Wednesday, 16 June 2021
How minister laundered $37m through property deal – EFCC Chair by Solomon Odeniyi
THE Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Abdulrasheed Bawa, has described the real estate sector as one with grand scale corruption in the country.
The EFCC boss added that about 90 to 100 percent of resources are being laundered through the sector.
Bawa stated this while featuring on Sunrise Daily, a current affairs programme, on Channels Television on Tuesday.
He said the commission investigated a female minister, who he said, bought $37.5m property from a bank and deposited $20m cash.
Bawa, who is marking his 100 days in office, did not however disclose the identity of the suspect or whether she is a current or former minister.
He said, “One of the problems we have in the country is the real estate. Ninety to 100 per cent of the resources are being laundered through the real estate. Of course, they are being regulated but they are not enough in terms of how they give their returns to the Special Control Unit.
“We investigated a matter in which a bank MD marketed a property to a minister and agreed to purchase it at $37.5m. The bank then sent a vehicle to her house to evacuate $20m from her house in the first instance.
“The bank succeeded to put it in their system and paid the developer and then a lawyer set up a special purpose vehicle where the title documents were transferred into and of course, he is posing as the owner of the house.
“Without the help of the banker, the minister couldn’t have imagined collecting $20m from anyone with opportunity from the real sector; she could not have thought of where to launder the proceeds of crime.”
PUNCH.
APC National Chairmanship: Let's Say No To Ex Governors!
As we progress towards the elective National Convention of our great party, let us learn from our own history, avoid common mistake and correct ourselves.
We cannot continue to do things the same way, using same category of men, and expect better result.
We have had four National Chairmen since inception, three former and one serving governors namely, former Governor Bisi Akande, former Governor John Oyegun, Former Governor Adams Oshiomhole and currently, Governor Buni of Yobe State .
Erroneously, we are fast establishing it as a convention that only serving or former governors can lead APC at national level.
How much has leadership from this class favoured the party?
Experience has shown that the qualities required of a national chairman to succeed are what our new generation governors lack completely .
The qualities of a good national chairman include:
1. The habit of wide and sincere consultation.
2. Humility
3. Amiable and respectful disposition.
4. Ability to accept corrections and contributions from others .
5. Tolerance and embrace of decenting voices.
6. Experience in party organisation .
With all due respect to governors of this dispensation , the system has spoiled them to be lords onto themselves, dictators in a democracy to the extent that they don't value the input of others to the party.
Come to look at it,
does becoming governors certify them as good organizers?
The chairman that APC needs now is one that is experienced in party organisation and membership mobilization. One who will not feel too big to visit even a ward leader in any part of the country if duty demands him to do so.
The egoes of former governors are harmful to the successful organisation of a political party. Such will be an expensive gamble for our party of today.
It is therefore my humble appeal to all former governors from any of the region's to which the office of the national chairman is zoned this time around to please steer clear of the contest if they wish the party well.
I appealled to leaders of the zone to search for a candidate with the qualities enumerated above. The north should not copy the south in this case. Rather, they should show better example.
--------------------
Comrade Godwin Erhahon
Former: Chairman NUJ, Edo State
Former State Chairman CPC
Pioneer Edo State Publicity Secretary, APC
Tuesday, 15 June 2021
Interviewing president Buhari By: Reuben Abati.
I have been privileged to interview quite a number of world leaders in the course of my journalism career. These include President Olusegun Obasanjo, President Ketumile Masire of Botswana, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Commonwealth Secretary General Shridath Ramphal, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan etc..not to talk of holding the microphone across the world in the presence of countless Presidents in my then capacity as President Goodluck Jonathan’s spokesperson. But no other encounter held as much memory and nostalgic feelings for me as my return to the Aso Rock Presidential Villa on Wednesday, June 9 to interview Nigerian incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari.
It was my first return, not to the Villa itself, but to the President’s Residence since President Jonathan was driven out of that environment on May 29, 2015. As I walked from the parking lot in the Residence as we call it, I took in the familiar surroundings. I recalled I used to walk along the same paths, on a daily basis, as frequently as duty demanded. One day, we all followed our principal out of the Main Gate. How transient power can be. A sense of home and exile is definitely imprinted on the pavestones in the corridors of power. Today, you can pound it as if you were the mason who arranged the interlocking stones. Tomorrow, you could be exiled by circumstances from the same space, and your brief sojourn, with the effluxion of time, becomes a distant, fading memory.
As I stepped on every stone leading to the Residence, my mind travelled to the past. I felt as if I was in a trance. I was soon woken up by the words of welcome of the security men at the entrance. I was surprised some of the boys from the past were still on duty. Past the security check-point is the Red Carpet, the outer reception of the Residence. I walked in and sank into a seat. Red Carpet! This was where President Jonathan held his early morning devotions, with members of his family and some aides who were always in the Villa for early morning worship. The Christian devotion usually started around 6 am, by which time, in those days, the President would have shown up at the Red Carpet to start the day with prayers. Christian Presidents in Nigeria usually appoint a Chaplain for the church in the Villa. His job includes overseeing this early morning devotion. The red carpet was also where we, members of the President’s Main Body – Special Adviser Media, Chief Physician, SCOP, CSO, ADC, Chief Detail, PA, often sat if the President was sitting in the main living room, attending to a guest and we needed space to chat and relax. I saw some members of President Buhari’s Main Body last week also sitting in that same Red Carpet, as we waited. It was like old times. I was in the Villa with Prince Nduka Obaigbena, Chairman of the Arise/ThisDay Media Group, owners of ThisDay newspaper and Arise TV, along with Olusegun Adeniyi, former Presidential spokesperson during the Yar’Ádua administration, now Chairman of the ThisDay Newspaper Editorial Board, and Ms Tundun Abiola, lawyer, daughter of the late Chief MKO Abiola, winner of the 1993 June 12 Presidential election and Arise TV anchor, to interview President Buhari.
The interview was aired on Thursday, June 10 during The Morning Show on Arise TV and has been repeated in other bulletins on the station since then. This is one media interview that has generated more commentary than any other in the past five years in Nigeria. Quotes have been taken from it. It has been curated to the last detail. It has been reproduced on virtually every channel, local and international. Essays have been written on it and every part of it dimensioned for analysis. This particular media interview has thus exerted an elephantine impact on the public imagination with each viewer or commentator slicing off his or her own share of the meaty conversation. Others have described it as an exclusive and a scoop.
On Friday, June 11, another interview with President Buhari was aired by the government-owned Nigeria Television Authority (NTA) but that has been treated as an anti-climax, an afterthought and a veritable evidence of the lack of trust in government and its institutions. Nonetheless, the excitement that has been demonstrated over the Buhari interview(s) owes in part to the status of public perception about the President’s unwillingness to communicate directly with the people who elected him into power in 2015 and 2019. For the better part of his six years in power, President Buhari has engaged more with Nigerians through third parties, spokespersons and press statements. Other Presidents before him appeared regularly on Presidential Media Chats during which they responded to the people’s concerns. Not this President. In six years, he has not granted one Presidential media chat. Other Presidents gave one on one interviews to media houses, or even stand-up interviews with reporters. This President has been unusually reticent and absent. On the few occasions that he has spoken to the press, he did so with foreign journalists, a counter-productive move that merely infuriated Nigerian stakeholders. As his spokespersons churned out press releases and statements clarifying previous releases, in the face of rising wave of insecurity, violence and confusion in the land, Nigerians demanded that they would rather have the man they voted for speak to them.
The absence of the President’s personal voice eventually resulted in conspiracy theories which flourished unabated. Opposition elements argued that Nigeria no longer had a President but a Presidency that had been taken over by a cabal. They argued that the elected President died a while ago and had been replaced by a body clone called Jibrin from Sudan. For effect, they added that even the First Lady was aware of this and hence, her trenchant criticisms of the government and her husband’s aides. Commentators like Farooq Kperogi, claiming insider knowledge of Aso Villa and its actors, in seductive prose, told Nigerians many tales about how their President had succumbed to a combination of dementia and senility and government had been taken over by unscrupulous persons who call the shots in the President’s name. The big lesson in retrospect is that when a President distances himself from the people, and refuses to engage them as we see leaders in other parts do, he unwittingly encourages conspiracy theories about a vacuum in power and the politics of absence and/or indifference at the highest levels.
Whoever advised President Buhari to grant media interviews last week and also address the nation on Saturday, June 12, did him a big favour. The intensity of media appearance was a good move, even if it came rather late. Nigerians may disagree with some of the things the President said in his media outings, but many of the myths constructed around him have been exploded, and that must be helpful to his administration. The man that our team sat with and interviewed didn’t sound like a Jibrin from Sudan. He was alert, alive, informed, confident, relaxed, witty and capable of disarming humour. He was not the invalid or the senile old man that his critics say he is. He didn’t sound weak either. As the interview progressed, he had another function that he needed to attend, and we didn’t leave the Villa until about 11 pm. Less than 12 hours later, the same man, the following day was in Lagos to commission rail, maritime, and security projects. His submission to a media conversation is also a form of protection for his spokespersons. Many have accused Garba Shehu, Femi Adesina and Alhaji Lai Mohammed of speaking for themselves, and not for the President, but we have all seen a President, speaking for himself, whose views do not contradict what his aides have been telling us. Our interview with him also proved the point that there is no doubting the fact that President Muhammadu Buhari is effectively in charge. He knows what is going on. And he showed no hesitation in restating some of his reported views and taking ownership of them despite the controversial nature of those views. Every President has his or her own style but deliberately playing possum should not be part of that style. President Buhari should speak more often to Nigerians. He should sit down at Presidential media chats. Nigeria is not a feudal system where the aristocrat treats the people with disdain. In a democracy, the man of power is accountable to the people who expect their leaders to continually justify why they must be in power and office.
The reactions to our interview have been mixed, I guess, understandably. The problem with being a journalist however, is that everyone claims to know the job better than the man in the arena, more so because Nigeria is afflicted by a yet undeclared pandemic that I have since labelled opinionitis. We must get a vaccine for that. Nigeria is the only country I know where everybody is a universal expert on every subject, including the mating habits of porcupines and the nightlife of witches and wizards. People wake up in the morning with ready-made opinions even about news that they have not read or seen, and they are ready to go town with all the energy they woke up with. With due respect, I think our team asked serious and relevant questions, which brought out Buhari, the man, the person, the persona and the leader. But Nigerians still raise questions. I have been told for example that when the President said he would keep the question about what his government intends to do about Twitter to his heart, we should have followed up with an attack. Fine. The President spoke his mind. But were we supposed to rip out his heart from his chest to find out what he was keeping there? His answer was revealing enough. When he spoke about the neighbouring Republic of Niger, he focussed more on the economic advantages of engaging Niger, on government to government, business to business and people to people basis, but the only word his critics heard was that he referred to having cousins in that country. Were we expected to turn into his media advisers at that point? I do not intend to defend our work. But the conversation and debate that have been generated by the Arise TV interview is enough proof that this was a useful, impactful, and path-finding contribution to public conversation. What we did was not a celebrity showcase, but serious journalism.
The ground-breaking nature of that interview must be further situated within the context of the different reactions to it along the North-South Nigerian divide. It must be noted that the feedback from the North has been overwhelmingly positive. From the South, majorly negative. The President referred to IPOB, the Indigenous People of Biafra, as a “dot in a circle”. He proceeded to talk about how IPOB, he meant Igbos, are in every part of the country and how they will not be allowed to exit. He repeated the point that if they try to do so, government will speak to them in the language they will understand. The police and the military will be sent after them. Southerners including the Yoruba Afenifere group are angry about this. But the Hausa/Fulani are happy that the President spoke firmly. It didn’t matter to them that he also added in that interview that bandits in the North will also be spoken to in “the language that they will understand.”
When asked what he will do after retirement, whether he will set up a Presidential Library or not, the President did not refer to any library, he said he will return to his farm in Katsina and tend the cows in his farm. In that breath, the President identified with every cattle owner in the country. Southern commentators think he should set up a library, but the man made it clear he would rather attend to cows. He would later talk about grazing routes that need to be reinstated in line with a First Republic Gazette. Southern Nigerians have been up in arms because of that statement. They are quoting the ruling of Justice Adewale Thompson in Suit AB/26/66 of April 1969 in the Abeokuta Division of the High Court in which the learned Justice described the grazing of cows as “repugnant to natural justice, equity and good conscience”. That ruling has not yet been set aside 52 years after. They also quote Sections 1 and 2 of the Land Use Act which vests ownership of land in the states, which means that in 2021, the President is not in a position to enforce a 1960s gazette on open grazing, more so as states of the South and the Middle Belt have imposed a ban on open grazing in their jurisdictions. Many Northerners think Southerners are talking nonsense, and are just being intolerant.
When asked about zoning and succession within his party, the President made the point that determining the future of the party is the responsibility of the party not his, and that it is not something that anyone can sit in Lagos and decide. This turned out to be the most salacious part of the Arise TV interview. Southern commentators have stretched that comment to its point of elasticity and attached a name to it: that of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The Presidency has had to issue a statement to debunk the auto-suggestions. Southern Nigerians are not impressed. They see this, and the President’s laboured justification of his nepotism in appointments as a confirmation of the fault lines in his government. Northerners don’t see any issue here. Similarly, there have been, in the course of the weekend, equally partisan, ethnic responses to the President’s claims about creating 10.5 million jobs in 2 years and the sectional spectacle of June 12 protests and celebration. What came across to Buhari’s opponents is the persona of a President with a military mind-set, an ethnic champion who is still fighting the civil war, and who cares little about public opinion.
The Buhari interview has further revealed how divided we are as a nation, and the crisis of social cohesion that we face. Nigeria is more divided today than at any other time in our history. And certainly, the President’s responses reinforce this conclusion because his main constituencies and supporters see nothing fundamentally wrong with his media statements in the last few days. With his responses, Buhari chose his audience tactically. People should stop saying he did not understand the questions. He did, and he made his point. And I insist: that was a very good interview, and an opportunity for the entire country.
Monday, 14 June 2021
‘Our June 12 Plane hijack story’-Richard Ogunderu
In the heat of the June 12 election annulment in 1993, four Nigerian teenagers hijacked a Nigerian Airways airbus A310. The plane was diverted to the Republic of Niger. Sixteen years after, in an encounter with Deputy Editor Adewale Adeoye, the now adult musketeers recount their experiences and the pains from the nine harrowing years they spent in the arid prison of Niamey.
BY SAHARA REPORTERSJUN 20, 2009
In the heat of the June 12 election annulment in 1993, four Nigerian teenagers hijacked a Nigerian Airways airbus A310. The plane was diverted to the Republic of Niger. Sixteen years after, in an encounter with Deputy Editor Adewale Adeoye, the now adult musketeers recount their experiences and the pains from the nine harrowing years they spent in the arid prison of Niamey.
Midday penultimate Friday, he sat on a couch, puffing away smoke from his St Morris cigar. His eyes were piercing, sharp and inquisitive. He wore what looked like a permanent frown on his brow. By noon each day, his friends say butts of half the packet of cigarette would have been thrashed into the small tray, perched on his table. He spoke with some sense of political accuracy, but would answer each question after about three minutes of starring into your eyes and then banging his head downwards. He has no specific job for now, except that he still dreams, that one day, he would become a pilot and fly some of the best planes in the world, that is, if his ambition to rule Nigeria through democratic means, no longer tops the list of his scale of preference. He once made attempts to be a pilot, after his release from nine and half years of incarceration, but his requests were not granted by a German aviation school in Frankfurt. Looking at him, Richard Ogunderu, the subject was certainly younger in 1993 when he led a group of co-teens to hijack a Nigerian airways bus A310 scheduled to fly from Lagos to Abuja. He probably was equally thinner, less radical and less ideological than he seems now. 16 years ago, he had jumped from political oblivion to seize newspaper headlines, though in a less fascinating tilt, including prominent mention by the New York Times and other top western media. The name Richard Ajibola Ogunderu may be strange to some people, but not to so many that would remember the astonishing actions of four daring gang that hijacked the Nigerian airbus A310 on Monday, October 25, 1993. Many observers see the plane hijack as the first of its kind in Nigerian history.
Ogunderu, and his co-plotters, Kabir Adenuga, Benneth Oluwadaisi and Kenny Rasaq-Lawal took the daring action on that afternoon when Chief Ernest Shonekan and his fidihe (interim) government was battling almost fruitlessly to salvage the floundering image of a nation then in turmoil. The group joined the passengers in Lagos, their pony bags hung on their shoulders as they filed through the queue to board the plane from the local airport in Lagos. As the plane settled to cruise at about 30,000 feet above sea level and the pilot announced that passengers could loosen their belts, the boys blinked to each other on their seats, beckoning on the ringleader to strike. He did and the other hijackers, all in their teens, followed. They did not only seize the plane, they also held in awe all the bewildered passengers, some of who were business people or top government officials flying to Abuja, the seat of power. The boys cited the need to enthrone democracy and actualize the annulled June 12 election as the reason for what appeared a desperate action, quite strange to their social milieu. ‘Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy, remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you’ a gritty voice, not as sonorous as that of a pilot, echoed through the small speakers. Panic. Fear. Uncertainties. The airhostesses, Ogunderu recalled, were almost stone dead, having been gripped by fear. They must not move else they would ‘be dead.’ A passenger who was in the toilet was said to have remained indoor until one of the hijackers came to pull him out. Ogunderu said the action of the four boys, now men, was ‘meaningfully desperate.’
He said he and his peers were frustrated by the annulment of the election and the fact that the country appeared almost heading for a civil war and that his group had to take the action to ‘send jitters down the spine of those in power.’ Hear him: ‘we wanted change. Our action confirmed that when a system is inhuman, it could produce the extreme in all of us. A system that cares not, a system that does not listen to our cries and our woes, a system that wants to exterminate us does not deserve a day of existence,’ Ogunderu told The Nation last week. He said the four young men that led the hijack sent ‘shock waves’ to the consciousness of the regime so that they would realize that ‘Nigerians were not everlasting dummies.’
The group’s action was under the aegis of Movement for Democracy in Nigeria, MAD. Kabir also said the action was taken ‘to show the resentment against annulment of the June 12 election.’ He said he was worried that after 16 years, the system continues to trample underfoot the lives, rights and privileges of the ordinary Nigerian citizen.
The group claimed June 12 motivated them. But there are cobwebs of puzzles: who sponsored the action and how was the operation carried out? How were the boys recruited?
Asked if the group was afraid when the gendarmes stormed the plane, he said ‘No.’ how did the group of four meets and how were they recruited? That is not for discussion for now, he said, but he admitted that the four had been part of the MAD campaign against military rule which began in 1992.
Before the action, MAD’s leader, Mallam Jerry Yusuff said to be an indigene of Kwara state, had been in the forefront of the campaign against military rule. In the hey days of General Ibrahim Babangida’s rule in 1992, MAD made some appearances at the National Theater, through seminars, in the campaign against military reign, but the group did not carry out the hijack until the interim government of Chief Ernest Shonekan had been installed late in 1993. Leader of MAD, Jerry Yusuff after the hijack, said the action was to ‘terrorize the few people who have terrorized us politically and economically, to recover the money stolen from us.’ Yusuff is a product of universities that focus on hard-line Islamic studies. He was born in Ofa, Kwara state in 1952. He lived in Germany between 1973 and 1977 and was thought to have learnt German. He was a businessman who specialized in selling cocoa. When his boys seized the plane, they gave 72 hours to the government to meet their demands or else they would set the plane on fire. They however allowed 34 passengers to go, leaving the remaining 159 among whom were top Nigerian government officials. The Niger Interior ministry listed a Chinese, Rong Viren as one of those released. Niger also said the plane had wanted to refuel in Chad but was refused landing.
On the day of the kidnap, the local and international media were amazed that such a thing could take place in Nigeria, considered an aviation safe haven. The four took over the plane as soon as it took off from Lagos. Ogunderu was the one that led the assault. He recalled: ‘I walked into the cockpit and seized the process, and then the others followed me. Two of us stood in the plane to intimidate the passengers. We took over the plane and asked the pilot to head for another country.’ Though Ogunderu did not say it, but an independent source hinted that originally the plane was to be diverted to Germany but that Niamey became a choice when it became obvious that the aviation fuel would not sustain the plane for any longer distance. Ogunderu said the plane landed in Niamey in less than two hours and that as it grounded to a halt, he could see, from the louvers hundreds of armed gendarmes waiting at the airport. The hijackers had issued prepared statements, which they distributed in the plane calling on the Nigerian government to actualize the June 12 election and swear-in, the winner, Chief M.K.O Abiola. Negotiations began with the hijackers after some few days of lull and indecision by the local authority, which was unawares of the hijackers military capacity, or whether they had explosives that could blow up the plane. The Nigerien authorities offered to release the hijackers provided that they would not harm the passengers, but while that was on going, Richard revealed, high level security meetings were in top gear with the chief aim of storming the plane and freeing the passengers, and if possible, kill the hijackers. Asked if he was afraid when the gendarmes stormed the plane, Ogunderu said ‘we were on a mission, we wanted to show the evil regime that young people were prepared to go the extra length to free Nigerians from the yoke of military dictatorship.’ He said further: ‘we were not afraid, at that moment, death meant nothing to us. They stormed the place and we were alarmed, we didn’t shoot, we tried to perfect our safety and the safety of the passengers’ he said. Apparently, the negotiation the Nigerien government was having with them was bait, aimed at buying time and psyching up the level of sophistication of the four teenagers that apparently had no experience in hijack and some of who had not even seen a plane until they took that action. Richard admitted he was on top of the group of four boys who hijacked the Nigerian Plane in 1993 under the banner of MAD. He was the one who briefed the boys of what each was to do and what role was to be carried out by each. In Niger, Ogunderu and his boys asked for more fuel to enable the plane fly to Frankfurt, but eh the Nigerien authority declined request.
The four, on landing in Niamey, held on to the plane for some days, trailed by bait negotiations until the gendarmes stormed the plane to rescue the passengers. ‘We were shot at. Some people died’, he recalled.
However, few days latter, hundreds of armed gendarmes stormed the plane in the night, when the hijackers were thought to be asleep. ‘They thought we were asleep, so they came under the cover of the night and fired several shots. They bombarded the plane. I think one person died’ Ogunderu recalled. The four with their arms cramped on their back, were handcuffed and taken to captivity.
He said that the four were taken to a prison in a community with day temperature in the range of 55 degree centigrade. ‘We were poorly fed. We could neither speak Hausa nor French and nobody spoke English to us,’ Lawal had said. With the arrival of the hijackers in a tiny country of lowly political tempo, a worried President of Niger, Mohamane Ousmane made a broadcast assuring his countrymen that he was on top of the situation. Soon, undercover security operatives began move to track down the brain box of the hijack. This led to the November 14 1993 abduction of the MAD leader, Mallam Jerry Yusuff. The adduction took place three days after the late dictator; General Sanni Abacha took over power. Yusuff was kidnapped from the street of Ilorin and taken to Niger, but the episode was kept under wraps by the governments of Niger and Nigeria. Yusuff said security operatives told him that he was being taking to Abuja but never knew until the plane landed in Niamey.
On his secret abduction, the cat was let out of the bag only when officials of the local human rights group, Association Nigerienne Por La Defense Des Droits Dehomme, visited President Ousmane on behalf of the hijackers. In the discussion the President had with them, he unconsciously revealed what was hitherto a state secret when the rights group asked him about the fate of the four hijackers. The President asked them which of the hijackers they were pressing to be released. The then President then mentioned that Yusuff had been brought into the country, which gave the human rights body the advantage to publicize the abduction of the MAD leader. However, the trial judge who presided over the case of Yusuff, Justice Abdourahmane Gayakoye held that Yusuff should be discharged since he did not commit the offence in Niger Republic; however the then public prosecutor, Mr. Matty El Hadj Moussa appealed the matter. The legal fray did not lead to the release of Yusuff until several years later.
Last week, Richard, said when he carried out the action, he had only then left his secondary school in Ondo State. He told The Nation that he was the one that led the cell within the MAD, which felt the ‘best’ way was to turn the table against military rule and the surrogate government of Shonekan, even if it entailed using anarchical methods. ‘We were fired by the need to actualize June 12 through any means possible. We wanted to demonstrate rare courage that we could save Nigeria from the shackles of repression by giving a sense of courage to Nigerians.’ Recalling that day with nostalgia, Richard said "we could all have been killed.’ The hijacked also revealed the inadequacies of Nigerian airport security. The security officials had no prior knowledge of the action. There was no tip off. The pilot himself was probably not trained enough to realize his abductors were holding a toy gun. For instance, in Lagos where the plane took off, Richard and the three others were part of the ‘innocent passengers’ that boarded the plane from Lagos to Abuja. Mid-sky, Richard said he was the one that stood up from his fastened belt and headed for the cockpit where the pilot and the co-pilot were holed up. He told The Nation he brought out a ‘gun.’ Richard now admitted, perhaps for the first time since the incident, that it was a toy gun he held that day. After his visit to the cockpit, he said the panicky pilot was compelled to divert the plane from Lagos to Niger Republic, in what arguably was seen as Nigeria’s first plane hijack episode.
He said further: ‘we wanted freedom, freedom to choose our leaders. We were pushed to the extreme and we reacted in an extreme manner’ he told The Nation. Richard recalled the pains, hunger, deprivation, penury, and threats of death, loneliness and the excruciating heat during the nine harrowing years in Niamey. There was no connection with their relations, no contact with loved ones, from morning till night, for nine years, they had to endure relating with hostile and strange people whose culture were totally different from theirs. On many occasions, death starred at them and the future was almost at an infinite peril, according to them. He and his colleagues were kept for nine years and four months in the arid prison of Niamey that was after several legal fireworks to seek their freedom had failed. If there is anything the group of four gained, it was probably the ability to speak French, fluently. Richard, who on returning to Nigeria has been trying to enter the University without success, said he ‘remains a graduate having spent nine years and four months learning how to speak French.’ He however said he is still frustrated ‘by the lack of job and the inability of the Nigerian government to provide the essentials of life for her citizens including the four.’ On their return to Nigeria, no one or group gave them succor, except their relations, they were left to fend for their future, the prime of which was almost wasted. There was no post trauma treatment or rehabilitation. But while in Ndjamena prison, Kabir had improved his skill for drawing on canvass, sketching personalities and painting. Kenny kept his fashion design prowess alive throughout the gruesome nine years. Kabir and Kenny have now returned to Niger Republic where their knowledge of French and their profession earns them a fair living. Richard on return to Nigeria, attended the Alliance Francaise where he ‘brushed up his French language course with a diploma degree. But he still needs a salary-earning job.
Richard’s father, Yemi said there were lessons to be learnt from the action of the four boys. First, he said that with the growing wave of kidnappings across the country, it shows that ‘Nigeria is not working and our children, out of desperation are taking desperate actions, sometimes deadly, to survive what he described as a ‘stifling socio-political situation.’ He said the current leadership in Nigeria needs to respond to the fundamentals that make young people to want to risk death in the quest for survival saying that the action of the plane hijackers was a ‘desperate action in response to desperate oppressors in the country.’
However, there are suspicions as to the motif of the kidnap and the covert intrigues behind the action. Was it carried out with the prompting of the Nigerian security operatives under the direct supervision of General Sanni Abacha who was then the Minister of Defense under Shonekan? Was it a plot to create an illusion of insecurity so as to justify the taking over of Shonekan’s government using the innocent teens as unconscious cannon folders and puns in the wicked machination within the intra political struggle among the ruling elite? One: One information at least leaked to the Nigerien media that on the day of the kidnap, another Nigerian plane was earlier, abruptly brought by the Nigerian government to Niamey Airport. Two: a source said the hijackers’ manifesto read that Abacha should take over from Shonekan, this last point on the hijackers manifesto was said to have been stripped with ink when the original list of demands was printed out for the public.
‘In security parlance, if Abacha used them, there was no way the boys would know, they might have acted with the belief that they were activists defending democratic principles, without understanding the complex power game that underlined their actions,’ one security operative who sought anonymity told The Nation.
But Richard’s father, who was equally arrested and detained by the then military government of Abacha said the boys’ actions were voluntary and that they could not have been sponsored by the military so as to aid Abacha’s emergence. He believes their action was born out of frustration against the military government and the growing resentment against the annulment of June 12 election.’ He said though the involvement of his son in the hijack caught him unawares, but that his son had always been known to ‘defend and promote basic human rights and the freedom of mankind’ right from his youth. He said no military regime could use his son for parochial interests. He said his son’s glowing records as a young boy ‘who cherishes die-hard rebellion against military rule", would not at the same time be a pun in the intricate politics of power. Richard said he was partly motivated by Abiola’s reputation as a generous person, saying that he was ‘proud to have risked his life to see freedom and democracy installed in Nigeria.’ He said ‘when I was growing up, I see the looting of public treasury, the wickedness of leaders, the I-don’t-care attitude and the rigging of popular elections across the country even today. I knew in my mind that this would lead to chaos and breakdown of law and order as we see today’ saying that economic and political frustrations ‘tempts the revolutionary flavor in all of us.’
For now, Richard and Lawal have since settled for a new life in Nigeria, after they came in quietly to the country from Niger, the day after they walked into freedom after barely a decade of incarceration. According to them, they continue to try hard, to put the past in the trash bin of history. The only regrets, according to one of them is that the ‘evil that Nigerians fought against several years back continues to luck around the country’s image.’ He said ‘its unfortunate that our leaders continue to oppress us, the worst being that we cannot even chose our representatives in the face of fraudulent elections and the daring posture of the perpetrators of crime.’ All however said they would not see the hijacking of plane as the solution anymore and that ‘they will in fact campaign against’ such or related action.
Richard himself said one good thing about the current socio-political milieu is that "Democracy has brought hope; it has given us an opportunity to reshape our destiny, though we are yet to practice according to the rule.’
Now that his ambition to be a pilot seems headed for the rocks, what other ambition has he? Ogunderu said ‘he wants to be the President of Nigeria.’ What will be his priority if he, some day, occupies Aso Rock, he said he will ‘provide the essentials of life; water, housing, energy and food.’ He is of the opinion that the ‘rage in the land’ and the ‘growing desperation of young and old people could be put behind’ if there is food on the table of Nigerians. He said: ‘A system where people cannot afford common vegetables and even gari cannot guarantee peace for the citizenry.’ He said if he becomes the President, he would ‘curb crime by engaging young people in compulsory education and agriculture.’ Lately, he has been involved in the campaign for the restructuring of the country, having worked as a social worker with the Pro National Conference Organizations, PRONACO when the group was canvassing for the restructuring of Nigeria for self-determination.
But for now, Ogunderu’s new wish of becoming the President of Nigeria remains a dream, just a dream, and nothing more.
SOME FORGOTTEN HEROES OF JUNE 12 STRUGGLE
FLASHBACK: How four teenagers hijacked a Nigeria Airways plane ‘for MKO Abiola’
Four Nigerian teenagers, irked by the illegal and unjust annulment of the June 12, 1993 general election by the Ibrahim Babangida administration, hijacked a Nigeria Airways aircraft flying from Lagos to Abuja and diverted it to Niamey, Niger Republic.
The incident took place on a Monday, October 25, 1993, at a time Ernest Shonekan, then Interim President, was struggling to hold a chaotic country together.
HOW IT HAPPENED
The young men — Richard Ogunderu, Kabir Adenuga, Benneth Oluwadaisi and Kenny Rasaq-Lawal — boarded the flight quite gently and waited till the pilot announced that passengers could unfasten their seat belts.
According to an account of the incident, as was later relayed by Ogunderu himself, the boys signaled to one another and seized the plane.
Passengers aboard the aircraft, including top businessmen and senior government officials, were bewildered to hear a voice, different from that of the pilot, addressing them in the moments that followed.
“Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy,” the rather tiny voice said. “Remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you.”
Ogunderu recalled that “the air hostesses were almost stone-dead, gripped by fear. They must not move else they would ‘be dead.'”
A passenger who was in the toilet was said to have remained indoors until one of the hijackers came to pull him out.
“We wanted change. Our action confirmed that when a system is inhumane, it could produce the extreme in all of us,” Ogunderu said in an interview in 2009.
“A system that cares not, a system that does not listen to our cries and our woes, a system that wants to exterminate us does not deserve a day of existence.”
Ogunderu was the leader of the pack and he narrated how he kick-started the hijack.
“I walked into the cockpit and seized the process, and then the others followed me. Two of us stood in the plane to intimidate the passengers. We took over the plane and asked the pilot to head for another country.”
DIVERSION TO NIAMEY
Independent sources said the initial plan was to divert the plane to Germany, but when it became obvious that they were running out of fuel, they decided to land in Niamey.
On landing, the hijackers found hundreds of armed gendarmes at the airport, but before then they had distributed their demands among the passengers, calling on the Nigerian government to overturn the annulment of the June 12 election and swear in MKO Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the election.
They gave the government 72 hours to meet their demands or else they would set the plane ablaze. However, they allowed 34 passengers to go and held onto the remaining 159 among whom were top Nigerian government officials.
The Nigerien police could not attack the plane by force, as they were unaware whether the attackers had military training or possessed explosives that could blow up the plane.
GAME UP!
The four held on to the plane for some days, trailed by bait negotiations until the gendarmes stormed the plane to rescue the passengers.
Ogunderu said: “They thought we were asleep, so they came under the cover of the night and fired several shots. They bombarded the plane. I think one person died.”
And so the four ‘musketeers’ were apprehended, their arms cramped on their back as they were handcuffed and taken to a prison in a community with day temperature in the range of 55 degree centigrade.
“We were poorly fed. We could neither speak Hausa nor French and nobody spoke English to us,” Ogunderu said.
“We were fired by the need to actualize June 12 through any means possible. We wanted to demonstrate rare courage that we could save Nigeria from the shackles of repression by giving a sense of courage to Nigerians.”
But he admitted that though they were motivated by the quest for freedom — freedom to choose our leaders — they “reacted in an extreme manner”.
As punishment, Ogunderu and his colleagues spent nine years and four months in prison in Niamey.
They had no contact with relatives and loved ones, from morning till night, for nine years.
But it was not all doom and gloom for the boys while in prison in Ndjamena, as among other things, they learnt how to speak French fluently.
Kabir improved his skill for drawing on canvass, sketching personalities and painting; Kenny kept his fashion design prowess alive throughout the gruesome nine years. Both returned to Niger Republic where their knowledge of French and their professions now earn them a fair living.
Ogunderu and Lawal returned to Nigeria, with the former attending the Alliance Francaise in Lagos where he brushed up his French language with a diploma degree.
Their only regrets, according to one of them, is that the “evil that Nigerians fought against several years back continues to luck around the country’s image”.
“Its unfortunate that our leaders continue to oppress us, the worst being that we cannot even choose our representatives in the face of fraudulent elections and the daring posture of the perpetrators of crime,” Ogunderu said.
MY CONCERN:
How many of those who became prominent on our political platforms through the struggle of June 12 have bothered to reach out to anyone of them.
2023: Tinubu's Absence During Buhari's Visit To Lagos Widens Rift Between Camps
SaharaReporters learnt that the Presidency, against its usual custom, did not extend an invitation to Tinubu ahead of the visit which should make him feel welcome at the ceremony.
BY SAHARAREPORTERS
The conspicuous absence of the National Leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and former Lagos State Governor, Bola Tinubu, at the one-day working visit of President Muhammadu Buhari to commission various projects in Lagos State is deepening the conflict between the camps of both political actors ahead of 2023.
SaharaReporters learnt that the Presidency, against its usual custom, did not extend an invitation to Tinubu ahead of the visit which should make him feel welcome at the ceremony.
The camp of the APC leader felt embarrassed by the Presidency’s action.
Top sources also revealed that Tinubu did not feel comfortable to stay in Lagos during the Presidential visit in order to hide the growing battle between the two from public glare and he instead decided to embark on a journey.
A political analyst, who is also versed on happenings in the Presidency, Farooq Kperogi, said on his Twitter page on Sunday, “I learned a while ago that Aso Rock didn’t formally invite Tinubu to Buhari’s official functions in Lagos. So, Tinubu jetted off to God knows where (someone said London) to escape public humiliation.
“Appearing there without being invited could cause humiliation and being in Lagos but absent from Buhari’s commissioning ceremonies would make it obvious that there’s hell in APC paradise. What to do? Run out of town.
“Recall that Buhari said during his recent interview that Tinubu couldn’t dictate APC’s zoning from Lagos. This is getting more and more interesting.”
On Thursday night, the President's spokesman, Garba Shehu, had tried to downplay the obvious rift between the two leaders and their camps, saying the interview the President granted to Arise Interview where he mentioned Lagos was not in reference to Buhari.
“You cannot sit there in Lagos, for instance, and decide on the fate of APC on zoning,” Buhari had said while responding to a question during the interview.
“The hope of this administration is to see APC last beyond it. Therefore we should allow the party to decide. The restructuring of the party has begun from the bottom to the top with the membership card registration. Every member of the party must be involved. We will soon conduct our convention. No single member of the party will be allowed to go against the wish of the party.”
Shehu had maintained that there was no rift between the two leaders and the reference to Lagos was not about Tinubu.
“But that is not true. Tinubu’s camp is already all over the South-west drumming support for Jagaban. Buhari’s statement has only created a wider gulf. Even people who are politically naïve know that the number one APC figure in Lagos is not Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu but the leader, Bola Tinubu.
“His not being invited to the commissioning of the 157 kilometres Lagos-Ibadan standard gauge railway for commercial operations at the Mobolaji Johnson Station in Ebute Metta and the Integrated National Security and Waterways Protection Infrastructure in Nigeria (also called the Deep Blue Project) at the ENL Terminal, Apapa Port smells of a deep rift between Buhari and Tinubu as well as their camps,” one of the top sources stated.
The last time Tinubu and Buhari met briefly at the Aso Villa was after the deaths of Lt Gen Ibrahim Attahiru, and some military personnel in an air crash.
Interviews: Some people disappointed to have seen Buhari ‘real life’ –Garba Shehu
Kayode Oyero
Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu, on Monday, said some people were disappointed to have seen his principal, Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), ‘real life’ in interviews and broadcast last weekend.
Shehu said this on NTA’s ‘Good Morning Nigeria’ programme monitored by The PUNCH.
Buhari had last week featured in interviews aired on Arise TV and NTA. The President also visited Lagos State last Thursday and inaugurated some projects. He also delivered a Democracy Day Speech on June 12.
When asked whether the president’s interviews and speeches last week allayed the doubt of Nigerians on whether the president is in control or not, Shehu said, “Yes, he has always been (in control) but there has been misperception and propaganda.
“By his own personal style, President Buhari is not too forward and he has not been frontal on many aspects. It is certainly not a sign of lack of effectiveness or that one is not in charge.
“People had yearned for him to speak to Nigerians and they have advocated for this including the national parliament, passing resolutions and there he was speaking as President Buhari, nothing artificial about him.
“The largest section of Nigerians are satisfied and happy to having seen the president animated, real life, capable and exuding that confidence and capability to govern well but that obviously would have disappointed some people, who in their view, nothing good can come out of an administration in which they are not a part of.”
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