Monday, 14 June 2021
‘Our June 12 Plane hijack story’-Richard Ogunderu
In the heat of the June 12 election annulment in 1993, four Nigerian teenagers hijacked a Nigerian Airways airbus A310. The plane was diverted to the Republic of Niger. Sixteen years after, in an encounter with Deputy Editor Adewale Adeoye, the now adult musketeers recount their experiences and the pains from the nine harrowing years they spent in the arid prison of Niamey.
BY SAHARA REPORTERSJUN 20, 2009
In the heat of the June 12 election annulment in 1993, four Nigerian teenagers hijacked a Nigerian Airways airbus A310. The plane was diverted to the Republic of Niger. Sixteen years after, in an encounter with Deputy Editor Adewale Adeoye, the now adult musketeers recount their experiences and the pains from the nine harrowing years they spent in the arid prison of Niamey.
Midday penultimate Friday, he sat on a couch, puffing away smoke from his St Morris cigar. His eyes were piercing, sharp and inquisitive. He wore what looked like a permanent frown on his brow. By noon each day, his friends say butts of half the packet of cigarette would have been thrashed into the small tray, perched on his table. He spoke with some sense of political accuracy, but would answer each question after about three minutes of starring into your eyes and then banging his head downwards. He has no specific job for now, except that he still dreams, that one day, he would become a pilot and fly some of the best planes in the world, that is, if his ambition to rule Nigeria through democratic means, no longer tops the list of his scale of preference. He once made attempts to be a pilot, after his release from nine and half years of incarceration, but his requests were not granted by a German aviation school in Frankfurt. Looking at him, Richard Ogunderu, the subject was certainly younger in 1993 when he led a group of co-teens to hijack a Nigerian airways bus A310 scheduled to fly from Lagos to Abuja. He probably was equally thinner, less radical and less ideological than he seems now. 16 years ago, he had jumped from political oblivion to seize newspaper headlines, though in a less fascinating tilt, including prominent mention by the New York Times and other top western media. The name Richard Ajibola Ogunderu may be strange to some people, but not to so many that would remember the astonishing actions of four daring gang that hijacked the Nigerian airbus A310 on Monday, October 25, 1993. Many observers see the plane hijack as the first of its kind in Nigerian history.
Ogunderu, and his co-plotters, Kabir Adenuga, Benneth Oluwadaisi and Kenny Rasaq-Lawal took the daring action on that afternoon when Chief Ernest Shonekan and his fidihe (interim) government was battling almost fruitlessly to salvage the floundering image of a nation then in turmoil. The group joined the passengers in Lagos, their pony bags hung on their shoulders as they filed through the queue to board the plane from the local airport in Lagos. As the plane settled to cruise at about 30,000 feet above sea level and the pilot announced that passengers could loosen their belts, the boys blinked to each other on their seats, beckoning on the ringleader to strike. He did and the other hijackers, all in their teens, followed. They did not only seize the plane, they also held in awe all the bewildered passengers, some of who were business people or top government officials flying to Abuja, the seat of power. The boys cited the need to enthrone democracy and actualize the annulled June 12 election as the reason for what appeared a desperate action, quite strange to their social milieu. ‘Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy, remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you’ a gritty voice, not as sonorous as that of a pilot, echoed through the small speakers. Panic. Fear. Uncertainties. The airhostesses, Ogunderu recalled, were almost stone dead, having been gripped by fear. They must not move else they would ‘be dead.’ A passenger who was in the toilet was said to have remained indoor until one of the hijackers came to pull him out. Ogunderu said the action of the four boys, now men, was ‘meaningfully desperate.’
He said he and his peers were frustrated by the annulment of the election and the fact that the country appeared almost heading for a civil war and that his group had to take the action to ‘send jitters down the spine of those in power.’ Hear him: ‘we wanted change. Our action confirmed that when a system is inhuman, it could produce the extreme in all of us. A system that cares not, a system that does not listen to our cries and our woes, a system that wants to exterminate us does not deserve a day of existence,’ Ogunderu told The Nation last week. He said the four young men that led the hijack sent ‘shock waves’ to the consciousness of the regime so that they would realize that ‘Nigerians were not everlasting dummies.’
The group’s action was under the aegis of Movement for Democracy in Nigeria, MAD. Kabir also said the action was taken ‘to show the resentment against annulment of the June 12 election.’ He said he was worried that after 16 years, the system continues to trample underfoot the lives, rights and privileges of the ordinary Nigerian citizen.
The group claimed June 12 motivated them. But there are cobwebs of puzzles: who sponsored the action and how was the operation carried out? How were the boys recruited?
Asked if the group was afraid when the gendarmes stormed the plane, he said ‘No.’ how did the group of four meets and how were they recruited? That is not for discussion for now, he said, but he admitted that the four had been part of the MAD campaign against military rule which began in 1992.
Before the action, MAD’s leader, Mallam Jerry Yusuff said to be an indigene of Kwara state, had been in the forefront of the campaign against military rule. In the hey days of General Ibrahim Babangida’s rule in 1992, MAD made some appearances at the National Theater, through seminars, in the campaign against military reign, but the group did not carry out the hijack until the interim government of Chief Ernest Shonekan had been installed late in 1993. Leader of MAD, Jerry Yusuff after the hijack, said the action was to ‘terrorize the few people who have terrorized us politically and economically, to recover the money stolen from us.’ Yusuff is a product of universities that focus on hard-line Islamic studies. He was born in Ofa, Kwara state in 1952. He lived in Germany between 1973 and 1977 and was thought to have learnt German. He was a businessman who specialized in selling cocoa. When his boys seized the plane, they gave 72 hours to the government to meet their demands or else they would set the plane on fire. They however allowed 34 passengers to go, leaving the remaining 159 among whom were top Nigerian government officials. The Niger Interior ministry listed a Chinese, Rong Viren as one of those released. Niger also said the plane had wanted to refuel in Chad but was refused landing.
On the day of the kidnap, the local and international media were amazed that such a thing could take place in Nigeria, considered an aviation safe haven. The four took over the plane as soon as it took off from Lagos. Ogunderu was the one that led the assault. He recalled: ‘I walked into the cockpit and seized the process, and then the others followed me. Two of us stood in the plane to intimidate the passengers. We took over the plane and asked the pilot to head for another country.’ Though Ogunderu did not say it, but an independent source hinted that originally the plane was to be diverted to Germany but that Niamey became a choice when it became obvious that the aviation fuel would not sustain the plane for any longer distance. Ogunderu said the plane landed in Niamey in less than two hours and that as it grounded to a halt, he could see, from the louvers hundreds of armed gendarmes waiting at the airport. The hijackers had issued prepared statements, which they distributed in the plane calling on the Nigerian government to actualize the June 12 election and swear-in, the winner, Chief M.K.O Abiola. Negotiations began with the hijackers after some few days of lull and indecision by the local authority, which was unawares of the hijackers military capacity, or whether they had explosives that could blow up the plane. The Nigerien authorities offered to release the hijackers provided that they would not harm the passengers, but while that was on going, Richard revealed, high level security meetings were in top gear with the chief aim of storming the plane and freeing the passengers, and if possible, kill the hijackers. Asked if he was afraid when the gendarmes stormed the plane, Ogunderu said ‘we were on a mission, we wanted to show the evil regime that young people were prepared to go the extra length to free Nigerians from the yoke of military dictatorship.’ He said further: ‘we were not afraid, at that moment, death meant nothing to us. They stormed the place and we were alarmed, we didn’t shoot, we tried to perfect our safety and the safety of the passengers’ he said. Apparently, the negotiation the Nigerien government was having with them was bait, aimed at buying time and psyching up the level of sophistication of the four teenagers that apparently had no experience in hijack and some of who had not even seen a plane until they took that action. Richard admitted he was on top of the group of four boys who hijacked the Nigerian Plane in 1993 under the banner of MAD. He was the one who briefed the boys of what each was to do and what role was to be carried out by each. In Niger, Ogunderu and his boys asked for more fuel to enable the plane fly to Frankfurt, but eh the Nigerien authority declined request.
The four, on landing in Niamey, held on to the plane for some days, trailed by bait negotiations until the gendarmes stormed the plane to rescue the passengers. ‘We were shot at. Some people died’, he recalled.
However, few days latter, hundreds of armed gendarmes stormed the plane in the night, when the hijackers were thought to be asleep. ‘They thought we were asleep, so they came under the cover of the night and fired several shots. They bombarded the plane. I think one person died’ Ogunderu recalled. The four with their arms cramped on their back, were handcuffed and taken to captivity.
He said that the four were taken to a prison in a community with day temperature in the range of 55 degree centigrade. ‘We were poorly fed. We could neither speak Hausa nor French and nobody spoke English to us,’ Lawal had said. With the arrival of the hijackers in a tiny country of lowly political tempo, a worried President of Niger, Mohamane Ousmane made a broadcast assuring his countrymen that he was on top of the situation. Soon, undercover security operatives began move to track down the brain box of the hijack. This led to the November 14 1993 abduction of the MAD leader, Mallam Jerry Yusuff. The adduction took place three days after the late dictator; General Sanni Abacha took over power. Yusuff was kidnapped from the street of Ilorin and taken to Niger, but the episode was kept under wraps by the governments of Niger and Nigeria. Yusuff said security operatives told him that he was being taking to Abuja but never knew until the plane landed in Niamey.
On his secret abduction, the cat was let out of the bag only when officials of the local human rights group, Association Nigerienne Por La Defense Des Droits Dehomme, visited President Ousmane on behalf of the hijackers. In the discussion the President had with them, he unconsciously revealed what was hitherto a state secret when the rights group asked him about the fate of the four hijackers. The President asked them which of the hijackers they were pressing to be released. The then President then mentioned that Yusuff had been brought into the country, which gave the human rights body the advantage to publicize the abduction of the MAD leader. However, the trial judge who presided over the case of Yusuff, Justice Abdourahmane Gayakoye held that Yusuff should be discharged since he did not commit the offence in Niger Republic; however the then public prosecutor, Mr. Matty El Hadj Moussa appealed the matter. The legal fray did not lead to the release of Yusuff until several years later.
Last week, Richard, said when he carried out the action, he had only then left his secondary school in Ondo State. He told The Nation that he was the one that led the cell within the MAD, which felt the ‘best’ way was to turn the table against military rule and the surrogate government of Shonekan, even if it entailed using anarchical methods. ‘We were fired by the need to actualize June 12 through any means possible. We wanted to demonstrate rare courage that we could save Nigeria from the shackles of repression by giving a sense of courage to Nigerians.’ Recalling that day with nostalgia, Richard said "we could all have been killed.’ The hijacked also revealed the inadequacies of Nigerian airport security. The security officials had no prior knowledge of the action. There was no tip off. The pilot himself was probably not trained enough to realize his abductors were holding a toy gun. For instance, in Lagos where the plane took off, Richard and the three others were part of the ‘innocent passengers’ that boarded the plane from Lagos to Abuja. Mid-sky, Richard said he was the one that stood up from his fastened belt and headed for the cockpit where the pilot and the co-pilot were holed up. He told The Nation he brought out a ‘gun.’ Richard now admitted, perhaps for the first time since the incident, that it was a toy gun he held that day. After his visit to the cockpit, he said the panicky pilot was compelled to divert the plane from Lagos to Niger Republic, in what arguably was seen as Nigeria’s first plane hijack episode.
He said further: ‘we wanted freedom, freedom to choose our leaders. We were pushed to the extreme and we reacted in an extreme manner’ he told The Nation. Richard recalled the pains, hunger, deprivation, penury, and threats of death, loneliness and the excruciating heat during the nine harrowing years in Niamey. There was no connection with their relations, no contact with loved ones, from morning till night, for nine years, they had to endure relating with hostile and strange people whose culture were totally different from theirs. On many occasions, death starred at them and the future was almost at an infinite peril, according to them. He and his colleagues were kept for nine years and four months in the arid prison of Niamey that was after several legal fireworks to seek their freedom had failed. If there is anything the group of four gained, it was probably the ability to speak French, fluently. Richard, who on returning to Nigeria has been trying to enter the University without success, said he ‘remains a graduate having spent nine years and four months learning how to speak French.’ He however said he is still frustrated ‘by the lack of job and the inability of the Nigerian government to provide the essentials of life for her citizens including the four.’ On their return to Nigeria, no one or group gave them succor, except their relations, they were left to fend for their future, the prime of which was almost wasted. There was no post trauma treatment or rehabilitation. But while in Ndjamena prison, Kabir had improved his skill for drawing on canvass, sketching personalities and painting. Kenny kept his fashion design prowess alive throughout the gruesome nine years. Kabir and Kenny have now returned to Niger Republic where their knowledge of French and their profession earns them a fair living. Richard on return to Nigeria, attended the Alliance Francaise where he ‘brushed up his French language course with a diploma degree. But he still needs a salary-earning job.
Richard’s father, Yemi said there were lessons to be learnt from the action of the four boys. First, he said that with the growing wave of kidnappings across the country, it shows that ‘Nigeria is not working and our children, out of desperation are taking desperate actions, sometimes deadly, to survive what he described as a ‘stifling socio-political situation.’ He said the current leadership in Nigeria needs to respond to the fundamentals that make young people to want to risk death in the quest for survival saying that the action of the plane hijackers was a ‘desperate action in response to desperate oppressors in the country.’
However, there are suspicions as to the motif of the kidnap and the covert intrigues behind the action. Was it carried out with the prompting of the Nigerian security operatives under the direct supervision of General Sanni Abacha who was then the Minister of Defense under Shonekan? Was it a plot to create an illusion of insecurity so as to justify the taking over of Shonekan’s government using the innocent teens as unconscious cannon folders and puns in the wicked machination within the intra political struggle among the ruling elite? One: One information at least leaked to the Nigerien media that on the day of the kidnap, another Nigerian plane was earlier, abruptly brought by the Nigerian government to Niamey Airport. Two: a source said the hijackers’ manifesto read that Abacha should take over from Shonekan, this last point on the hijackers manifesto was said to have been stripped with ink when the original list of demands was printed out for the public.
‘In security parlance, if Abacha used them, there was no way the boys would know, they might have acted with the belief that they were activists defending democratic principles, without understanding the complex power game that underlined their actions,’ one security operative who sought anonymity told The Nation.
But Richard’s father, who was equally arrested and detained by the then military government of Abacha said the boys’ actions were voluntary and that they could not have been sponsored by the military so as to aid Abacha’s emergence. He believes their action was born out of frustration against the military government and the growing resentment against the annulment of June 12 election.’ He said though the involvement of his son in the hijack caught him unawares, but that his son had always been known to ‘defend and promote basic human rights and the freedom of mankind’ right from his youth. He said no military regime could use his son for parochial interests. He said his son’s glowing records as a young boy ‘who cherishes die-hard rebellion against military rule", would not at the same time be a pun in the intricate politics of power. Richard said he was partly motivated by Abiola’s reputation as a generous person, saying that he was ‘proud to have risked his life to see freedom and democracy installed in Nigeria.’ He said ‘when I was growing up, I see the looting of public treasury, the wickedness of leaders, the I-don’t-care attitude and the rigging of popular elections across the country even today. I knew in my mind that this would lead to chaos and breakdown of law and order as we see today’ saying that economic and political frustrations ‘tempts the revolutionary flavor in all of us.’
For now, Richard and Lawal have since settled for a new life in Nigeria, after they came in quietly to the country from Niger, the day after they walked into freedom after barely a decade of incarceration. According to them, they continue to try hard, to put the past in the trash bin of history. The only regrets, according to one of them is that the ‘evil that Nigerians fought against several years back continues to luck around the country’s image.’ He said ‘its unfortunate that our leaders continue to oppress us, the worst being that we cannot even chose our representatives in the face of fraudulent elections and the daring posture of the perpetrators of crime.’ All however said they would not see the hijacking of plane as the solution anymore and that ‘they will in fact campaign against’ such or related action.
Richard himself said one good thing about the current socio-political milieu is that "Democracy has brought hope; it has given us an opportunity to reshape our destiny, though we are yet to practice according to the rule.’
Now that his ambition to be a pilot seems headed for the rocks, what other ambition has he? Ogunderu said ‘he wants to be the President of Nigeria.’ What will be his priority if he, some day, occupies Aso Rock, he said he will ‘provide the essentials of life; water, housing, energy and food.’ He is of the opinion that the ‘rage in the land’ and the ‘growing desperation of young and old people could be put behind’ if there is food on the table of Nigerians. He said: ‘A system where people cannot afford common vegetables and even gari cannot guarantee peace for the citizenry.’ He said if he becomes the President, he would ‘curb crime by engaging young people in compulsory education and agriculture.’ Lately, he has been involved in the campaign for the restructuring of the country, having worked as a social worker with the Pro National Conference Organizations, PRONACO when the group was canvassing for the restructuring of Nigeria for self-determination.
But for now, Ogunderu’s new wish of becoming the President of Nigeria remains a dream, just a dream, and nothing more.
SOME FORGOTTEN HEROES OF JUNE 12 STRUGGLE
FLASHBACK: How four teenagers hijacked a Nigeria Airways plane ‘for MKO Abiola’
Four Nigerian teenagers, irked by the illegal and unjust annulment of the June 12, 1993 general election by the Ibrahim Babangida administration, hijacked a Nigeria Airways aircraft flying from Lagos to Abuja and diverted it to Niamey, Niger Republic.
The incident took place on a Monday, October 25, 1993, at a time Ernest Shonekan, then Interim President, was struggling to hold a chaotic country together.
HOW IT HAPPENED
The young men — Richard Ogunderu, Kabir Adenuga, Benneth Oluwadaisi and Kenny Rasaq-Lawal — boarded the flight quite gently and waited till the pilot announced that passengers could unfasten their seat belts.
According to an account of the incident, as was later relayed by Ogunderu himself, the boys signaled to one another and seized the plane.
Passengers aboard the aircraft, including top businessmen and senior government officials, were bewildered to hear a voice, different from that of the pilot, addressing them in the moments that followed.
“Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy,” the rather tiny voice said. “Remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you.”
Ogunderu recalled that “the air hostesses were almost stone-dead, gripped by fear. They must not move else they would ‘be dead.'”
A passenger who was in the toilet was said to have remained indoors until one of the hijackers came to pull him out.
“We wanted change. Our action confirmed that when a system is inhumane, it could produce the extreme in all of us,” Ogunderu said in an interview in 2009.
“A system that cares not, a system that does not listen to our cries and our woes, a system that wants to exterminate us does not deserve a day of existence.”
Ogunderu was the leader of the pack and he narrated how he kick-started the hijack.
“I walked into the cockpit and seized the process, and then the others followed me. Two of us stood in the plane to intimidate the passengers. We took over the plane and asked the pilot to head for another country.”
DIVERSION TO NIAMEY
Independent sources said the initial plan was to divert the plane to Germany, but when it became obvious that they were running out of fuel, they decided to land in Niamey.
On landing, the hijackers found hundreds of armed gendarmes at the airport, but before then they had distributed their demands among the passengers, calling on the Nigerian government to overturn the annulment of the June 12 election and swear in MKO Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the election.
They gave the government 72 hours to meet their demands or else they would set the plane ablaze. However, they allowed 34 passengers to go and held onto the remaining 159 among whom were top Nigerian government officials.
The Nigerien police could not attack the plane by force, as they were unaware whether the attackers had military training or possessed explosives that could blow up the plane.
GAME UP!
The four held on to the plane for some days, trailed by bait negotiations until the gendarmes stormed the plane to rescue the passengers.
Ogunderu said: “They thought we were asleep, so they came under the cover of the night and fired several shots. They bombarded the plane. I think one person died.”
And so the four ‘musketeers’ were apprehended, their arms cramped on their back as they were handcuffed and taken to a prison in a community with day temperature in the range of 55 degree centigrade.
“We were poorly fed. We could neither speak Hausa nor French and nobody spoke English to us,” Ogunderu said.
“We were fired by the need to actualize June 12 through any means possible. We wanted to demonstrate rare courage that we could save Nigeria from the shackles of repression by giving a sense of courage to Nigerians.”
But he admitted that though they were motivated by the quest for freedom — freedom to choose our leaders — they “reacted in an extreme manner”.
As punishment, Ogunderu and his colleagues spent nine years and four months in prison in Niamey.
They had no contact with relatives and loved ones, from morning till night, for nine years.
But it was not all doom and gloom for the boys while in prison in Ndjamena, as among other things, they learnt how to speak French fluently.
Kabir improved his skill for drawing on canvass, sketching personalities and painting; Kenny kept his fashion design prowess alive throughout the gruesome nine years. Both returned to Niger Republic where their knowledge of French and their professions now earn them a fair living.
Ogunderu and Lawal returned to Nigeria, with the former attending the Alliance Francaise in Lagos where he brushed up his French language with a diploma degree.
Their only regrets, according to one of them, is that the “evil that Nigerians fought against several years back continues to luck around the country’s image”.
“Its unfortunate that our leaders continue to oppress us, the worst being that we cannot even choose our representatives in the face of fraudulent elections and the daring posture of the perpetrators of crime,” Ogunderu said.
MY CONCERN:
How many of those who became prominent on our political platforms through the struggle of June 12 have bothered to reach out to anyone of them.
2023: Tinubu's Absence During Buhari's Visit To Lagos Widens Rift Between Camps
SaharaReporters learnt that the Presidency, against its usual custom, did not extend an invitation to Tinubu ahead of the visit which should make him feel welcome at the ceremony.
BY SAHARAREPORTERS
The conspicuous absence of the National Leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and former Lagos State Governor, Bola Tinubu, at the one-day working visit of President Muhammadu Buhari to commission various projects in Lagos State is deepening the conflict between the camps of both political actors ahead of 2023.
SaharaReporters learnt that the Presidency, against its usual custom, did not extend an invitation to Tinubu ahead of the visit which should make him feel welcome at the ceremony.
The camp of the APC leader felt embarrassed by the Presidency’s action.
Top sources also revealed that Tinubu did not feel comfortable to stay in Lagos during the Presidential visit in order to hide the growing battle between the two from public glare and he instead decided to embark on a journey.
A political analyst, who is also versed on happenings in the Presidency, Farooq Kperogi, said on his Twitter page on Sunday, “I learned a while ago that Aso Rock didn’t formally invite Tinubu to Buhari’s official functions in Lagos. So, Tinubu jetted off to God knows where (someone said London) to escape public humiliation.
“Appearing there without being invited could cause humiliation and being in Lagos but absent from Buhari’s commissioning ceremonies would make it obvious that there’s hell in APC paradise. What to do? Run out of town.
“Recall that Buhari said during his recent interview that Tinubu couldn’t dictate APC’s zoning from Lagos. This is getting more and more interesting.”
On Thursday night, the President's spokesman, Garba Shehu, had tried to downplay the obvious rift between the two leaders and their camps, saying the interview the President granted to Arise Interview where he mentioned Lagos was not in reference to Buhari.
“You cannot sit there in Lagos, for instance, and decide on the fate of APC on zoning,” Buhari had said while responding to a question during the interview.
“The hope of this administration is to see APC last beyond it. Therefore we should allow the party to decide. The restructuring of the party has begun from the bottom to the top with the membership card registration. Every member of the party must be involved. We will soon conduct our convention. No single member of the party will be allowed to go against the wish of the party.”
Shehu had maintained that there was no rift between the two leaders and the reference to Lagos was not about Tinubu.
“But that is not true. Tinubu’s camp is already all over the South-west drumming support for Jagaban. Buhari’s statement has only created a wider gulf. Even people who are politically naïve know that the number one APC figure in Lagos is not Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu but the leader, Bola Tinubu.
“His not being invited to the commissioning of the 157 kilometres Lagos-Ibadan standard gauge railway for commercial operations at the Mobolaji Johnson Station in Ebute Metta and the Integrated National Security and Waterways Protection Infrastructure in Nigeria (also called the Deep Blue Project) at the ENL Terminal, Apapa Port smells of a deep rift between Buhari and Tinubu as well as their camps,” one of the top sources stated.
The last time Tinubu and Buhari met briefly at the Aso Villa was after the deaths of Lt Gen Ibrahim Attahiru, and some military personnel in an air crash.
Interviews: Some people disappointed to have seen Buhari ‘real life’ –Garba Shehu
Kayode Oyero
Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu, on Monday, said some people were disappointed to have seen his principal, Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), ‘real life’ in interviews and broadcast last weekend.
Shehu said this on NTA’s ‘Good Morning Nigeria’ programme monitored by The PUNCH.
Buhari had last week featured in interviews aired on Arise TV and NTA. The President also visited Lagos State last Thursday and inaugurated some projects. He also delivered a Democracy Day Speech on June 12.
When asked whether the president’s interviews and speeches last week allayed the doubt of Nigerians on whether the president is in control or not, Shehu said, “Yes, he has always been (in control) but there has been misperception and propaganda.
“By his own personal style, President Buhari is not too forward and he has not been frontal on many aspects. It is certainly not a sign of lack of effectiveness or that one is not in charge.
“People had yearned for him to speak to Nigerians and they have advocated for this including the national parliament, passing resolutions and there he was speaking as President Buhari, nothing artificial about him.
“The largest section of Nigerians are satisfied and happy to having seen the president animated, real life, capable and exuding that confidence and capability to govern well but that obviously would have disappointed some people, who in their view, nothing good can come out of an administration in which they are not a part of.”
Judiciary/Legislature autonomy: Governors meet Wednesday on implementation
By Eric Ikhilae, Abuja
Members of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) have scheduled a meeting for Wednesday to among others, strategise on ways to ensure the actual implementation of financial autonomy for state Judiciary and Legislature.
The Head, Media and Public Affairs, NGF, Abdulrazaque Bello-Barkindo said, in a statement on Monday, that the issue would form a major item on the agenda of virtual meeting, scheduled to commence at 2pm.
Bello-Barkindo said the governors would also deliberate on the Memorandum of Action (MoA) endorsed by representatives of the NGF, the Judicial Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) and the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria (PASAN) and other stakeholders before the over two-month old strike by judicial and parliamentary workers was suspended.
He noted that efforts were already under way in all states to either constitute the States Accounts Allocation Committees (SAAC) or to inaugurate them, preparatory to the granting of full autonomy to Legislature and Judiciary at the state level.
Part of the statement reads: “The return to work by the Judicial Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) and the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria (PASAN) which begins Tuesday after the democracy day holiday, will top the agenda of the 31st NGF meeting which takes place, virtually, on Wednesday 16th June 2021.
“Efforts are already under way in all states of the federation, to either constitute the States Accounts Allocation Committees (SAAC) or inaugurate them, preparatory to the granting of full autonomy to the two arms of government, namely, the legislature and the judiciary at the sub-national level.
“JUSUN and PASAN have been on a nationwide strike for more than two months, while governors of the 36 states worked day-and-night to establish modalities for their autonomy in conformity with the constitutional provisions that stipulated thus.
“The Governors’ meeting will be briefed before deliberating on the Memorandum of Action (MoA) of this main item on the agenda.
“According to the invitation to all the 36 governors as issued by the Director-General of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, NGF, Mr Asishana Bayo Okauru, the governors will be updated on the activities of the Presidential Task Force (PTF) on Covid 19, a regular feature of the governors’ meetings, by the Governor of Delta State, Dr Ifeanyi Okowa who heads the governors’ interface with the PTF.
“The meeting will also review the agenda of the NEC which takes place a day after. Other items on the agenda include the regular update on the States’ Fiscal Transparency, Accountability and Sustainability for results (SFTAS) to provide states’ status on their DLI’s and upcoming deadlines.
“The meeting will also receive two presentations: Director General, Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), will make a presentation regarding unlocking liquidity through sale/optimization of state-owned redundant/sub-optimal assets, while the Policy Development Facility (PDF) bridge programme will discuss diversification and non-oil export opportunities for states post-Covid-19.
“The meeting will commence at 2pm but governors are expected to start logging in from 1pm.”
Insecurity remains a snag, but Buhari has done well on infrastructure- By Fredrick ‘Mr OneNigeria’ Nwabufo
Is a critic oathed to only hunt for faults? Should he be impervious to hope, optimism and positivity or should he be amenable to fairness, truth and sanguinity – even if the facts are not in harmony with his public posture? It is customary here once you are branded a ‘’critic’’ of the government you are expected to only breathe fire like a dragon – ‘’see no good, speak no good; – just attack and attack’’.
This is the fallout out of militarised socialisation – a hangover of military-era opposition. During Nigeria’s military rule, scorched-earth activism/criticism was the definitive approach to the government and rightly so. Down with the Kaiser! If you betray any emotion for the Kaiser, then you are a traitor who must be hanged ‘’comrade-style’’.
I used to be that guerrilla critic; always hungry for an attack. And truly so, there were always reasons – good reasons. But I realised that if you prime yourself for complaints and fault-finding, you will always have reasons. You only see what you want to see. This does not vitiate the very important task of holding the government to account. No!
Insecurity remains a detraction to the achievements of the Buhari administration. While most of us agree that the performance of the government on security has not been impressive, very few may want to acknowledge the fact that President Buhari has made appreciable gains on infrastructure.
The Buhari administration has done well on infrastructure. It is a leap from where we used to be. We can agree that security remains a challenge but still acknowledge the good outcomes when we see them. At a time Nigeria was fortuned by favourable crude oil prices – in the past administration – funds for infrastructure were either diverted or frittered away. Contracts were awarded as a meal for political cronies. I am aware that the contract for a famous road in Abuja was awarded without a design – but funds were paid to the contractor who happens to be a cousin of the former president. That road was abandoned afterwards.
Let me get down to brass tacks. On rail, the 157km Lagos-Ibadan standard-gauge rail was inaugurated today. The benefits of this infrastructure are immense. The project is a relief for those who ply the tortuous Lagos-Ibadan road. The 327km Itakpe-Warri standard-gauge rail was completed and inaugurated 33 years after construction began. Abuja light rail was completed in 2018. Financing negotiations for Ibadan-Kano standard-gauge rail project are also in progress.
Some road projects have been completed and more are in progress. Also, more than N360 billion worth of Sukuk Bonds was raised in 2017 for many crucial road projects across all the six geopolitical zones. New terminals for international airports in Lagos, Abuja, Kano and Port Harcourt were completed. The construction of new runways for Abuja and Enugu international airports was also completed.
Yet it appears insecurity is eclipsing the achievements of the Buhari administration in this area. The basic responsibility of any government is to protect lives and property. We can only ride on the train and use the roads if we are alive. In fact, road trips have become an attempt at self-murder. The roads are gravely unsafe. Security comes first in the hierarchy of needs. It is the nucleus.
The Buhari administration must do well to address insecurity – for its own reckoning. Any achievement it records in other sectors will be obviated and dampened by daily episodes of killings and kidnappings.
The administration will be cheered and applauded by more Nigerians for its achievements when it saves Nigeria from the grim reaper rampaging everywhere in the country.
By Fredrick ‘Mr OneNigeria’ Nwabufo
‘True Federalism’ and other fallacies by Simon Kolawole
Public debate in Nigeria, permit me to say, is not as educative as you would find in many civilised societies. The predominant elements here are ethnic and religious emotions, garnished with delicate lies and dangerous half-truths. The first casualties, as always, are facts and logic. There is the “herd instinct” which makes us believe, say and do things like the people in our corner. The groupthink syndrome has stifled common sense and meaningful interlocution. For the fear of “dragging”, nobody wants to express an unpopular opinion. If you try to apply reason, you may be shredded. As Professor Wale Adebanwi would say, “It is treasonable to be reasonable in an unreasonable society.”
One topic of debate that has raged for ages, and will never stop dominating the airwaves, is the campaign for “true federalism” in Nigeria. I have done extensive research on federations across the world and I must admit that Nigeria is the only country where the term, “true federalism”, is in use. I stand to be corrected. While no two federations are exactly alike, I don’t know of any other country where people are campaigning for “true federalism”. Why? Because there is no such thing. “True federalism” is a complete fallacy, a made-in-Nigeria fantasy. You either run a federal system or not. There is no “true” or “false” federalism. Every federal system has its peculiarities and practices.
The basic definition of federalism can be captured in one sentence: a political entity in which power is shared between the national and subnational governments. One thing is common to ALL federations: the centre controls defence, monetary policies and foreign relations. How the rest of the political and legislative powers are shared differs from one federation to the other. In Nigeria, the powers that belong to the federal and state governments are defined on three lists: exclusive (federal), concurrent (federal and states) and residual (states). I have not found any two federations where the items on each list are exactly the same. So, what really is this “true federalism”?
In most federations, there are only two levels: the central and the subnational governments. In Nigeria, we have three tiers: the centre (federal), 36 states and 774 local government areas. The LGAs, though, are only third tier in name: they are part of the states. The three-tier system is somewhat peculiar to Nigeria. In the US, as with Germany, Ethiopia and most other federations, there are only two tiers: the national and the subnational. Councils and municipalities are under the states. That does not mean they are practising “false” federalism. In 1988, Brazil introduced a third tier called municipalities, which are independent of the states. The country has 5,570 of them.
Federal vs Unitary Systems
While the campaign for “true federalism” — as misleading as it sounds — has gained so much ground in Nigeria over the years, by far the bigger fallacy is that we can only develop if we practise this imagined system. It is a common argument among the protagonists that unless Nigeria practises “true federalism”, the country will remain stuck in underdevelopment. There is no evidence anywhere in the world to back this claim. No matter the indices we deploy, there is no proof that federalism develops or retards the development of any country. If we push this argument too far, we may end up discovering that centralisation of powers, as in the unitary system, works better.
In a unitary system, power resides with the centre. It decides what to delegate or devolve to the administrative units. (This is markedly different from federalism where the states self-govern. In Nigeria, states are constitutionally empowered to legislate on several items: taxation, education, healthcare, environment, and rural development, among others.) You know what? The UN has 193 members and 165 of them run a unitary system. Do the math. That is an overwhelming 85 per cent! In case you are wondering which countries make up the 165, let me list just a few: China, France and the UK. You can google it. Did you notice that these three are Super Powers? You didn’t? I did.
Let me take it a bit further. Using the UNDP Human Development Index — which measures the quality of life and standards of living in 189 countries — we could say the world’s most prosperous countries in 2019 (reported in 2020) run a unitary, not federal, system. In the Top 20, only seven practise federalism. In fact, in the Top 10, seven are unitary states and only three are federations. If we are to apply a mischievous logic, therefore, we can say that federalism makes countries poor and unitary system makes them prosperous. Of course, that would be absolutely false: federal or unitary system does not develop any country. It is good governance that has always done the trick.
Fiscal Federalism vs Resource Control
There is a campaign for “fiscal federalism” in Nigeria which is mistaken for “resource control”. The fiscal federalism theory was propounded in 1959 by Richard Musgrave, a German-American economist. He argued that the federal government should address the inequality in the distribution of wealth among the states in order to achieve economic stability in the entire federation. His key proposition is that the federal government should play the lead role of “redistributing” resources while the states should handle the “allocation” to specific sectors, such as education. This is to have a fiscally balanced federation so that no part is left behind for being poorer than the others.
It is true that in most federations, states own the oil in their territories — but that is not the whole story. In Canada, oil provinces are in control of their resources. But because only very few provinces have oil (Alberta and Saskatchewan), the federal government has an “equalisation fund” from where other provinces get grants for fiscal balancing. Conversely, in Mexico, the federal government is in total charge of all the oil revenue. Mexican states, whether or not they have oil, receive a flat 20 per cent as allocation. Municipalities where oil-production and shipping take place receive an extra 3.17 per cent as compensation for the environmental challenges. Different strokes for different folks.
Australia uses “horizontal fiscal equalisation” to support states with lower capacity to raise revenue. Belgium has the “national solidarity intervention” to beef up the finances of regions where the average per capita yield of personal income tax falls below the national average. In Germany, taxation is exclusively under the federal government, but the parliament passed a “state tax law” in 1920 to ensure that every state gets at least 80 per cent of the average tax revenue accruing to the 16 states. That means if the average tax revenue generated per state is $100 million, no state will get less than $80 million from the federal purse — even if the tax is not derived from its territory.
Why federalism for Nigeria?
I might have argued that unitary systems are the most common in the world and that they dominate the list of developed countries, but I am by no means suggesting that we should ditch federalism. Federalism is usually practised where there is ethnic and cultural diversity, and Nigeria absolutely qualifies on that count. I want us to continue along that path. Because of the self-governing feature, the states or regions can determine their priorities, policies, traditions and, in most countries, internal security. The wisdom is for the states to maintain independence from the centre — as long as this independence does not undermine the integrity and sovereignty of the federation.
Established in 1789, the US federation is the world’s oldest. It is often cited as the perfect example of federalism by Nigerian campaigners. It would appear that when these campaigners say Nigeria needs to practise “true” federalism, they mean the US variant. But this position ignores an all-important fact: the history of state formation. The US is a consensual union: all the states voluntarily agreed to form a federation. All the terms and conditions were agreed upon before they signed the dotted lines. The Nigerian federation, on the other hand, was set up by the British colonial government and Nigerians only started negotiating the union terms thereafter. Big difference.
To be clear, there is a point I would still like to make, lest I be misunderstood (I will still be misunderstood in any case, but I want this on record): I am not saying all is well with the Nigerian federation or that we do not need to tweak the constitution. That has never been, and will never be, my position. We, without any doubt, need to make critical changes to deliver development to the Nigerian people. The centre needs to devolve more responsibilities and revenue to the states because the states are closer to the people. But we can make all these arguments without whipping up ethnic sentiments, without lying to the children that there is something called “true federalism”.
I will repeat myself yet again: all countries that have developed did so on the basis of competent and patriotic leadership — not “true federalism”, “fiscal federalism”, presidentialism, parliamentarianism, regionalism, balkanisation and such like. In Nigeria, we appear to have deliberately erected plenty ethnic, religious and regional barriers in the development discourse so that we do not address the real obstacles to our progress. If we succeed in balkanising Nigeria by playing up these sentiments, even the new nations that will come out of Nigeria will only develop if they have good governance. Trust me, there is no alternative to competent and patriotic leadership.
Let me now summarise my takes on these fallacies. One, there is nothing like “true federalism” as being regularly canvassed in Nigeria; rather, there are variants of federalism and no two federations practise the system exactly the same way. Two, “fiscal federalism” means a fiscally balanced federation where no part is left behind for being poor; it does not mean “resource control” as being popularly canvassed here. Three, countries are not developed by federalism or unitary system — it is the quality of leadership that determines the height a country will attain. I hereby implore those who are willing to learn: read wider and stop being misled by the loudest voices in public discourse.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
TAMING TWITTER
As I was saying, Twitter and other social media apps have been hijacked to propagate fake news and hate speech, thereby putting societies at risk. They certainly need moderation and sanitisation — if civilisation is not to be eroded. But I insist: Nigeria is not going about it the right way. In a democracy, there are civil ways of doing things. While I won’t question the resolve of the federal government to address threats posed to national security by the misuse of social media, the way to go is get the tech giants to take responsibility for the sanitisation. There are bigger threats to the “corporate existence” of Nigeria, such as insurgency, banditry, kidnappings and arson. Priorities.
NBC BULLIES
When the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) threatened to sanction broadcast stations if they continued to tweet, it turned out to be a big opportunity in the struggle for media freedom in Nigeria. I would have loved members of the Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria (BON) to, in unison, defy the NBC cowards. Let NBC go wild and ban all the private stations. That would have been a great landmark in the history of media freedom in Nigeria. And I am damn sure any sanctions imposed by the power-drunk NBC cannot stand in a court because no law would have been broken. What an opportunity to assert press freedom and spit in the face of the NBC bullies. Missed.
END SARS AND FDI
Asked by ARISE TV to comment on declining inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI) into Nigeria, President Buhari took a curious detour by linking it to the End SARS uprising and the ensuing burning and looting. This, he said, discourages investment. Something tells me the president was only looking for the slightest opportunity to fire back at the protesters, whom he accused of trying to bring down his government (#EndBuhari trended along with #EndSARS, and there was a street theory that the UN would remove a president if protests lasted for 30 days). Truth be told, though, the fall in FDI pre-dated the End SARS mayhem. But, well, Buhari fired the shot all the same. Noted.
THE BUHARI PERSONA
Recent TV appearances and pronouncements by President Buhari must have confounded a number of people, particularly those who say he is “Jibril Al Sudani” as well as those Facebook professors who theorise that he has dementia. They are living with the contradictions: in one breath, they’ve been criticising the “real” Buhari after the interviews and unwittingly admitting that he is not Jibril and does not have dementia; in another breath, they insist he is Jibril or that he has dementia. I would rather stick to one position and be damned than moving the goalpost based on the argument at hand. From the TV interviews, though, I can say this is the same Buhari of pre-2015. Indisputable.
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