Don’t Call Nigeria a Failed State -By Fola Aina and Prof. Nic Cheeseman

Prof. Nic Cheeseman An article in Foreign Affairs, the Quarterly journal by the US based Council on Foreign Relations, (CFR), is going against the trajectory of predictions of Nigeria as a failed state. Rather, the article by Fola Aina, a Doctoral Fellow in Leadership Studies at King’s College London and Nic Cheeseman, a Professor of Democracy at the University of Birmingham argue that Nigeria “is more resilient and inclusive than ever, despite rising insecurity”. It is not about whether theirs is the right or wrong position. Instead, their position means that there is now a counter-hegemonic narrative about the future of Nigeria hitherto predominantly posed in terms of state failure. Their article, therefore, marks the beginning of a struggle between the two narratives. Over the last few months, Nigeria has experienced a worrying spate of kidnappings and violent attacks. Boko Haram insurgents have long terrorized the north of the country and are responsible for some of the violence, but so are organized crime syndicates, which have come to adopt kidnap-and-ransom as a business model. So-called bandits have abducted more than 600 schoolchildren since December, including in two mass kidnappings reminiscent of the Chibok schoolgirls incident that captivated the world in 2014. Armed marauders have killed scores of civilians and security forces in recent months and kidnapped hundreds of Nigerians from villages, schools, and motorways across the country. Nigeria’s swerve toward insecurity has prompted even sober and well-respected analysts to press the panic button. “The definition of a failed state is one where the government is no longer in control. By this yardstick, Africa’s most populous country is teetering on the brink,” the Financial Times warned late last year. John Campbell, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and former U.S. ambassador to Nigeria, raises similar concerns in his recent book, Nigeria and the Nation-State, in which he describes the country as “not quite a nation” and “not quite a state.” Not only is Nigeria failing to protect its citizens from rampant crime and corruption, according to Campbell, but its people lack a shared sense of what it means to be “Nigerian.” Future-oriented studies such as “Failed State 2030,” a case study of Nigeria published by the Center for Strategy and Technology of Air University, go even further, imagining Nigeria as a state that only exists on paper, sustained by the recognition of the international community. Such dire prognoses have profound implications not just for Nigeria but for all of West Africa and the Sahel. With more than 200 million people and the largest economy in sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria has enormous influence over economic and political developments in West Africa. When Nigeria slips into recession, the rest of the region’s economies typically stop growing. And if Nigeria were to collapse, the security of neighboring Niger, Chad, and Cameroon would deteriorate as well. Fortunately, it is far too early to declare that either the nation or the state of Nigeria has failed. On the contrary, many indicators of interethnic tolerance have actually improved in recent years, and distinctive innovations—such as an informal agreement to rotate control of the presidency between different groups—have made Nigeria’s political system far more inclusive and sustainable than it was in the past. There is no doubt that the coronavirus pandemic has devastated Nigeria’s economy and contributed to a breakdown of law and order, which in turn has fueled the rise in banditry. But in some ways, Nigeria is actually a stronger and more resilient state today than it was 20 years ago. Shared Identity A national military with glorious performance outside but which seems caught napping and under-performing at home? Nigeria is often said to have an “identity problem.” Home to more than 250 ethnic groups and three distinct religious affiliations, it is one of the most diverse countries in the world. It faces an Islamic extremist insurgency in the north in the form of Boko Haram and is still haunted by the legacy of the Biafran war, which pitted the government against Igbo separatists between 1967 and 1970 and resulted in more than a million deaths. Given these facts, it is easy to see why some analysts conclude that Nigerians lack a shared aspiration or even common understanding of what it means to be Nigerian. By some measures, the country’s national identity is indeed very weak, in line with Campbell’s argument. Many Nigerians identify more closely with their ethnic and religious group than with the nation as a whole, and according to surveys conducted by Afrobarometer, Nigerians are among the least nationalist people in Africa. Nigerians from ethnic groups, such as the Igbo, that have taken part in past or present separatist movements are particularly unlikely to embrace a broad Nigerian identity. But while strong communal identities have often been associated with episodes of political violence, especially around elections, they have not caused relations between groups to deteriorate as a whole, as many analysts feared might happen after Nigeria transitioned to democracy in 1999. Rather, Nigerians from different ethnic groups have grown gradually more tolerant of one another, suggesting that the prospects for the evolution of a unifying national identity are getting better, not worse. For the last three decades, the World Values Survey has been asking a nationally representative sample of Nigerians whether they would object to having a neighbor of a “different race or ethnicity.” When the WVS first asked this question in 1990, 32 percent of Nigerians said that they would object—a worryingly high figure. By 2020, however, the proportion of Nigerians who objected to a neighbor from a different group had fallen by half to just 16 percent. In a 2018 Afrobarometer poll, only 13 percent of Nigerian respondents said they would mind if someone of a different ethnicity were to live next to them, while 42 percent said they would “strongly like” it. “Nigerians from different ethnic groups have grown gradually more tolerant of one another” Both surveys found that such attitudes have improved over time. Part of the reason for this improvement is greater political inclusion. Nigeria’s federal system devolves considerable resources and authority to elected state governors, helping to lower the stakes of national political competition. Since the country’s return to multiparty politics in 1999, Nigeria has also practiced a form of temporal power sharing that has helped to prevent a return to civil conflict. Through an informal but widely accepted system known as “zoning,” control of the presidency alternates between the north and the south of the country every eight years, and northern presidents select southern vice presidents and vice versa. While this system does not ensure adequate representation for the country’s 36 states and numerous ethnicities (and can cause controversies if a leader dies in office), it does mean that no one region—and no one religion—can hold power indefinitely. This system for temporal power sharing helps to explain why the proportion of Nigerians who feel that their ethnic group is discriminated against has fallen markedly in recent years. In 2005, for example, 37 percent of Nigerians said that their ethnic group was “often” or “always” treated unfairly by the government, according to Afrobarometer. By 2018, the proportion had declined to just 21 percent—with 48 percent saying that their ethnic group is “never” treated unfairly. Greater political inclusion and falling perceptions of discrimination have allowed for a stronger national spirit to emerge, one that can be observed in the fervent popular support for the national football team and the shared pride that Nigerians of all religions and ethnicities take in the international success of many Nigerian artists and musicians. There are of course those who reject these national symbols, most notably Boko Haram. But the group and its supporters represent a very small proportion of the population, and according to Afrobarometer, Muslims are actually more likely than Christians to prioritize their national identity over subnational ones. Nigeria’s strengthened national spirit is also evident in various popular movements that have mobilized citizens from a broad range of ethnic and religious backgrounds in recent years, from the Occupy Nigeria protests against the reduction of fuel subsidies in 2012 to the demonstrations against police brutality in 2017 and 2020. Far from a failed nation, then, Nigeria has in some ways become a stronger and more cohesive one. A typical hegemonic narrative of Nigeria which is usually taken too seriously beyond the geopolitics of it by some Nigerian consumers of such The State of the State Just as it is easy to see why some commentators have concluded that Nigeria has a national “identity problem,” it is easy to see why others have branded Nigeria a failed, failing, or chronically weak state. At present, the Nigerian government simply cannot guarantee the basic security of lives and property across much of its territory. In the troubled northeastern region, the Boko Haram insurgency continues to rage. Over the last ten years, the conflict has claimed the lives of more than 20,000 people and displaced close to three million. Meanwhile, clashes between farmers and pastoralists—estimated to be six times deadlier than Boko Haram’s insurgency in 2018—have spiraled out of control in Benue, Plateau, Adamawa, Nasarawa, and Taraba States. Intercommunal clashes and organized crime operations have surged in Nigeria’s northwest and north-central regions and are now spreading to parts of the southwest. In the country’s historically marginalized Niger Delta region, many fear a militant resurgence, as they do in the predominantly Igbo southeast, where secessionist militants are suspected to have played a role in a recent attack on a jail that enabled 1,800 prisoners to escape. Nigeria’s government has not only failed to deliver law and order but in some cases contributed to the violence and lawlessness. The police and military have struggled to win hearts and minds, and both stand accused of human rights violations and incompetence. Nothing illustrates popular frustration with the security forces better than the protests against police brutality that erupted in cities across the country last year. Like claims that Nigeria is not a true nation, however, claims that its state has completely failed go too far. Whereas nearby countries such as Liberia and Sierra Leone have suffered repeated and prolonged civil wars, Nigeria has successfully avoided a return to widespread violence, despite a recent increase in agitation from Biafran separatists. The absence of renewed conflict along this dangerous cleavages is not an accident but rather the product of careful statecraft. Both the successful creation of a federal system, which spread political control of the eastern region over nine separate states, and the system of zoning the presidency described above have reduced tensions and made secession a much less viable option. Nigeria has also strengthened its democracy over the last three decades. For the first 16 years after it transitioned to multiparty politics in 1999, Nigeria was dominated by one political party, the People’s Democratic Party. But in 2015, PDP candidate and incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan lost to Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress, resulting in the country’s first democratic transfer of power and demonstrating that poorly performing governments could be punished at the ballot box. “Whereas Liberia and Sierra Leone have suffered repeated and prolonged civil wars, Nigeria has successfully avoided a return to widespread violence” Taken together, these achievements exceed what many thought possible in the early 1970s: they have held Nigeria together and strengthened its national identity. They have also facilitated innovation at the state level, such as improvements in governance and tax collection in Lagos State under Governors Bola Tinubu and Babatunde Fashola that states such as Kaduna in the north are now trying to replicate. State governors have also undertaken new regional security initiatives, including Amotekun in the southwest and Ebube Agu in the southeast—well-funded regional security networks that aim to support official state forces through better intelligence gathering and local knowledge. These decentralized security responses have the potential to generate new problems, especially if struggling states are left to implement them with little regulation and support from the central government, and some forces have already been accused of extra-judicial killings. But they also have the potential to generate more flexible and nuanced responses to local security challenges, especially if the federal government can start to address some of the economic drivers of instability. These modest achievements do not come close to fulfilling all of Nigeria’s enormous security and governance needs. Nor do they make up for the failure of political leaders to come to grips with some of the country’s most pressing problems—not least the recent spate of killings and kidnappings that have so unnerved Nigerians and Nigeria watchers alike. The rising instability of recent months has been driven in part by the severe economic challenges of the pandemic and in part by longer-standing environmental pressures such as drought and diversification that have exacerbated competition over land in the central and northern regions. Over repeated cycles of violence, loss of cattle and economic security has created a growing pool of armed and frustrated individuals who can be recruited into militias, bands of bandits, and terrorist organizations—creating new conflicts and exacerbating existing ones. Left unchecked, these overlapping security crises certainly have the potential to push Nigeria in the direction of state failure. But the saving grace is that the vast majority of these groups—with the obvious exception of Boko Haram—are not antistate or anti-Nigerian. Rather, they are opportunistic criminal networks fueled by insecurity and economic and environmental instability. Their aim is to amass wealth and status, not to topple the national government. As such, they can likely be addressed through effective policy solutions, such as the National Livestock Transformation Plan, which has been hampered by staff and funding shortages but has the potential to substantially reduce herder-farmer conflict. Don’t Make the Doomsayers Right Warnings of impending state or nation failure don’t just create the false impression of a country in which nothing at all works. They can be used to justify the imposition of external solutions—for example, foreign state-building efforts that emphasize militarized solutions at the expense of socioeconomic and environmental ones. A more nuanced look at what the Nigerian state and political elite have actually achieved over the last 30 years suggests a need for something else: continued progress toward political inclusion, including by strengthening the federal system, focusing on homegrown strategies that resonate with political elites, and developing regional solutions to regional problems. Nigeria must also continue to invest in the common symbols of national identity— leadership in regional organizations, pride in its world-leading sportspeople and artists—and work to sustain popular confidence in its democracy. It is vitally important that Buhari stand down at the end of his second and final term in 2023 and that the resulting election is seen as an improvement over the 2019 election. Anything short of this would undermine the hard-won progress toward political inclusion over the last 30 years and increase the risk of civil conflict. Nigeria’s doomsayers have often overstated their argument, but failure to heed this lesson at a time of political peril would be the surest way to make them right.

Sagay: unconstitutional removal of president must be resisted

•Right to criticise govt guaranteed, say SANs By Joseph Jibueze and Robert Egbe An eminent professor of law, Itse Sagay (SAN), yesterday urged security agencies to bring to justice anyone plotting to remove the president undemocratically. He was reacting to the Presidency’s claim that a plot to destabilise the country and force leadership change was in the offing. Sagay noted that Nigerians had the right to criticise the president, but condemned any attempt at illegal power takeover. He told The Nation: “If any activity involves a breach of the law, then it should be dealt with in that manner. They (those behind it) should be brought to justice. “Anything that creates untidiness in succession to power at that level can cause chaos and anarchy in the country and will result in a lot of bloodshed and death. “Anyone caught trying to remove the president illegally and clandestinely outside the constitutional provisions deserves a very stern action by the law enforcement agencies. “Anyone can criticise the President if they feel he is not doing his job effectively, but criticism must not constitute clandestine removal. “For instance, if all the insecurity is part of a move by people to destabilise the country and give the impression that Nigeria is ungovernable under the president, therefore, an unconstitutional measure should be introduced to remove him, that is unacceptable, otherwise he should be criticised by anybody who feels he is not effectively dealing with the security situation in the country, and there is nothing wrong in that.” Two other Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN), Mba Ukweni and Chino Obiagwu, emphasised that Nigerians were entitled to exercise their fundamental right to freedom of expression under Section 143 of the Constitution. The senior lawyers opposed the idea of criminalising the act of expressing discontent with the government. It was in reaction to the presidency’s claim that “these disruptive elements are now recruiting the leadership of some ethnic groups and politicians around the country, with the intention of convening some sort of conference, where a vote of no confidence would be passed on the President, thus throwing the land into further turmoil”. Ukweni said: “There’s nothing wrong in Nigerians meeting to express their view on any particular issue. “If the President is afraid that a particular gathering is going to pass a vote of no-confidence on him, then he should do the proper thing by resigning because that means that he is not governing the country well.” He argued that elections were not the only way elected officials could be removed. “It is not correct to say that the only way to remove the president is by voting him out of office. There is an impeachment procedure. “The constitution in its wisdom has made provisions for the removal of a president from office. “Section 143 of the Constitution stipulates the procedure for the removal of the president or vice president. If the provisions of section 143 are complied with, the president leaves office,” Ukweni said. He said the constitutional grounds for removing the president include gross misconduct in the performance of the functions of his office and incapacity to perform those functions. Obiagwu’s views were similar. He said: “There is freedom of expression. So, people have a right to express their views about government. “Whether they’re satisfied or not, they have the right to express their opinion. There’s nothing illegal about it. It is everyone’s constitutional right.” He wondered why the Presidency was worried about a vote of no confidence, noting that “there is no provision for that”. “The only way a president can be removed through a vote of no confidence is through impeachment, which only the National Assembly can do. “The people have a right to call for the impeachment of the president if they think he is not performing well, by rallying their representatives at the National Assembly,” he said.

Governors Shift Ground On Financial Autonomy For State Legislatures, Judiciaries By Unini Chioma

*Propose Percentage Payment Of Statutory Allocation To Legislative Arm Governors have shifted ground in their quest for an earnest resolution of the industrial crisis caused by the clamour by judicial and legislative workers for the implementation of financial autonomy for the two arms of government., According to Thisday report. Our correspondent gathered yesterday that the governors had proposed to pay lawmakers a certain percentage of their statutory monthly entitlements towards funding the legislature. A source said the governors’ offer followed the refusal of speakers of Houses of Assembly of the 36 states of the federation to accept the N100 million monthly offer made by the governors for each state legislature. In rejecting the irreducible minimum payment of N100 million monthly to each of the legislatures in the states to fund their operations, the speakers had insisted on N250 million monthly. It was also gathered that the governors had also rejected the demand of the Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) and the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria (PASAN) that the gross allocations should be remitted to the two arms of government directly. The governors’ hard-line position was said to be responsible for the delay in the resolution of the strike embarked upon by judicial and parliamentary workers in the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) to press for the implementation of financial autonomy for state judiciaries and legislatures. However, the governors agreed that the National Judicial Council (NJC) will handle funds for states’ judicial councils to take care of the high courts while the state governments will be responsible for funding the magistrates and customary courts. In a bid to resolve the issues and end the ongoing industrial dispute, the federal government has invited the leadership of JUSUN and PASAN to a negotiation today. A statement by the Deputy Director Press and Public Relations in the Ministry of Labour and Employment, Mr. Charles Akpan, said the Minister, Senator Chris Ngige, would host the negotiations with the workers. An earlier plan to hold talks with the striking workers was stalled by a lack of harmony in the positions of the team representing the federal government and that of governors. The Solicitor-General of the Federation, Mr. Dayo Apata, who had represented the federal government, and the Director-General of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF), Mr. Asishana Okauru, had presented different position papers, which stalled negotiations. But a source told THISDAY yesterday that the two parties had reached a consensus, while all the grey areas have been resolved. He confirmed that Ngige would schedule a meeting with the leadership of JUSUN and PASAN to sort out any other outstanding issues. He said: “Right now; there’s a consensus. There’s some agreement, grey areas have been cleared and I think the minister is committed to putting a meeting together with the workers and in the next couple of days. I think all the grey areas will be sorted out. “Some of the grey areas for the judiciary, for instance, is that it is clear to all the parties now that the National Judicial Council (NJC) will be handling that because that’s the position of the constitution. They have been doing that for recurrent at the state level, but have not been doing it for capital spending. “That will continue, especially for courts of record. The governors will be in charge of customary courts and magistrates courts. “For the legislature, the major issue was whether the deduction should be based on gross or net. What they have agreed is that it is going to be an agreed percentage of appropriated amount.” Following the different positions adopted by the federal government and the governors, Ngige had urged the governors to rework the agreement for negotiations to resume. The governors had accepted in principle the funding of both the state legislatures and judiciaries from their allocations from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC), to be deducted from the States Accounts Allocation Committee (SAAC). As part of its implementation, the state governments were expected from May 1, to set up the States Accounts Allocations Committee (SAAC) with members from the states Assembly committee chairmen on Finance and the States Commissioners of Finance to discuss on monthly basis the disbursement of funds. However, the governors and speakers could not reach a consensus on how much to be given to each state legislature monthly.

Gumi should explain whether he’s with bandits, says Adamu Garba - Segun Adewole

Adamu Garba Former Presidential Aspirant, Adamu Garba, has said that Islamic cleric, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, has to state in clear terms whether he’s with bandits and terrorists or with the Nigerian people. This followed Gumi’s advice to the federal government to get N100 million from the Central Bank of Nigeria which will be used to secure the release of the students abducted by bandits from Greenfield University, Kaduna. This is in addition to his call for amnesty for bandits, saying the move will make them drop their arms. Read Also Bandits raze church, kill two, abduct scores in Kaduna BREAKING: Kaduna forestry college students released 56 days after abduction Please don't kill abducted Greenfield varsity students, parents beg bandits One Twitter user, @Yemi_News247, drew the attention of Garba to Gumi’s recent activities, as he wondered why the cleric hasn’t been picked up by the Department of State Services. He tweeted, “@adamugarba what do you have to say about Sheik Gumi recent activities? He is gradually becoming the financial secretary to the bandits/minister for banditry and ransom payments. It’s a shame that DSS has been compromised. I weep for my country.” In response, Garba said, “I think Sheikh Gumi would have to explain in clear times whether he is together with the Bandits/Terrorists or with the Nigerian people.”

Did the Pandemic Break Bill and Melinda Gates? By Bamidele Ademola-Olateju

After Vice President Al Gore lost his bid for the White House, their marriage cracked and he and Tipper went their separate ways. I was so crushed and hurt by their divorce. To me, they were the ideal couple, their divorce was so unexpected that it taught me great lessons on relationships. It eroded my confidence in the resilience of marriage. I have been with Uncle Demi for 34 years and married for 29. Through my marital journey, I have learned a lot of lessons. I have rejoiced at my fortune at marrying a good man. Yet, I refuse to discuss marriage as an authority because of the Gore’s divorce. If Tipper and Al can split, who can’t? The Bezos were first in this new Billionaire epochal divorces. What that shows is that money can complicate marriage either for the lack of it or for too much of it. It also tells us that it does not matter who we are and what we have achieved; relationships are difficult. It requires a lot of nurturing and tendering to thrive. Dealing with another is fraught with issues given individual differences. In the 29 years since I have been married, I have come to know that marriage and love are two different things. Some have both. Others have one or the other while some have none. What sustains a marriage? My answer is not love and I have no apologies for that. My answer is unequivocal. What keeps a marriage is your ability to manage familiarity and sameness. Can you handle familiarity? Love is a different kettle. What sustains love is tolerance, mutual respect and understanding. I believe the Pandemic buried the Gates’s marriage. These days, most marriages survive because couples spend most times apart at work. A reflection on our hunter and gatherers life, shows that, finding food kept us busy. When we developed into agrarian societies, we kept working for food, only going back home to have sex when we can and sleep. Same with the industrial revolution, at the time, we needed more brawn than brain to power the engines. All that is fading! Now, ideas rule world. Technology drives everything. The iron triangle of sex, marriage and child bearing has been dismantled forever by contraception. With that done, women can work, make money, decide to have sex without getting pregnant and pursuing an independent destiny. Worse, men are losing testosterone. Midlife is a confusing time. With so much going on, there is no manual on how to navigate it. Once children are grown, women often find themselves alone, helpless, rudderless and with a diminished sense of purpose. With same education as a man, if not better, what should she do? That is when women become Church workers and prayer warriors. For those who are not cut from that cloth, it is A very confusing phase. The Pandemic highlights human emptiness regardless of socioeconomic status, our lack of real control of our lives confronts us, it forced spouses to stay together and notice the flaws that were overlooked for one reason or another. It forced a reckoning. A reckoning no money in this world can prevent. Many of us are up there in the Maslow hierarchy of needs. Bread and butter is no long an issue. Shelter and esteem stuff were done with at birth or sometimes in early adulthood. What we struggle with is purpose, meaning, self-actualization. Covid-19 revealed us as thoroughly impotent. It forced a search for meaning, purpose and happiness. I can hear that voice pounding my brain that Bill and Melinda are actualized. That they have committed billions to philanthropy and built it from scratch. I know. I understand. Since their children became adults, what else? Have they had to stay at home facing themselves since they were married? Bill was always working. Do they really know each other? Think local, how many of Nigeria’s richest has a happy wife? How many has a wife at home? Women want attention and some money. Money can’t replace that attention. I have been telling my fellow women, if you want your marriage to survive, invest in a hobby or hobbies in middle age. Volunteer. Keep your friends and schedule time with them the way men do. If you don’t, you will get bitter and angry when the children are gone. Midlife is tough when you are not in a circuit. Build one today. I wish the Gates’s well in this new phase. May they find what completes them and gives them peace, joy and happiness.

Salihu Mustapha And The APC Chairmanship Aspiration

POLITICS By Usman Aliyu On May 5, 2021 To observers, the aspiration of Mallam Saliu Mustapha for the national chairmanship position of the All Progressives Congress (APC) is not only apt, but desirable. Mallam, as Mustapha is fondly called by his admirers, followers and philanthropic beneficiaries, signified interest to contest for the coveted APC seat at the national convention scheduled to hold in June, barring any last-minute change. The convention will produce a new National Working Committee (NWC) that will provide leadership for the party for the next four years. This is after the Caretaker/Extra-Ordinary Convention Planning Committee (CECPC) would have held sway of the party structure for close to a year, subsequent to the dissolution of the Adams Oshiomole-led NWC by the National Executive Council (NEC) in June 2020. Apparently, the dissolution of the NWC and the resultant setting up of the CECPC were as a result of the crisis that bedevilled the party in the build-up to the 2019 general election, which later transcended to the Edo State governorship election primaries. It is, therefore, incontrovertible that there is no better time for the APC to have an experienced, competent and generally accepted thoroughbred politician as its chairman than now, that all major parties in the country are re-strategising for the 2023 elections. The ruling party needs now, more than ever, a more committed man that will jettison personal gains, interest and vendetta among other ill-wills to allow for internal democracy to take the central stage in deciding the fate of party faithful, particularly, during primaries. This can only ensure the growth and enhance the chances of the party in next elections. Evidently, if there is anything that had the forces of the ruling party dwindled in recent governorship elections in Nigeria, it is the antics of a few individuals to subvert the wishes of the majorities through the imposition of unpopular candidates. This manifestly ruined the victory of the party in some states in recent polls. An analysis of political situation would reveal that the outing of the APC in the 2019 elections can never be adjudged to be good except that it ably returned its presidential candidate for second term. Rather, the party declined in its numerical strength when compared, the number of governors it lost with the states it was able to claim. Regrettably, in those states where it lost, it was majorly due to lack of recourse to internal democracy; the party, hence, paid dearly for this as some candidates produced under such defective arrangements lost at the polls, while others had their candidacies nullified by the court, thereby throwing away the genuine mandates of the people to the hands of the opposition. Political scenarios in Zamfara, Bayelsa, Adamawa, Bauchi, Oyo and Edo pointed to the direction of this argument. We can also not forget in a hurry how the party struggled to win governorship elections in Kano, Osun and Imo states. It is in view of this development that analysts perceive the aspiration of Mustapha for the prestigious party’s position as appropriate considering his pedigree and political experience. If he emerges, it will be a sigh of redemption for the party to regain its strength and accrue more fortunes in next elections because Mustapha is not only a consummate politician, but a philanthropist of note, who had through his wealth uplifted several indigents out of poverty. Hailed from Gambari District in the Ilorin East local government area of Kwara, 48 year-old Mustapha is driven by purposeful and progressive ideology. He was an aide of President Muhammadu Buhari and played an active role in the aspiration of the president since 2003. He has, indeed, distinguished himself in all spheres of life be it business, politics and humanitarian services among others. He founded Saliu Mustapha Foundation to serve as a platform for human empowerment and community development. With his political expertise at this youthful age, I have no doubt that Mustapha, beaconed by his prowess in party administration and developmental politics, will boost the fortune of the party in the forthcoming general election if given the desired opportunity to lead. This is because as the deputy national chairman of the defunct Congress for Congress Change (CPC), he joined in the management of the newly formed party to beat the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) to emerge second in the 2011 presidential election and went on to win 27 seats at the National Assembly elections. Mustapha also played a momentous role in the merger of the CPC with other tendencies that birthed the APC in 2014. In fact, records have it that he is reputed to be the signatory to the merger agreement on behalf of the CPC tendency in the coalition,  whereas, before he became the deputy chairman of the CPC, he had served as an Ex-Officio and a foundation NEC member of the party under which President Buhari contested the 2011 presidential poll. Mustapha’s profile is further enriched as he also served as the national publicity secretary of the Progressive Liberation Party (PLP) between 2001 and 2002 under the leadership of Dr. Ezekiel Izuogu. In 2003, the younger Mustapha and other like-minds formed the Progressive Action Congress (PAC) where he was returned again as the National Publicity Secretary. This APC national chairmanship aspirant was a central member of The Buhari Organisation (TBO) and the Buhari Campaign Organisation (BCO) for several years; these two organisations worked assiduously for the realisation of the presidential ambition of Buhari. Undoubtedly, Mustapha is a true progressive of an impeccable character, who has paid his dues and immeasurable contributions to the sustenance of the APC at the local, state and national levels. He was a prominent player in the O toge movement that enthroned APC government in Kwara, despite the high level of injustice he suffered at the hands of the national leadership of the party during governorship primaries he obtained form to participate in. Besides this political proficiency, Mustapha remains one of the chieftains of the party that commands respect and following across the country for his impactful achievements, as well as service to people at the grassroots. His humanitarian activities in areas of health, education and human capital development are unprecedented. These do not in any way preclude his giant contributions to the development of the ancient Ilorin. Through his foundation, Mustapha engages in a wide range of charitable projects in his hometown and beyond, advancing humanitarian causes. On the average, he spends over N100 million annually to execute various plans and projects, including financial empowerment programme, scholarship and educational support services, among others. Recently, this renowned politician, aside the annual empowerment programme, uplifted his loyalists in different areas of business, with each beneficiary going home with a whopping sum, ranging from N250,000 to N2 million. The disbursement of this grant was preceded by trainings on financial management and business development. Obviously, Mustapha’s aspiration is to bring all these experiences and goodwill to bear in moving the party forward and it is my belief that he is fit for it. Mustapha is a force to reckon within the political landscape of this country and with the garnered experience over the years and the goodwill enjoyed, it is my wish that the ruling party will tap into this asset and give him an overwhelming victory, come APC national convention.  

Five major banks post N680bn bad loans

Oyetunji Abioye 2 May 2021 Five of the major banks in the country, also known as Tier-1 banks have posted whopping N683bn non-performing loans in the 2020 financial year, findings by Sunday PUNCH have revealed. According to the financial reports of the banks, released in April this year to the Nigerian Stock Exchange, the bad loans were linked to the downturn in the economy as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and other factors. The financial reports, which were analysed by our correspondent, revealed that some of the five Systemically Important Banks recorded an increase in their bad loans while others recorded a decrease during the year under review, compared to the previous year. The five banks are Access Bank Plc, FBN Holdings Plc, Guaranty Trust Bank Plc, United Bank for Africa Plc, and Zenith Bank Plc. They reported N161.2bn, N170.7bn, N111.46bn, N120.08bn and N125.24bn bad loans, respectively. Further analysis showed that while FBN Holdings and GTBank reported NPL ratios that were above the prudential guideline of the Central Bank of Nigeria put at five per cent, Access Bank, Zenith Bank and UBA recorded NPLs that were within the regulatory threshold. Meanwhile, eleven of the nation’s banks cumulatively recorded an 87 per cent increase in loan impairment charges in the 2020 financial year, compared to 2019. A loan impairment charge is described as a deterioration in the realisable value of loans and advances or risk assets extended to banks’ customers. The occurrence of this event results in a reduction in the earnings of the affected bank and its shareholders. In simple terms, impairment charges are charges banks make against their profit in order to reflect a fall in value or worse-than-expected performance of the loans or asset. Specifically, findings showed that the 11 banks cumulatively incurred N342bn impairment charges during the 2020 financial year, compared to the N181.95bn recorded in 2019. This indicates a whopping 87 per cent increase in impairment charges. The banks are Zenith Bank, Access Bank, GTBank, UBA, FBN Holdings, Ecobank Transnational Incorporated, Stanbic IBTC Holdings Plc, FCMB Holdings Plc, Sterling Bank Plc, Fidelity Bank Plc, and Jaiz Bank Plc. The breakdown revealed that Zenith Bank incurred N39.5bn impairment charges in 2020, up by 64.5 per cent from the N24.03bn recorded in 2019. Access Bank in 2020 reported N62.89bn impairment charges, a 211.5 per cent increase above the N20.2bn it reported in 2019. In the year under review, GTBank recorded a jump of 299 per cent in impairment charges from N4.911bn in 2019 to N19.572bn in 2020. Also, UBA reported impairment charges of N22.44bn last year, up by 37.4 per cent from the N16.336bn it reported in 2019. However, FBN Holdings’ impairment charges dropped by 0.97 per cent to N50.6bn in 2020 from N51.09bn in 2019. Sterling Bank reported N7.91bn impairment charges in 2020, a 35 per cent increase from the N5.84bn in 2019, while Ecobank posted impairment charges of N86.7bn, indicating an increase of 79 per cent from N48.32bn booked in 2019. Oil firms borrowed N130bn from banks in February – CBN FCMB Group’s impairment charges stood at N22.31bn in 2020, indicating an increase of 62.3 per cent from the N13.75bn in 2019 while Fidelity Bank which had a write-back of N5.29bn in 2019, reported an impairment charge of N16.86bn in 2020. Also, Stanbic IBTC Holdings and Jaiz Bank reported significant hikes in impairment charges in the year under review, reporting 508.76 per cent and 180.1 per cent increase to N9.94bn and N3.21bn in 2020 respectively. Shareholders react Meanwhile, shareholders of listed banks have reacted to the development. The Chairman, Progressive Shareholders Association of Nigeria, Boniface Okezie, who linked the development to the tough business environment, said the challenging economic situation had impacted borrowers and their businesses. He said, “Banks making higher provision for impairment charges means all is not well with our economy. It has become a problem in the banking sector as the economy generally is not working. The problem is that those who borrowed money to do business are not finding things easy. “Nigeria is not exporting rather than importing, which is creating more problems. We have a lot of business problems in the system and it is affecting a lot of loans banks are lending to support the real sector. CBN can’t continue to over-stress the banks. The government’s policies are killing the banks.” Okezie, however, expressed optimism that once the nation’s economy was revived, bank would be able to improve on shareholders’ return. “All hope is not lost as we expect that the economy will perform better over the next five to 10 years by which time the banks are expected to be in a better position.” In his response, the National Coordinator Emeritus, Independent Shareholders Association of Nigeria, Sunny Nwosu, advised the Federal Government to fulfil its promises to the banking sector by giving them palliatives as regards the COVID-19 lockdown. He said, “If the government should intervene in the banking sector, it will reduce some of the debt they might have incurred during the period of COVID-19 lockdown. “The period came with hazards, difficulties doing business, and the period also restricted capital flow to the SMEs sector. “Last year was a difficult year for banks as we had lockdowns. Those businesses with advance money could not perform as they could have loved to. If the banks can manage such loan loss to that level in the 2020 financial year and they were able to pay dividends to the shareholders, then I think they have done very well.” Meanwhile, analysts believe the nation’s banks incurred higher impairment charges against the backdrop of the Central Bank of Nigeria’s directive asking lenders to meet the 65 per cent Loan-to-Deposit ratio. They also noted that the disruption in economic activities occasioned by the COVID-19 pandemic last year affected the banking sector which was expected to affect most risk assets. ,, PUNCH.