, was to use President Muhammadu Buhari’s name to convene a meeting at 9am at the International Conference Centre (ICC), Abuja, of all APC legislators-elect.

The intention was for the party’s leaders to prevail on Saraki and Dogara to step down for Senator Ahmed Lawan and Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, the favoured candidates of the party for Senate presidency and the post of speaker, respectively.

But this turned out to be a major mistake on the part of APC, as it was not the police it needed to delay proceedings at the National Assembly, but the Clerk of the National Assembly, Alhaji Salisu Maikasuwa, as by virtue of his office, it was he who had been notified in writing by Buhari of the legislature’s inauguration by 10 am on Tuesday.

The source said that without another letter or notification by the president to the clerk informing him that the time of the inauguration had been shifted by a few hours, he had no option than to stick to the original time of 10 am.

According to a source, “To imagine that the person you need to truncate a legally convened legislative session is the police rather than the Clerk of the National Assembly was naive.”

However, it was what transpired on Monday night during a meeting held by senators elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and members of the National Working Committee (NWC) of the opposition party at the residence of the former Senate President, David Mark, that sounded the death knell on APC’s plan for the federal legislature.

Giving details of what transpired, a PDP senator, who was in attendance, said: “The night before the election, 47 PDP senators had gathered at the Apo Legislative Quarters residence of the immediate past Senate President David Mark to present to him three options.

“Option one: Exploit the division within the ranks of the APC by sponsoring Mark to contest for the office of Senate president. The argument was that by the Senate rule, all that a winner needed was a simple majority and since neither of the two APC contenders – Lawan and Saraki – would likely step down for the other, Mark would get more votes.

“The reasoning was that once that happened, Mark could take the gavel. The only thing the APC could do in such situation would be to go to court. But Mark declined the offer.

“Option two: Conduct a poll among themselves (the PDP senators in attendance) on who between the two APC candidates (Lawan and Saraki) they should back but with the proviso that PDP would produce the Deputy Senate President. That was something they were not
prepared to negotiate.

“Option three: Nominate another senator in APC and give him their bloc vote in what would amount to divide and rule.”

He said since everyone in attendance zeroed in on the second option, a disagreement arose on which of the two senators the PDP should support.

“But with 32 out of the 49 PDP senators coming from the South-east and South-south, there were strong sentiments expressed at the meeting that Lawan, most favoured by Mark, holds extreme views when it comes to the issue of North and South.

“He is, in fact, seen as a northern irredentist. From the PIB debate to confirmation of appointments, to the state of emergency and insurgency debates, Lawan employs hurtful, arrogant, and clearly divisive dictions,” said the returning senator. Based on this argument, this gave Saraki a huge advantage.

In order to reach an accord on who to back, the PDP senators then decided to conduct a poll, THISDAY was informed.

However, the major snag with Saraki, THISDAY learnt, was that there was no love lost between the former Kwara governor and Mark, who considered him arrogant and disrespectful.

Another bone of contention was that supporting Saraki by PDP would have amounted to rewarding bad behaviour since he was one of the people who brought the party down.

However, the senator said Ekweremadu made a strong case for Saraki, arguing that he was more cosmopolitan and nationalistic in his approach to issues.

“A PDP senator also told Mark that even if Saraki was a prodigal son, he was at least once a member of the family, hence it would be easier to work with him than with Lawan who had never been a member of PDP in 16 years of his membership of the National Assembly – eight years in the House and eight in the Senate,” said the senator.

“So even before the PDP senators began to cast their mock ballots, it had been concluded that with Lawan being the choice of the APC, it was more pragmatic to go with Saraki who had been sounded out and had agreed to run with a PDP senator for the office of Deputy Senate President.

“The choice of Ekweremadu was also strategic because, being very close to Mark, that helped to douse whatever ill-feeling the former Senate president may habour against Saraki,” the senator said.

He added that many at the meeting were also galvanised by a strong anti-Bola Tinubu sentiment, as many of the senators had argued that a vote for Lawan would be a vote for the APC National Leader.

He said: “It was the same sentiment that was employed against Gbajabiamila in the House of Representatives,” he explained.

With the mock poll conducted among the PDP senators while Mark and Ekweremadu abstained, Saraki polled 28 votes and Lawan secured 17 votes.

“By this time, the acting PDP National Chairman, Chief Uche Secondus and Metuh, who were practically in Mark’s house throughout Monday, had entered the fray to seal the decision of the senators as that of the party. And Saraki was brought into the meeting where he agreed to offer the position of Deputy Senate President to the PDP, specifically to Ekweremadu,” he added.

Another source said that it was the outcome of the PDP meeting and its announcement in the wee hours of Tuesday morning enjoining its members in the National Assembly to vote en masse for Saraki and Dogara that prompted the APC to convene a meeting at the ICC on Tuesday.

“The name of the president was used to convene the meeting, even though nobody can say with any degree of certainty that he gave such directive, especially considering that he only arrived the country from Germany at about 2 that morning,” the source said.

However, since the president had already transmitted to the Clerk of the National Assembly the proclamation order and did not withdraw it, Mark and Ekweremadu, who are experienced in such matters and wield sufficient clout to put pressure on the clerk, knew the APC senators were misreading the rules of the game by staying away from their inaugural session on the pretext of holding a party meeting elsewhere, said the source.

“To worsen matters, attempts were made to use the police to prevent the National Assembly members from entering the premises. Who gave the directive is still a matter of speculation.

“But it only infuriated the PDP senators who rallied behind Saraki and who had also got some of his APC senate colleagues to attend the session. By 6am, Saraki was already inside the National Assembly premises.

“So by 10 am on the dot, the Clerk of the National Assembly commenced the session for the election of principal officers in the Senate. With Lawan and several of his APC colleagues still marooned at the ICC, Saraki was nominated for the post of Senate president and since he was unopposed, and there were enough senators to make a simple majority, there was no contest.

“By the time the APC leaders and the senators who were still expecting the president to arrive the ICC realised the futility of their action, it was all over. Many rushed back to the National Assembly only to meet Saraki holding the gavel as the Senate president,” the source said.

He said the outcome of what had happened in the Senate had a bandwagon effect on the election in the House as Gbajabiamila, who actually had a slight edge over Dogara prior to the content, failed to clinch the post of speaker by a whisker.

But in spite of the emergence of Saraki as Senate president, the Senate Unity Forum, a group of senators who supported the aspiration of Lawan for the top post, on Wednesday held the view that the election of presiding officers of the parliament on Tuesday was illegitimate and unconstitutional.

They threatened to fight it through legal and constitutional means.
This happened even as Saraki, swore in Lawan, Senator George Akume and other members of his group who were not present at the inauguration of the Eighth Senate on Tuesday.

Lawan and his men said their privileges had been breached by the election of presiding officers while they were away for a scheduled meeting with the president at the ICC. The meeting never took place.
At the commencement of the plenary yesterday, members of the group, notably Senators Kabir Marafa (Zamfara Central) and Barnabas Gemade (Benue North-east) raised points of order in protest of Saraki's emergence, saying their privileges had been breached.

Marafa cited Orders 15 and 43 to express the alleged breach of his privileges. But he was ruled out of order by the Senate president who said he should have briefed him before raising Order 43.

Marafa claimed that they were shut out of the election while they were away to honour the invitation of Buhari to a meeting.

However, Senator Danjuma Goje (Gombe Central), who is one of the staunch supporters of Saraki, countered the claim through a constitutional point of order, citing Section 64(3) of the constitution on the president's power to proclaim the Senate into existence.

According to him, the claim that the senators went to attend a scheduled meeting with the president was untenable, recalling that the Clerk of the National Assembly had read the proclamation letter from the president in accordance with provisions of the constitution.

Goje said inasmuch as the president had ordered the inauguration of the Eighth Senate, “whoever decided to go for another meeting had himself to blame”. His point of order was sustained by Saraki.

Dissatisfied, Gemade who is the spokesman for Senate Unity Forum again cited Order 15 of the Senate Rules, emphasising that his privilege along with his colleagues’ were breached by the election conducted in their absence.

Gemade argued that the previous leaderships of the parliament had always forged a united Senate, which according to him, had provided the platform for senators to care for one another.

He stated that the president had called APC senators to a meeting and simultaneously asked the clerk to delay the proclamation while the meeting lasted.

He said it was unfortunate that the clerk chose to exhibit a measure of disrespect for the president by ignoring such a plea and instead, went ahead to proclaim the Eighth National Assembly into existence.

“In the seventh Senate, the need to foster a united Senate was found to be vital. There were no intricacies about the desire to care for one another. We were requested to be at a meeting with the president who also gave a letter of proclamation.

“We were told in clear terms that the clerk was approached to give a reasonable delay of the proclamation. We have always cooperated with the president of this nation. The president sought a slight delay to be able to meet with senators. Respect begets respect.

“We expected the clerk to be reasonable. Unfortunately, this was not done. While we were at the meeting, the television was showing the exercise going on. This was a breach of our privileges,” he maintained.
Gemade then pointed out that the unity of the Senate should be sacrosanct for both the leadership of the chamber as well as the nation, threatening that if pursued otherwise, Saraki should be prepared to lead a divided Senate.

“Driving the unity of the Senate is in the interest of this country. But if you want to use power maximally, then you should know that you are heading for a divided Senate that will not be good for your leadership; that will not also be good for this country,” he warned.

Responding, Saraki cited Order 53 of the Senate Rules, which according to him, provides that any matter that has been concluded cannot be reopened.

He said the matter that Gemade referred to had already been concluded and hence should be a forgone conclusion, adding: "Unfortunately, I have to rule you out of order.”

In apparent indifference to ongoing controversies in the chamber, Ekweremadu moved a motion that following the election of the presiding officers of the Senate on Tuesday, a letter should be sent to the president informing him of the development.

He also said messages should be sent to other affected individuals and groups such as the African Union (AU), Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA), Inter-parliamentary Union (IPU), ECOWAS Parliament and Pan-African Union about the situation. The motion was adopted and consequently passed.

Thereafter, senators under the Senate Unity Forum walked out of the chamber and assembled in Hearing Room One to address the press. At the briefing, Gemade denied the speculations that Tuesday’s inauguration was boycotted, describing such reports as unfounded.

He stated that as loyal party members, they would explore political and legal means to strengthen democracy.

He reiterated that the inauguration was done while they were away, implying that the process which threw up the Senate president was unconstitutional and illegitimate.

He also said with only 57 senators in attendance, the Senate did not possess the required quorum of two-thirds majority for the election of presiding officers when Saraki was elected.

“This process which remains unconstitutional cannot confer legitimacy to the elected Senate president. Our right to participate in the election of the Senate president is a constitutional right which cannot be taken by any person or group of persons.

“The clerk of the National Assembly knowing fully well that the quorum for the election of the Senate president had not been met, went ahead to conduct an election that shuts the door to about 53 other senators which would remain unacceptable until what would meet democratic parameters is done,” Gemade said.

But in a counter-press briefing, the convener of Senators of Like Mind, the group, which worked for Saraki’s emergence, Senator Dino Melaye, said the Senate under Saraki's leadership would reach out to the aggrieved senators.

Giving reasons why his group would reach out to them, Melaye said: “You cannot beat a child and expect him not to cry.”

He also faulted the claim by the unity forum that a meeting was called by Buhari, arguing that the president could not have issued a proclamation letter and simultaneously called for a meeting.

He also said if the meeting had been called by the president, it would have been scheduled to hold either at the Presidential Villa or Defence House and not at the ICC.

He further alleged that a similar kite was flown on Monday when it was said that Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo had invited them to a meeting in ICC, only to get there to discover that he was not available.

He said they ignored the call for Tuesday’s meeting having been once deceived.

He also faulted the claim that two-thirds majority were required to elect presiding officers, disclosing that Order 10(1) of Senate Standing Rules makes it clear that only one-third of 109 senators constitute the quorum for any meeting and not two-thirds.

In the House, nonetheless, past presiding and principal officers of the House yesterday appealed to the APC not to rock the boat by maintaining the status quo.

This was as the House Wednesday held its first sitting after Tuesday's inauguration under the Speaker Yakubu Dogara. Afterwards it adjourned till June 23.

The call for reconciliation was made by Hon. Ghali Umar Na’Abba on behalf of other former Speakers of the House, who led the group on a courtesy call to Dogara.

Among the former Speakers in attendance were Hon. Patricia Olubunmi Etteh, Hon. Agunwa Anaekwe, and Hon. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal. Also present were former deputy speakers: Babangida Nguroje and Emeka Ihedioha.

Other former principal officers in attendance included the immediate past Leader of the House, Mulikat Akande-Adeola and her deputy, Leo Okuweh Ogor, immediate past Chief Whip, Mohammed Ishaka Bawa, his deputy, Hon. Muhammed Mukhtar, and the immediate past Deputy Minority Leader, Suleiman Abdulrahman Kawu, among others.

Na'aba called on APC to view the election of Dogara from the prism that the legislature all over the world is at its optimum best when it is independent.

He said: “Lawmakers yesterday (Tuesday) achieved another democratic revolution against the imposition of leaders by political parties.
“This has happened not to spite our party but that the legislature under a democratic setting must be independent.

“What happened yesterday was an effort by lawmakers of both the APC and the PDP to ensure their independence as lawmakers.

“Whatever must have happened, the new leadership must not be castigated and scorned but should be seen as a means of charting a new legislative course for the benefit of all Nigerians.”

The ex-speaker, who is also a member of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the APC, admonished Dogara to reach out with his team to the party and his aggrieved colleagues with a view to mending fences.
He urged the speaker to imbibe the spirit of tolerance, consideration and acceptance as his watchword.

In his response, Dogara expressed appreciation to the delegation, saying that he felt humbled and honoured to receive them.

He assured them of his commitment to work for the peace and stability of the House with a view to attaining set legislative agenda that would complement the efforts of the executive in trying the bring about the change Nigerians voted for.

During plenary, Dogara had read two messages listed on the Order Paper to his colleagues.

The first was a letter to be conveyed to the Senate informing it that he and Lasun had been elected as speaker and deputy speaker respectively.

The second message was a similar letter to be sent to Buhari that they were ready to receive any message he may wish to transmit to them.
Meanwhile, Saraki yesterday commended Buhari for the role he played before and after the National Assembly elections, saying it was a great mark of leadership and a demonstration of the president's commitment to democracy.

In a statement issued by his media office, Saraki commended the president for remaining steadfast in his commitment to the principle of non-interference in National Assembly politics even in the face of great pressure on him to act otherwise.

“This shows that Mr. President is a man of great conviction who, in his own words, belongs to everyone and belongs to no one," he said.
Saraki also denied the speculations that he had plans to rejoin the PDP, describing the insinuation as “absurd and laughable”.

“It is just cheap blackmail by political adversaries who want to call a dog a bad name in order to hang it. And those making such desperate allegations should remember that I willingly left the PDP on matters of principles when the party was in power.

“Is it now that the party is out of government and in opposition that I will now return, having worked so hard for my party in the last general election?” he queried.

He stressed his commitment to the APC, saying he remained a loyal party member and a leader of the party, committed to contributing his quota to building the party and helping it to deliver its promise of change to the Nigerian people.

He urged all members of the National Assembly to put politicking behind them and settle down for the proper business of legislating.

The Senate president also promised to embrace every member of the Senate regardless of their political leanings in the leadership election.
But as Saraki reached out to those unhappy about his emergence as the Senate president, the PDP yesterday continued to take a dig at APC and dismissed its threats against the new leaders of the National Assembly as empty boasts aimed at covering its “naivety, inexperience and unpreparedness for governance”.

The PDP also admonished the APC to shed its arrogance, eat the humble pie and get more organised for governance, adding that it lacked the capacity, capability and means to sanction duly elected leaders of the National Assembly.

PDP National Publicity Secretary, Chief Olisa Metuh, in a statement, said the crass inexperience so far displayed by the APC was a pointer that “it is not adequately equipped to handle the affairs of government at the centre”, noting that events would continue to prove the PDP right in this regard.

“Nothing can be more astonishing than the whining by the APC that the PDP, at the last minute, expressed its preference for Senator Bukola Saraki and Hon. Yakubu Dogara as Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives, respectively, after it had earlier stated that it was not interested in the positions.

“This calls to question the capacity, experience and skills of APC leaders on political matters and we have no apology whatsoever for their naivety.

“The APC is merely suffering the consequences of the greed, lust for power and inordinate ambitions of their leaders. They should note that Nigerians have since moved ahead with the new leaders in the National Assembly and should stop wasting their energy on propaganda and blackmails to heat up the polity,” the opposition party said.

The PDP further condemned Tuesday’s botched attempts by the APC to close the National Assembly and stop lawmakers from carrying out their constitutional duties, as well as the threats to the newly elected leaders, describing the acts as “totally against the tenets of democracy, the principles of separation of powers and independence of the legislature as enshrined in the constitution”.