Between Obafemi Awolowo and Alfred Rewane: A study in defiance and loyalty BY FEMI KEHINDE

Human characters, develop from childhood, through adolescence and graduates to adulthood. Within these streams of human developmental process, man’s inbuilt and intrinsic qualities begins to unfold. Harold Wilson, at the age of ten, dreamt of the office of the Prime Minister of Great Britain. At the age of ten, he posed for a photograph with his father at the entrance of No. 10 Downing Street, the Official Residence of the Prime Minister of Great Britain and prophetically, told his father that he would one day, live in the residence as the Prime Minister of Great Britain- that was a mission, a goal and a vision. He prepared for it and accomplished it. He fought the General Election, for the seat of Orminsk; he won and immediately became the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Works at the age of 29. He eventually, became the Prime Minister of Great Britain at the age of 48. Harold Wilson, prepared for this office and ended up, one of the best Prime Ministers of Great Britain. Obafemi Awolowo, perhaps the best President that Nigeria never had, according to Odumegwu Ojukwu, had from early life, developed traits of tenacity, persistence, deftness and defiance, towards the accomplishment of a set goal. Awolowo had at the age of 10, defaced the wall of his father- David Sopolu’s house, with words, phrases and sentences that had exhibited his character traits. Perhaps, the most enchanting and enduring one, aside from its pedantic pomposity was “To laugh at infirmity or deformity is enormity;” That is- it is unwise and sinful to laugh at other people’s misfortune. Around this period, he had also dusted a stronger opponent, at a wrestling duel, upon the sight of his father, from a distance. According to Obafemi “it became imperative that I should stand my ground and I did! I did not see my father again until I got to the house. He was very pleased with my performance and he told me so. As a result of father’s and granny’s encouragement, I became very tough, fearless and defiant as a boy, and acquired an Ikenne-wide reputation, as such, I always stood my ground against anyone even if he was older than I.” David, impressed by his son- Obafemi’s boldness, fearlessness and defiance, was determined to give Obafemi a good education, after the completion of his elementary school in Ikenne, specifically, a higher college in Lagos, but unfortunately, he died in April, 1920. This sudden twist of fate foreclosed Awolowo’s opportunity of going to Lagos for a higher college. Life almost came to an abrupt halt, but with candour, grace, resilience and unshaken hope, he weathered the storm of life’s early troubled waters. Within a short span, after elementary education, he became a pupil teacher, stenographer, school clerk, money lender, typist, public letter writer, transporter, etc before he eventually became a lawyer in November, 1946. Obafemi Awolowo, later Chief, after valiant efforts to make it in life, came to Ibadan in January, 1927 as a student of the Wesley College, Elekuro, Ibadan, which was established in 1905, as a teacher training and pastoral college. Mr. Obafemi Awolowo, within the one year of his stay in Wesley College Elekuro, Ibadan, did not particularly like the idea of a regimented teacher training course, and the later life of a school teacher. At the end of the session in December 1927, he opted out of the college. He actually deliberately failed the examinations, in an inexcusable manner, in order to ease himself out of the college. The teacher- J.O Ajibade, who marked the script had strong suspicion. According to Obafemi “I failed in such a manner, in order to make my expulsion inevitable ” He however came back to the college again in August 1934, as a college clerk. He had since his life in Wesley College, fancied Ibadan, as a place to live his adult life. In the Wesley College, Obafemi was noted for great acts of insubordination and defiance, to the final year students and as was customary of the school, he was charged before the disciplinary committee of the school. The particulars of the charge were- 1. That he refused to fag for any of the senior students. 2. That he refused to salute his seniors. 3. That he was sometimes rude in the way he addressed them. He refused to plead, on the ground that, the judges were among the accusers and he argued that since they were interested in the case, they were bound to be biased against him. The judges, threatened that they would proceed to trial, but he still refused to plead. Obafemi insisted that he would appeal to the Principal against the judgment, except it was in his favour. This act of defiance, was greatly applauded by his classmates. The court did not sit after this, throughout the period Obafemi was in Wesley College. Whilst in Wesley College, it was arranged that the girls at Kudeti Girls School Ibadan, now St. Anne’s school, should pay a social visit to students of the Wesley College on a Saturday afternoon. On the morning of the Saturday in question, each student put finishing touches to their attire, in order to make the best possible impression. Awolowo had worked on his college uniform, to make it impeccable and had even gone out to buy a jar of hair grease, a tin of powder and a pack of handkerchiefs. A few minutes before the arrival of the girls, the students at Wesley, according to Awolowo, looked “spick and span”. Then as the guests arrived at the gate of the Wesley College compound, the senior prefect called upon the new boys, to lay the table for tea. Obafemi’s reaction was one of “cool and unaffected defiance”. He was determined to meet the female guests on an equal footing. The senior prefect shouted Awolowo’s name, but he gave no heed and he went through the social function, absolutely unperturbed. At the end of the social visit, he was “gated” for several Saturdays and when he left the college in December 1927, he had an outstanding of about ten Saturdays gating to do. One of his tutors had called Awolowo from a distance, but because the expatriate tutor, anglicized the accent of Awolowo’s name, he refused to respond, despite several calls. The tutor was apparently angry and asked that Obafemi be dragged before him. Obafemi’s defence was that his name was not properly pronounced, and he heard him call him “Awolowo” and that since his name was Awolowo, he could not answer. In despair, anger and exasperation, the tutor ordered him to go and carry twenty four stones and place them in front of his lodging and that this must be done within a short space of time. Most dutifully, and in utter belligerence and impertinence, he collected twenty four small stones, (pebbles) and arranged them in semi circles, at the entrance of the tutor’s compound. When the tutor returned and saw this unpardonable affront, he sent for Awolowo and wanted to know why pebbles could pass for big stones. Awolowo’s response was quick and sharp- “You did not tell me what size and so I used my common sense” The punishment was that he should be “gated” for the rest of the term. Awolowo quickly reminded him that he was already gated, for more than the rest of the term. The bewildered tutor ordered Obafemi out of his presence, instantaneously. Sir Dr. Kofo Abayomi was president of the Nigerian Youth Movement and also a member of the Nigerian Legislative Council. He resigned his seat in the legislature, to pursue a further study in ophthalmology, in the United Kingdom. There was a need for a bye election. The Nigerian Youth Movement conducted a primary election, between Ernest Ikoli and Samuel Akisanya, and Akisanya won. The leaders of the party however preferred that, Kofo Abayomi’s deputy- Ernest Ikoli, should be fielded for the election, but some members of the Movement, including the young turks like Obafemi Awolowo and Samuel Ladoke Akintola, preferred the choice of Ernest Ikoli, despite his loss. Ernest Ikoli won the election and Akisanya left the NYM and later became the Odemo of Isara. In anger, he referred to SLA and Awolowo as “misguided youths”. In later years, the Odemo of Isara, Oba Akisanya, became Awolowo’s special adviser and confidant as Premier of the Western Region and SLA Akintola, now Premier after Awolowo, reduced Oba Akisanya’s salary to one penny a month, when he crossed to the other side of the divide, during the Western Region crisis. Alfred Ogbeyiwa, (alias Osibakoro) Rewane, was born as- Ogudegbiyiwa Erewarone, (later abbreviated to “Rewane”) in Warri, Delta state, on the 24th August, 1916. He was the second son of Chief Jemide Rewane. His mother, was the daughter of Chief Mowarin of Agbarho in the present Ugheli North Local Government Area of Delta State. Chief Mowarin was one of the first six warrant chiefs in Urhoboland. Alfred, popularly referred to as Alfredo, by Awolowo, shared similar character traits, with Chief Obafemi Awolowo, in terms of learning, erudition, ruggedness, defiance, self development, loyalty, commitment to goals and aspirations and above all, a quest for an egalitarian society and a life that is more abundant. Alfred, was in fact Awolowo’s political secretary, man Friday and a very trusted loyalist. The Itsekiri people and the Delta Province benefitted tremendously from this loyalty and assiduity. Alfred was in Awolowo’s government as chairman of the Western Nigerian Development Corporation (WNDC) and one of the four directors of the NIPC (Nigerian Investment and Promotion Council). Alfred Rewane started his primary school education, in African School Warri, and proceeded to Government School Warri, where he completed his primary school education. He then gained admission into the famous Dennis memorial grammar school Onitsha, but his father could not afford having two sons in college at the same time. His elder brother, Chief O.N Rewane, the Ologbotsere (traditional Prime Minister) of Warri, was already at Government College, Ibadan. As a restive youth, he was by sheer providence, spotted by the United African Company, U.A.C, who instantly employed him and took him to their fold for management training in Burutu, to be trained in every aspect of business management and accounting and on completion of this intensive studies, he was posted to Lagos, in a managerial capacity as the Beach master at the Lagos Custom Wharf, where he had so much to do with the control of UAC Labour movement, the UAC being then, the largest employer of labour in Nigeria. As a restive soul, after serving at several other departments at the UAC head quarters, he voluntarily retired in the early 40s. He found unpleasant, the drudgery, regimented and restricted life of a paid employee. After his early retirement, mother luck smiled on him, when a European company, with headquarters in the United Kingdom, gave him a contract for the supply of Cow Bones and he later became a major exporter of Bones in Nigeria, a business which had hitherto been unknown in Nigeria, as an export commodity. With his knowledge in business management, he travelled round the length and breadth of Nigeria for Bones to export. He also added to his export business, the supply of Black Pepper (Igbere), which was a highly priced commodity during the Second World War. This huge success, encouraged him to add timber to his export business. In 1947, Alfred started a first class night club at Queens Street, Yaba, called the Rex club, which became an attraction for the Nigerian middle and upper class. His night club encouraged indigenous musicians like the late Bobby Benson and his wife, Cassandra. His tax assessment in 1947 was enviably the highest, for any private individual in Nigeria. He was thus, reputed to be one of Nigeria’s wealthiest citizens. In politics, Alfred began his political career at an impressionable age. His love for the Warri Kingdom and the Itsekiri people encouraged him to go into politics for the economic and political wellbeing of the Itsekiri people. Alfred’s friendship with the late Chief Bode Thomas, brought him to the fore front of the Action Group, of which he became one of its founding members. This heralded his association with the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, which later developed into complete and total confidence with each other and perhaps cultic loyalty. In the educational field in the early 40s, the only government college in the Warri Division, the then Warri College, which provided easy access to education, for the Itsekiri community, was moved to Ughelli in the Urhobo Divison and renamed Government College, Ughelli. In order to fill this educational vacuum, Chief ENA Begho, the late Ologbotsere of Warri, Chief O.N Rewane and Mr. Alfred Rewane founded the Hussey College, Warri on the 3rd of February, 1947. The school was named after a famous colonial educationist and located along the Erejuwa Road in Warri, Delta state. It is one of the oldest and most prestigious colleges in Nigeria. It has produced many eminent and distinguished Nigerians in various spheres of human endeavours. Among its old students, who came from various tribes and backgrounds are- Brigadier Mobolaji Johnson, the former Governor of Lagos State, Brigadier General Bassey Asuquo, Navy Commander Temi Ejoor, Brigadier General Sunday Tuoyo, who were all former military governors Justice Akhigbe, Justice Awala, Chief Emmanuel Ogidi, Dr. Jackson Gaius Obaseki, Chief Ezekiel Olasunmoye Fatoye- a foremost telecommunications expert, prof. Tunde Bajah- a renowned Chemistry teacher, Major Isaac Adaka Boro and distinguished monarchs, like the Owa of Idanre- Oba Fedrick Aroloye and Ogiame Atuwatshe II. Alfred Rewane’s first act of notable defiance and audacity was in the sacking of Bristol Hotel in 1948. Mr. Ivor Cummings- a distinguished African Caribbean national and a top official of the colonial office in London, was scheduled to pay an official visit to Nigeria and naturally, his first port of call was Lagos, then Nigeria’s capital. Accommodation was reserved for him at the Bristol hotel, a foremost hotel, then owned and managed by expatriates. Apparently, the hotel authority thought that from the sound of his name- Cummings, he was certainly a white Anglo-Saxon, but they were shocked when he presented himself at the reception, that he was black. He was instantly refused a room at the hotel on that ground. A Warri based Sierra-Leonian legal luminary called T.L Williams, witnessed this odious scene. He was helpless and dumb founded. He moved to the nearby Island club, where he met Alfred Rewane and a prominent Lagos lawyer, Oladipupo Odunsin. After relating his story, the famous Lagos lawyer- Odunsin, shouted and exclaimed- “Our Nigeria of 1948, we cannot have this, let’s go and die! “But the boisterous Rewane, jumped up and shouted- “die!? No, let’s go and teach them a harsh lesson” The atmosphere at the Island club was now charged and under Odunsi and Rewane’s leadership, the Late Milton Macaulay, the Late Prince Adeleke Adedoyin and the late Akiniran Olunloyo, marched through the Onikan stadium, to the Marina, with the support of the elderly members of the island like the late J.K Randle and the late Bolaji Finnih, who had gone to wait for the rampaging youths at the Tinubu police station, in case of arrest by the colonial masters. At the Onikan stadium point, at the Marina, the area boys, known then as Boma boys, armed with sticks and horse whips (koboko), followed the Rewane team, without hesitation, and an assault, was launched on Bistol Hotel. At the end of the rampage, the reception, Bar and restaurant were sacked and the white men in the hotel premises and its vicinity had a sorry and gory tale to tell. The whole hotel was wrecked and left in shambles. After the rampage, Sir Adeyemo Alakija, then patron of the island club, foreseeing an imminent raid on the island club, took the rampaging youths on a mediatory visit to the Governor General of Nigeria- Sir Arthur Richards, for mediation. Richard deliberately refused to arrest Rewane and his cohorts, because of his belief, that the day of segregation was perhaps gone and he said, “with effect from today, there would be no more European hotel, hospital or club reservation in Nigeria.” Thus, racial discrimination or apartheid was abolished in Nigeria. The European hospital in Lagos (now military hospital) and European Club at Ikoyi, were renamed Creek Hospital and Ikoyi Club, respectively. The European hospital at Warri serving the then Central Provinces of Ondo, Benin and Warri, was changed to Maple Annex. The European Hospital at Ibadan was changed to Jericho Nursing Home. Areas, otherwise known as European Reservation were renamed Government Reserve Area (GRA), and so on, throughout the country and there was general jubilation. Rewane and Odunsi’s defiance, audacity and insolence, had produced a great result for Nigeria in 1948. This success was greatly applauded at the Island Club with choice wines. Rewane’s act of defiance was revisited in 1962, at the treasonable Felony trial of Obafemi Awolowo. Rewane was charged with Obafemi Awolowo along with other Action Group colleagues, with the offence of treasonable felony. Alfred was acquitted and discharged after being remanded in prison for four months on the 1st of March, 1963. Alfred, despite being discharged, remained in the court room, and at the close of the day’s proceedings, went back into the Black Maria which conveyed him back to the prison at Broad Street, where Obafemi Awolowo was also held a prisoner, on the pretext, that he had to collect his personal belongings. At about 8:00pm, he had to be literarily forced out of the prison, leaving behind his leader and other colleagues. To him, his acquittal was meaningless, as long as Awolowo remained in prison custody. A few days later, he savoured the joy of this belligerence and defiance, when he went to Kingsway store at the Marina, to shop for his family. He was deeply moved by the spontaneous acts of solidarity shown to him by the huge crowd, which gathered inside and outside the store. A couple of days later, when Alhaji S.O Gbadamosi and the late S.O Sonibare were arrested on the Federal Government orders, with respect to the loan which the NIPC of which they were directors, took to build Western House on Broad street Lagos, Rewane became more defiant to resist persecution, from the authorities to the very end. In this instance too, they were discharged and acquitted. During Rewane’s trial, the party leader, Obafemi Awolowo, was escorted by armed police men into the court room. According to Rewane- “we all rose to our feet and greeted him loyally, warmly and with deep emotion” Rewane’s prison custody, with Chief Awolowo in their midst, only transformed the group of the awaiting trials, into a vibrant political club within the prison walls. When the group of the detainees were dispersed, Rewane was very happy that he was one of the seven detainees, left behind with Chief Awolowo in broad street prison. But despite Rewane’s closeness with Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his cultic loyality that was legendary and notwithstanding the fact that Chief Rewane usually took off his cap to speak with Obafemi Awolowo on the telephone,Obafemi Awolowo would still brook no nonsense or indiscipline from the A.G Chieftains. Alfred Rewane was a member of the A.G delegation to the 1957 Constitutional Conference in London. At the conference, he became indisposed, he had no choice but to visit a hospital. The Western Region Agent General in London- Chief M.E.R Okorodudu, took Alfred to the Royal free hospital in London, where he was admitted and treated for Festibular Neurosis. The bill was 160 pounds sterling. Chief Okorodudu sent the bill to Chief Awolowo’s hotel, for approval for payment, from the delegations vote, but Chief Awolowo declined to authorize payment. He told Rewane “Alfredo, among all the delegates to this conference, you are the closest to me. Your indisposition is not as a result of your attendance of this conference.” He added in jest “If I authorize this payment of the bill, it will create a dangerous precedent. How am I sure that some of our colleagues who may be suffering from chronic gonorrhoea would not ask me to approve payment of the bills for their treatment?” At that point, Chief Awolowo gave Rewane 50 pounds of his own money to pay part of the bill, with further support from Chief S.O Sonibare and Chief Arthur Prest. Alfred made up the money from his personal account and the bill was settled. Those were the days! Alfred, in 1952, played a pivotal role, in changing the title of the Itsekiri monarch from the Olu of Itsekiri to the Olu of Warri. At the same time, the then Warri Province was changed to the Delta Province, to allay Urhobo fears, thus confining the name Warri to the Administrative Itsekiri Division. Rewane’s love for the Itsekiri nation was legendary and unfalliable. He had an amazing skill, to place history in its proper perspective. He was a gentleman, a good citizen and a successful businessman. He was a role model in costume and elegance. He was the epitome of wellness and grandeur. He was tall, shimmering, ebony black and stately, that one could easily be hypnotized by his presence. Alfred was unfortunately murdered at his house, No. 100, Oduduwa Cresent, Ikeja Lagos, on the 6th of October, 1995. May the souls of Obafemi Awolowo and Osibakoro Alfred Rewane continually find peaceful repose with the Lord. Kehinde, former member of the house of representatives, is a lawyer, author and historian

Chief Alfred Ogbeyiwa Rewane

Something that should be in our history books for our children!: 26 years ago on October 6, the Nigerian Businessman and major financier of the Pro Democracy group NADECO ,Chief Alfred Ogbeyiwa Rewane AKA Osibakoro (August 24, 1916 – October 6, 1995) was was murdered in cold blood at his residence in Ikeja, Lagos. Rewane was a close associate of late Nigerian Statesman,Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Alfred Rewane was born in Warri, Delta state, on the 24th August, 1916. He was the second son of Chief Jemide Rewane. His mother, was the daughter of Chief Mowarin of Agbarho in the present Ugheli North Local Government Area of Delta State. Chief Mowarin was one of the first six warrant chiefs in Urhoboland. Alfred, popularly referred to as Alfredo, by Awolowo, shared similar character traits, with Chief Obafemi Awolowo, in terms of learning, erudition, ruggedness, defiance, self development, loyalty, commitment to goals and aspirations and above all, a quest for an egalitarian society and a life that is more abundant. Alfred, was in fact Awolowo’s political secretary and a very trusted loyalist. The Itsekiri people and the Delta Province benefitted tremendously from this loyalty and assiduity. Rewane was in Awolowo’s government as chairman of the Western Nigerian Development Corporation (WNDC) and one of the four directors of the NIPC (Nigerian Investment and Promotion Council). Alfred Rewane started his primary school education, in African School Warri, and proceeded to Government School Warri, where he completed his primary school education. He then gained admission into the famous Dennis memorial grammar school Onitsha, but his father could not afford having two sons in college at the same time. His elder brother, Chief O.N Rewane, the Ologbotsere (traditional Prime Minister) of Warri, was already at Government College, Ibadan. As a restive youth, he was by sheer providence, spotted by the United African Company, U.A.C, who instantly employed him and took him to their fold for management training in Burutu, to be trained in every aspect of business management and accounting and on completion of this intensive studies, he was posted to Lagos, in a managerial capacity as the Beach master at the Lagos Custom Wharf, where he had so much to do with the control of UAC Labour movement, the UAC being then, the largest employer of labour in Nigeria. As a restive soul, after serving at several other departments at the UAC head quarters, he voluntarily retired in the early 40s. He found unpleasant, the drudgery, regimented and restricted life of a paid employee. After his early retirement, mother luck smiled on him, when an European company, with headquarters in the United Kingdom, gave him a contract for the supply of Cow Bones and he later became a major exporter of Bones in Nigeria, a business which had hitherto been unknown in Nigeria, as an export commodity. With his knowledge in business management, he travelled round the length and breadth of Nigeria for Bones to export. He also added to his export business, the supply of Black Pepper (Igbere), which was a highly priced commodity during the Second World War. This huge success, encouraged him to add timber to his export business. In 1947, Alfred started a first class night club at Queens Street, Yaba, called the Rex club, which became an attraction for the Nigerian middle and upper class. His night club encouraged indigenous musicians like the late Bobby Benson and his wife, Cassandra. His tax assessment in 1947 was enviably the highest, for any private individual in Nigeria. He was thus, reputed to be one of Nigeria’s wealthiest citizens. In politics, Alfred began his political career at an impressionable age. His love for the Warri Kingdom and the Itsekiri people encouraged him to go into politics for the economic and political wellbeing of the Itsekiri people. Alfred’s friendship with the late Chief Bode Thomas, brought him to the fore front of the Action Group, of which he became one of its founding members. This heralded his association with the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, which later developed into complete and total confidence with each other and perhaps cultic loyalty. In the educational field in the early 40s, the only government college in the Warri Division, the then Warri College, which provided easy access to education, for the Itsekiri community, was moved to Ughelli in the Urhobo Divison and renamed Government College, Ughelli. In order to fill this educational vacuum, Chief ENA Begho, the late Ologbotsere of Warri, Chief O.N Rewane and Mr. Alfred Rewane founded the Hussey College, Warri on the 3rd of February, 1947. The school was named after a famous colonial educationist and located along the Erejuwa Road in Warri, Delta state. It is one of the oldest and most prestigious colleges in Nigeria. It has produced many eminent and distinguished Nigerians in various spheres of human endeavours. Among its old students, who came from various tribes and backgrounds are- Brigadier Mobolaji Johnson, the former Governor of Lagos State, Brigadier General Bassey Asuquo, Navy Commander Temi Ejoor, Brigadier General Sunday Tuoyo, who were all former military governors Justice Akhigbe, Justice Awala, Chief Emmanuel Ogidi, Dr. Jackson Gaius Obaseki, Chief Ezekiel Olasunmoye Fatoye- a foremost telecommunications expert, prof. Tunde Bajah- a renowned Chemistry teacher, Major Isaac Adaka Boro and distinguished monarchs, like the Owa of Idanre- Oba Fedrick Aroloye and Ogiame Atuwatshe II. Alfred Rewane’s first act of notable defiance and audacity was in the sacking of Bristol Hotel in 1948. Mr. Ivor Cummings- a distinguished African Caribbean national and a top official of the colonial office in London, was scheduled to pay an official visit to Nigeria and naturally, his first port of call was Lagos, then Nigeria’s capital. Accommodation was reserved for him at the Bristol hotel, a foremost hotel, then owned and managed by expatriates. Apparently, the hotel authority thought that from the sound of his name- Cummings, he was certainly a white Anglo-Saxon, but they were shocked when he presented himself at the reception, that he was black. He was instantly refused a room at the hotel on that ground. A Warri based Sierra-Leonian legal luminary called T.L Williams, witnessed this odious scene. He was helpless and dumb founded. He moved to the nearby Island club, where he met Alfred Rewane and a prominent Lagos lawyer, Oladipupo Odunsin. After relating his story, the famous Lagos lawyer- Odunsin, shouted and exclaimed- “Our Nigeria of 1948, we cannot have this, let’s go and die! “But the boisterous Rewane, jumped up and shouted- “die!? No, let’s go and teach them a harsh lesson” The atmosphere at the Island club was now charged and under Odunsi and Rewane’s leadership, the Late Milton Macaulay, the Late Prince Adeleke Adedoyin and the late Akiniran Olunloyo, marched through the Onikan stadium, to the Marina, with the support of the elderly members of the island like the late J.K Randle and the late Bolaji Finnih, who had gone to wait for the rampaging youths at the Tinubu police station, in case of arrest by the colonial masters. At the Onikan stadium point, at the Marina, the area boys, known then as Boma boys, armed with sticks and horse whips (koboko), followed the Rewane team, without hesitation, and an assault, was launched on Bistol Hotel. At the end of the rampage, the reception, Bar and restaurant were sacked and the white men in the hotel premises and its vicinity had a sorry and gory tale to tell. The whole hotel was wrecked and left in shambles. After the rampage, Sir Adeyemo Alakija, then patron of the island club, foreseeing an imminent raid on the island club, took the rampaging youths on a mediatory visit to the Governor General of Nigeria- Sir Arthur Richards, for mediation. Richard deliberately refused to arrest Rewane and his colleagues, because of his belief, that the day of segregation was perhaps gone and he said, “with effect from today, there would be no more European hotel, hospital or club reservation in Nigeria.” Thus, racial discrimination or apartheid was abolished in Nigeria. The European hospital in Lagos (now military hospital) and European Club at Ikoyi, were renamed Creek Hospital and Ikoyi Club, respectively. The European hospital at Warri serving the then Central Provinces of Ondo, Benin and Warri, was changed to Maple Annex. The European Hospital at Ibadan was changed to Jericho Nursing Home. Areas, otherwise known as European Reservation were renamed Government Reserve Area (GRA), and so on, throughout the country and there was general jubilation. Rewane and Odunsi’s defiance, audacity and insolence, had produced a great result for Nigeria in 1948. This success was greatly applauded at the Island Club with choice wines. Rewane’s act of defiance was revisited in 1962, at the treasonable Felony trial of Obafemi Awolowo. Rewane was charged with Obafemi Awolowo along with other Action Group colleagues, with the offence of treasonable felony. Alfred was acquitted and discharged after being remanded in prison for four months on the 1st of March, 1963. Alfred, despite being discharged, remained in the court room, and at the close of the day’s proceedings, went back into the Black Maria which conveyed him back to the prison at Broad Street, where Obafemi Awolowo was also held a prisoner, on the pretext, that he had to collect his personal belongings. At about 8:00pm, he had to be literarily forced out of the prison, leaving behind his leader and other colleagues. To him, his acquittal was meaningless, as long as Awolowo remained in prison custody. A few days later, he savoured the joy of this belligerence and defiance, when he went to Kingsway store at the Marina, to shop for his family. He was deeply moved by the spontaneous acts of solidarity shown to him by the huge crowd, which gathered inside and outside the store. A couple of days later, when Alhaji S.O Gbadamosi and the late S.O Sonibare were arrested on the Federal Government orders, with respect to the loan which the NIPC of which they were directors, took to build Western House on Broad street Lagos, Rewane became more defiant to resist persecution, from the authorities to the very end. In this instance too, they were discharged and acquitted. During Rewane’s trial, the party leader, Obafemi Awolowo, was escorted by armed police men into the court room. According to Rewane- “we all rose to our feet and greeted him loyally, warmly and with deep emotion” Rewane’s prison custody, with Chief Awolowo in their midst, only transformed the group of the awaiting trials, into a vibrant political club within the prison walls. When the group of the detainees were dispersed, Rewane was very happy that he was one of the seven detainees, left behind with Chief Awolowo in broad street prison. But despite Rewane’s closeness with Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his cultic loyality that was legendary and notwithstanding the fact that Chief Rewane usually took off his cap to speak with Obafemi Awolowo on the telephone,Obafemi Awolowo would still brook no nonsense or indiscipline from the A.G Chieftains. Alfred Rewane was a member of the A.G delegation to the 1957 Constitutional Conference in London. At the conference, he became indisposed, he had no choice but to visit a hospital. The Western Region Agent General in London- Chief M.E.R Okorodudu, took Alfred to the Royal free hospital in London, where he was admitted and treated for Festibular Neurosis. The bill was 160 pounds sterling. Chief Okorodudu sent the bill to Chief Awolowo’s hotel, for approval for payment, from the delegations vote, but Chief Awolowo declined to authorize payment. He told Rewane- “Alfredo, among all the delegates to this conference, you are the closest to me. Your indisposition is not as a result of your attendance of this conference.” He added in jest- “If I authorize this payment of the bill, it will create a dangerous precedent. How am I sure that some of our colleagues who may be suffering from chronic gonorrhoea would not ask me to approve payment of the bills for their treatment?” At that point, Chief Awolowo gave Rewane 50 pounds of his own money to pay part of the bill, with further support from Chief S.O Sonibare and Chief Arthur Prest. Alfred made up the money from his personal account and the bill was settled. Those were the days! Alfred, in 1952, played a pivotal role, in changing the title of the Itsekiri monarch from the Olu of Itsekiri to the Olu of Warri. At the same time, the then Warri Province was changed to the Delta Province, to allay Urhobo fears, thus confining the name Warri to the Administrative Itsekiri Division. Rewane’s love for the Itsekiri nation was legendary and infallible. He had an amazing skill, to place history in its proper perspective. He was a gentleman, a good citizen and a successful businessman. He was a role model in costume and elegance. He was the epitome of wellness and grandeur. He was tall, shimmering, ebony black and stately, that one could easily be hypnotized by his presence. Alfred was unfortunately murdered at his house, No. 100, Oduduwa Cresent, Ikeja Lagos, on the 6th of October, 1995. In the 1990s, Rewane's residence in Lagos was the venue of political meetings that led to the formation of NADECO. He was known as a major financier of the group which was vocal in its opposition to the military regime of Sani Abacha. The Nigerian police arrested 7 persons in connection with his murder but 5 of the suspects died while in detention, the remaining two were freed based on weak evidence from the prosecution. May the soul of Osibakoro Alfred Rewane continually find peaceful repose with the Lord.

The Black Box of Nigeria’s Politics A State of the Nation Address by Pastor ʻTunde Bakare

TEXT OF ADDRESS BY PASTOR ‘TUNDE BAKARE AT THE STATE OF THE NATION BROADCAST ON SUNDAY, OCTOBER 10, 2021 VENUE: THE CITADEL GLOBAL COMMUNITY CHURCH, 30, KUDIRAT ABIOLA WAY, OREGUN, IKEJA, LAGOS, NIGERIA THEME: THE BLACK BOX OF NIGERIA’S POLITICS Introduction Fellow citizens of Nigeria at home and in the diaspora, let me begin by wishing you all a Happy 61st Independence Anniversary once again. More than six decades ago, as our nation’s founding fathers walked the long road to independence, they were under no illusions about the challenges of forging a nation from one of the most diverse groups of people on earth. Even as they took great strides in negotiating the terms of our nationhood, they recognized that independence was only the beginning of the difficult, but not impossible, task of nation-building. They understood that, as momentous as the attainment of independence was for Nigeria, the fight for freedom was not yet won until every Nigerian citizen could stake a claim to the Nigerian nation. At the 1958 Lancaster House Conference, for instance, Chief Obafemi Awolowo said to the assembly of Nigerian and British representatives: 1/33 www.tundebakare.com “Independence for Nigeria in 1960 is imperative, but independence for Nigeria as a corporate entity is not enough. The peoples of Nigeria must at the same time be guaranteed their freedom. We must ensure that, in an independent Nigeria, individual citizens throughout the land enjoy liberty, human dignity, and equality under the law. There must be one Nigeria, with one constitution, and one law for all.”1 On October 1, 1960, Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, while delivering his Independence Day address, described himself, not by the magnificence of the high office he occupied as the prime minister of the most populous black nation in the world, but as a citizen. By so doing, he identified with the Nigerian people he had been elected to serve. In his speech, the prime minister stated: “Words cannot adequately express my joy and pride at being the Nigerian citizen privileged to accept from Her Royal Highness these Constitutional Instruments which are the symbols of Nigeria’s Independence. It is a unique privilege which I shall remember forever, and it gives me strength and courage as I dedicate my life to the service of our country.”2 On November 16, 1960, in his inaugural address as Nigeria’s first indigenous Governor-General, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe warned the newly independent nation of the dangers of elevating power above 2/33 www.tundebakare.com institutions and the rule of law. In his legendary address titled “Respect for the Dignity of Man,” the great Zik said: “Without respect for the rule of law permeating our political fabric, Nigeria would degenerate into a dictatorship with its twin relatives of tyranny and despotism. I hold that the arbitrary exercise of power without the restraining influence of the rule of law must be condemned as a fundamental departure from constitutional government. Any justification of such untrammelled exercise of political power is, to me, an outrage on human conscience and a gross violation of human rights.”3 In recognition of this right to individual freedoms under the rule of law, irrespective of the diversity of persuasions, the Premier of Northern Nigeria, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, said to the peoples of Northern Nigeria in a unifying message: “Subject to the overriding need to preserve law and order, it is our determination that everyone should have absolute liberty to practice his belief according to the dictates of his conscience.”4 Admittedly, these founding patriots were far from perfect. Their human fallibilities were evident in some of their actions and inactions. Nevertheless, their legacies of selfless service to their people have not been matched by subsequent generations of Nigerian leaders. Having 3/33 www.tundebakare.com played their roles in the making of the Nigerian nation, with some tragically losing their lives in the process, our founding patriots bequeathed Nigeria to Nigerians in the hope that each generation would build, in a manner of speaking, “a more perfect union.”5 Nigeria on Trial: A Great Cloud of Witnesses Fellow citizens of Nigeria, lend me your imaginations. Imagine for a moment that the Court of Heaven is seated to hear a historic case on Nigeria and the Presiding Judge is none other than the Almighty Himself. Imagine that this court is presented with reports on the current state of the nation and our founding fathers are called upon one after the other as expert witnesses to audit the nation we have built on the foundation of their labours. What would their testimonies be regarding Nigeria of today? What would Sir Ahmadu Bello, who was a passionate educationist and an advocate of girl-child education,6 say of a Northern Nigeria where over 1,000 students, boys and girls inclusive, have been kidnapped from their schools in six northern states since December 2020?7 What would the Sardauna say to the report that young people in Northern Nigeria are turning to armed banditry as a vocation, with around 30,000 armed bandits spread over 100 camps across the North and raining down terror on fellow citizens?8 What would the late premier say to the fact that nearly 350,000 people9 in the North-East, including 300,000 children,10 have been killed in 12 years by the Boko Haram terrorist group, while “there are currently 1.9 million 4/33 www.tundebakare.com people displaced from their homes...[of which] sixty percent...are children”?11 What would his response be to the evidence that, despite the efforts of our gallant soldiers and the news of insurgents surrendering to the Nigerian troops,12 the terrorists are winning hearts and minds13 and are recruiting massively14 among despondent villagers who have lost confidence in the Nigerian state? Would the witness be in contempt of court if he lost his dignified composure seeing that his dream for Northern Nigeria has become a nightmare? Or would he wonder if there is no government in power to checkmate the evils presently plaguing the country? As you reflect on this solemn image, picture also the Owelle of Onitsha, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, in the witness box of this historic court poring over recent records on Nigeria. What would he say to the report that, every Monday, the South-East, including his beloved Onitsha,15 shuts down as people comply with the sit-at-home order of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)? What would this founding father say to the report that, on Independence Day 2021, in compliance with threats from IPOB, the people of the South-East could not freely salute the Nigerian flag?16 What would he say to reports of brutal attacks on hard and soft targets by the Eastern Security Network (ESN)17 even as the Nigerian state continues to clamp down ruthlessly on the group?18 What would the response of the great nationalist be to indications that, almost six decades after the Nigerian Civil War, memories of the war continue to echo, not just in people’s life experiences, but also in distressing utterances by 5/33 www.tundebakare.com political leaders,19 while genuine national reconciliation remains a mirage? Would this national icon be in error if he felt for a moment that his lifetime labour to build a Nigerian nation may have been in vain? As you keep that in mind, think of Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the witness box as an expert witness, assessing the happenings in the states of the South-West, the legacy zone of the former Western Region. What would he say to reports that the people of the South- West, just like those in the Middle Belt, the South-South and the South-East, have become vulnerable to criminals and marauding gunmen who kidnap, kill, maim, rape and pillage communities? What would the late sage say to the report that, not only has the Nigerian state been unable to protect the vulnerable, but also that the subnational governance structures have largely been helpless as non- state actors attempt to destabilize the region? What would he say to the report that some Nigerians of Yoruba descent, who are frustrated at the state of the nation, have teamed up with other aggrieved Nigerians to mobilize for a referendum on secession from the Nigerian state, even taking their grievances in protests before the community of nations at the United Nations General Assembly?20 Would the sagacity of the sage diminish in significance if he broke down in lamentation over the region and nation that he laboured tirelessly over in his lifetime? The Verdict on our Stewardship 6/33 www.tundebakare.com Fellow Nigerians, a critical point of national reflection in this season of our 61st Independence Anniversary is the quality of our stewardship of the nation that we inherited from our founding patriots. What does it say about our stewardship when, more than sixty years after the discovery of oil in Nigeria, at a time that the world is moving on from oil and embracing renewable energy, we are still bickering over what paltry percentage should be allocated from oil revenue to oil-bearing host communities?21 What is our progress scorecard when, in the era of the fourth industrial revolution, our policy debates are still around reopening cattle grazing routes22 and sustaining an archaic practice that has claimed numerous lives and left many homeless across the nation? What lessons have we learnt when, over sixty years after our founding fathers almost sacrificed the prospects of nationhood on the altar of sectional politics, we are still caught up in squabbles over which part of Nigeria the next president will come from? Indeed, we forget that in our national history, there has been no correlation between the number of years a region has produced a president or head of state and the level of development of that region or geopolitical zone. If there were any correlation between the part of the country that produces the president and the level of development of that region, the North would be the most developed region in Nigeria today, having produced heads of state and presidents for over 40 out of 61 years since independence.23 Instead, despite the historical dominance of the North in the governance of this nation, data from 7/33 www.tundebakare.com the World Bank indicates that, as of 2016, the North accounted for 87% of the poverty in Nigeria.24 Furthermore, based on a report by the International Centre for Investigative Reporting (ICIR), the facts indicate that the North has dominated key appointments in the six years of the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.25 Despite this preponderance of appointments from the North, data from the Nigeria Living Standards Survey shows that the North has continued to dominate the poverty headcount in Nigeria even during the Buhari administration.26 If there were any correlation between where a president comes from and the level of development of his region, the administration of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan would have resolved the restructuring, resource management and environmental degradation- related crises of the Niger Delta, as well as the developmental aspirations of the South-East. If there were any correlation between where a president comes from and the development of his region, the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo would not have resulted in the marginalization of the South-West or the freezing of the allocations of Lagos State. While inclusiveness is integral to achieving national integration, we have merely majored in minors in our approach to political inclusion. The problem with Nigeria is not that some ethnic groups have not produced a president; the problem with Nigeria is that we have failed to heed the admonitions of our founding fathers, the likes of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who challenged us in his Lancaster House 8/33 www.tundebakare.com address to move beyond the independence of the country to freedom for the peoples and citizens of Nigeria. The result of this failure on our part as a nation is a governance structure that has kept the diverse peoples of Nigeria excessively dependent on the central government. Can you imagine for a moment what the verdict of our founding fathers would be before the court of heaven today? I have no doubt that they, with pinpoint accuracy, would declare before God that the succeeding generations of leaders have unwittingly removed and replaced the ancient landmark they unanimously set, thus acting in gross violation of the very basis of our union, and, worse still, in flagrant disregard for the word of God. The Bible states expressly in Proverbs 22:28 (NKJV)1: Do not remove the ancient landmark which your fathers have set. As if Moses the lawgiver and deliverer had Nigeria’s amalgamation in 1914 in mind, he also declared in Deuteronomy 19:14: “You shall not remove your neighbor’s landmark, which the men of old have set, in your inheritance which you will inherit in the land that the Lord your God is giving you to possess.” This law was subsequently inscribed on stones along with the attendant consequences of the violation thereof in Deuteronomy 27:17: 1All scriptural references are from the New King James Version (NKJV) of The Holy Bible, unless otherwise stated. 9/33 www.tundebakare.com “Cursed is the one who moves his neighbor’s landmark.” If only the people insisting that the 1999 Constitution (as amended) should remain the Grundnorm for Nigeria were aware of the consequences of the curse they are attracting to themselves and their descendants after them, they would all repent and be at the forefront of the campaign for constitutional re-engineering and reset. Alas, they are none the wiser. This is a great pity, and if they remain hellbent on a destructive path, here is the word of God to the arrogant princes of Judah who did likewise in the past: “The princes of Judah are like those who remove a landmark; I will pour out My wrath on them like water” (Hosea 5:10). The 1999 Constitution (as amended) was imposed upon the nation by the military and has completely removed the ancient landmark set by our founding fathers in the 1960 Independence Constitution and the subsequent 1963 Republican Constitution respectively. THIS IS WHERE THE RAIN STARTED BEATING US AFRESH AS A NATION! For every contractual agreement, the parties are required to sign a document validating the terms and conditions in the reckoning of the Law. In the case of Nigeria, our founding fathers, in effect, signed a contract in 1960 detailing the terms and conditions of our union or unity following a series of negotiations. This contract was then updated in 1963 following due consultations. While the 1999 Constitution (as amended) opens with the preamble “We the people,”27 We, the People of Nigeria, were neither duly consulted, nor did we accept the conditions under which we are now being 10/33 www.tundebakare.com governed! How, then, can anyone hypocritically insist that “our unity is non-negotiable?” Did we not negotiate it in 1960 and 1963? Truth be told, the majority of the champions, promoters and supporters of the “our unity is non-negotiable” slogan pay lip service to a version of unity that serves their selfish interests. What they are insisting on, in reality, is that “our disunity is non-negotiable,” and that we must be forced to live together irrespective of the inherent dysfunctionality of the terms and conditions. The continued insistence on altering the set rules in the midst of our spirited game of national development, and the subsequent imposition of a draconian and lopsided concoction of a constitution in 1999, is the most inhibiting, corrosive spanner thrown into the wheel of our national unity and faith, peace and progress, from that time until now. I am fully persuaded, as are many fellow compatriots within and outside the shores of Nigeria, that the 1999 Constitution, whether as amended, or to be further amended by the National Assembly, is nothing more than a glorified death certificate. At this juncture, let us borrow a leaf from recent world history. Once upon a time, the Berlin walls separated Eastern Germany from Western Germany until President Ronald Reagan in his indomitable manner spoke lucidly on live television to the president of the then Soviet Union. He said, “Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall!”28 Mr Gorbachev eventually did, and Germany is better off for it today. 11/33 www.tundebakare.com In the same spirit, I say to President Muhammadu Buhari: Mr President, stop passing the buck to the National Assembly. Tear down this inhibiting concoction of a constitution; tear it down so we can build a truly great nation! This is one enduring legacy your administration can still secure before your time in power draws to a close. If you do, present and unborn generations of Nigerians will remember you for it and write your name in gold when the history of this period is written. If you don’t, history will record that you failed to rise to the occasion and squandered a great opportunity. Fellow citizens, what we need is a geo-political structure that will provide an enabling environment for every zone in our nation to maximize its geo-economic opportunities and potentials under a strong and united Nigeria. This can be achieved by a pragmatic approach to restructuring Nigeria, rather than by mere zoning of the presidency. Please note that those clamouring and waiting for genuine change to happen through the upcoming 2023 presidential election, without first insisting that our imposed sham of a constitution must be torn and discarded, are merely putting the cart before the horse. This is nothing but a prescription for retrogression. No tangible progress can ever be made by such an exercise in futility. It would be tantamount to building a superstructure on a faulty or shaky foundation. As patriots, we have presented to the current government pragmatic pathways to such a geo-economic, geo-social and geo-political 12/33 www.tundebakare.com restructuring of Nigeria. However, given the lack of political will on the part of the government, the time has come for Nigerian citizens to make informed and compelling demands on the political system. The purpose of this address is to equip the citizens with the tools to do this. The Power of the Nigerian Citizen Fellow Nigerians, throughout our history, from the fight for local representation in the colonial administration, to the fight for the independence of Nigeria, every time there was progress on the path to nation-building, it was because the people realized that “the power of the people is greater than the people in power.”29 As nation builders, this realization of the power of the citizen was what informed our confrontational stance against military dictatorship. It was what informed every intervention in governance that we have either pioneered or supported since the return to civil rule. It was what birthed the Save Nigeria Group (SNG) amidst the turbulence of a power hijack over eleven years ago. It is what is about to awaken a new wave of intelligent engagement in the polity as we reclaim Nigeria for Nigerians and as we go to the nations to rally Nigerians for Nigeria. However, an active citizenry must be empowered with knowledge and understanding because you cannot engage a system whose intricacies you do not understand. I do not doubt that Nigerians are well-versed in political matters; this much is evident from conversations in beer 13/33 www.tundebakare.com parlours, barbershops and salons; in markets, offices, churches, and mosques; on the streets, among the so-called “Free Readers’ Association” by newspaper stands, in countless WhatsApp groups and, of course, on social media. However, not many Nigerians understand the intricacies of the political system and how it affects their lives and livelihoods. It is why, in this address, I seek to unveil to the Nigerian citizen the intricate world of politics, so that every Nigerian will have a basic understanding of the system that we are confronted with. Fellow Nigerians, please journey with me as we thoroughly examine “The Black Box of Nigeria’s Politics.” The Black Box of Nigeria’s Politics This segment of my address was inspired by a presentation I made to the National Association of Political Science Students (NAPSS, UNILAG Chapter) on August 6, 2021. I am extending it to the generality of the Nigerian citizenry because I am convinced that our progress as citizens is dependent on the extent to which we can decode the complexities of our political system. The notion of the black box of politics emerges from the idea that the inner workings of the political system are opaque to the citizens. As citizens, we experience the impact of governance, whether good or bad. We know when government officials are working for the common good and we can even opt to reward them by re-electing them. We can also assess the impact of bad governance. 14/33 www.tundebakare.com As a business owner, for instance, you feel the pain when your business fails due to inadequate access to infrastructure such as electricity; you also feel the drain on your savings when the dollar to naira ratio hits the roof. As a petty trader, you understand what it means to be unable to make enough sales in a day to put food on the table for your household. As a student, you know what it means to spend six to eight years studying for a four-year course in an unsuitable learning environment characterized by incessant strikes and school closures amidst poor funding for education. As a young unemployed graduate, you understand what it means to be without a decent job or to be unable to access credit to finance a viable business idea. As a social media enthusiast for whom Twitter is a reliable platform for engagement, you know what it means to be unable to engage on Twitter due to the protracted ban on the platform by the federal government. You also understand what it means to be brutalized by poorly paid law enforcement agents. Sometimes, we even react by protesting against the actions of the government when situations become unbearable, as did some of our young people during the #EndSARS protests around a year ago. These unfortunate experiences are all-too-familiar to most Nigerians. What we may not understand, however, is the behind-the-scenes political intrigues that create and sustain these situations. These intrigues and trade-offs that take place behind the scenes within the political system are what we term “The Black Box of Nigeria’s Politics.” I refer to it as a black box because, unless you “shine your 15/33 www.tundebakare.com eye,” the more you look, the less you see. My job in this address is to remove the veil. To do this, permit me to introduce to you what I have termed the five (5) concentric circles of Nigeria’s politics. The Concentric Circles of Nigeria’s Politics 1. The Periphery of Power At the periphery of politics in Nigeria today is the electorate. The last voters’ register released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) ahead of the 2019 elections gives us a breakdown of the Nigerian electorate across occupations. The list includes 22.3 million students, 13.6 million farmers and fishers, 11.8 million housewives, 10.8 million business people, 7.6 million traders, 5 million civil servants, 4.5 million artisans, and 6 million others.30 The public servants and officeholders who wield political power are in the minority (just over 2 million people)31 when compared with the rest of us as a collective bloc. What this means is that if we, the citizens of this nation, agree on a united position to salvage our nation from those who oppress us, then we can change this country and reclaim Nigeria for Nigerians. However, to understand why we have been unable to do this over the years, let us now take a look at the next concentric circle. 2. The Gate of Power Despite the size of the Nigerian electorate, summing up to more than 84 million people, elections in Nigeria are decided, not just by 16/33 www.tundebakare.com numbers, but by power blocs and gatekeepers whose individual and combined influence have often surpassed the voice of the electorate. These power blocs constitute the elite who stepped into the shoes of the colonialists after independence. Like the colonialists, these power blocs have mastered the art of divide and rule and have kept citizens disunited along ethnic, political and religious lines. These twelve (12) power blocs include: (1) the political parties without which an individual cannot contest elections in Nigeria; (2) the council of state which I will refer to in more detail subsequently; (3) the Nigeria Governors’ Forum whose opinions are influential on major political issues, including where the next president could come from; (4) the retired generals who have retained enormous influence on the military hierarchy; (5) the military, law enforcement and intelligence agencies who wield the power of the gun either to protect or to intimidate the electorate; and (6) the traditional rulers who wield substantial influence among the respective socio-cultural groups and whose endorsement politicians must seek in the course of running for office. Furthermore, the power blocs include: (7) the political dynasties and the political godfathers who influence elections and public policy within their respective domains, and who also determine the direction of politics at different levels of organisation, including the polling units, the wards, the state congresses and the national congresses; (8) the private sector, comprised of captains of industry who maintain a “political-industrial complex”32 that patronises politicians and funds 17/33 www.tundebakare.com election campaigns, sometimes across political parties, in a bid to safeguard their investments; (9) the media moguls who own the major print and electronic media houses and shape public opinion with their ideological slants on the news of the day; (10) the religious leaders, including pastors, imams and marabouts, who command a massive following, and to whom politicians go for prayers, sometimes kneeling before them publicly for endorsement and fortification; (11) the Nigerian Labour Congress/Trade Union Congress (NLC/TUC) whose leadership and membership wield a considerable hold on the lever of the Nigerian economy; and (12) foreign powers who, over the decades, have continued to wield influence on domestic politics. To counteract the longstanding order, a new power bloc has recently attempted to emerge among the social media savvy and technology- empowered Nigerian youth. However, the old order has responded by clamping down on this fast-growing power bloc. 3. The Corridor of Power In the context of the “black box of politics,” I use the phrase “Corridor of Power” metaphorically, considering the image of a building in which one encounters the corridor after passing through the gates or doors. In this context, therefore, the Corridor of Power is occupied by those who have access to decision-making offices after elections are concluded. To appreciate how power works in the Corridor of Power, we must remain mindful that in each election cycle, there are winners and 18/33 www.tundebakare.com losers beyond the actual candidates. Those among the power blocs who back candidates to win elections are equally winners and are guaranteed access to the Corridor. They play active roles in the choice of cabinet members and in championing political and policy agendas. Unlike in developed democracies where lobbyists have a clear-cut agenda in line with well-defined political ideologies which could cascade into broader national interests, many of the actors in Nigeria’s Corridor of Power are contractors seeking patronage or currying favour for themselves or their cronies. Some policy outputs and government decisions that affect us as citizens are a result of the influence of these persons on the political agenda within the black box of the political system. 4. The Room of Power Beyond the Corridor is the Room of Power, a centre of deliberations and decisions. Being in the Room is being in a position to make or influence policy directly. To understand the power of the Room, picture the boardroom in a corporate organisation, a room in which the board of directors of the organisation meets regularly. For ease of understanding in the context of the political arena, in place of the board of directors, you may call the occupants of the Room “The Cabinet.” These are persons who are appointed as heads of ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs). In many cases, they are the nominees or beneficiaries of the winners among the power blocs and gatekeepers. In return, they keep the Room open to their benefactors 19/33 www.tundebakare.com so that the interests of the latter are protected in the decision-making process. Beyond the general chamber of the Room is an inner chamber known as the Kitchen Cabinet, comprised of a few individuals who are the final stops to the Seat of Power. They are those you refer to as “The Cabal.” Some of them may be unofficial advisers, but their perspectives can override those of the official cabinet. I will leave you to guess who these are in Nigeria’s current political dispensation. 5. The Seat of Power The final concentric circle is the Seat of Power, occupied by a decision-maker who could be the president at the federal level, the governor at the state level, or the chairman of a Local Government Area at the local level. The degree to which the legislature and judiciary can perform oversight and adjudicative functions respectively determines the extent to which the Seat of Power is subject to checks and balances. It is said that the Nigerian president is the most powerful president among the world’s democracies because of the immense powers vested in the president by the Nigerian constitution.33 These powers effectively give the president control over the judiciary because of such constitutional provisions as the listing of the National Judicial Council (NJC) and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as executive bodies whose heads the president has the power to appoint.34 These are some of the anomalies in our present structure. 20/33 www.tundebakare.com Surrounding the Seat of Power is a component of the Nigerian political system that is worthy of note, namely the Council of State, which I earlier alluded to as a power bloc. This includes the President, the Vice-President, all former Presidents and Heads of State, all former Chief Justices of Nigeria, the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Governors of the thirty- six states, and the Attorney-General of the Federation. The Council of State advises the president and, as such, wields influence on the direction of state policy. The happenings at the Gate of Power, the Corridor of Power, the Room of Power and the Seat of Power are what constitute the black box of Nigeria’s politics. It is within this system that the fate of our citizens has been decided over the decades. The challenge before us as nation builders is to reposition the Periphery of Power to the centre of governance such that the “Office of the Citizen”35 becomes as distinguished, if not more distinguished, than the Office of the President. This mandate to restore dignity to the Nigerian people is what has informed our strategic intervention in governance through the years across platforms, from the pulpit to the podium. In doing this, we have leveraged our God-given access to not just the Corridor of Power, but the Room of Power and, indeed, the Seat of Power, making governance recommendations in the interest of the Nigerian people. 21/33 www.tundebakare.com However, I have since realised that access to the Room, as good as it is, is not as effective in achieving this mandate as being in the Room because there are those within the Room whose stock in trade is to misinform and mislead the occupants of the Seat of Power. Hence, framework after framework, proposal after proposal, much of our attempts to facilitate good governance in the interest of the Nigerian people have been met with opposition. It appears that once we have made our case in the interest of Nigeria and left the Room, certain characters around the Seat of Power step in to counter our position in their selfish interests or the parochial interests of their benefactors among the power blocs. This is why we must all be committed to redeeming the Seat of Power and fostering the emergence of the best, brightest, fittest and most competent across the governance ecosystem, so that the black box of politics will become the lighthouse of good governance. However, to make this happen, citizen participation is imperative. The Imperative of Citizen Participation I am reminded of the words of Jean Jacques Rosseau in The Social Contract: As soon as any man says of the affairs of the State What does it matter to me? the State may be given up for lost.36 I am also reminded of the agelong words attributed to Plato: The penalty good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.37 22/33 www.tundebakare.com As powerful as the power blocs are, and as impenetrable as the Gates of Power appear to be, the real reason for the marginalization of the Nigerian citizen in the affairs of our nation is the inadequate participation in the governance process by the citizens themselves. A crucial aspect of poor citizen participation is the low voter turnout that has defined Nigeria’s democratic experience despite the significant budgetary allocations to elections. According to INEC: “Over the last two electoral cycles, including off-season elections, voter turnout across the country hovers around 30 to 35 per cent. While a few elections had higher percentages, some recent by-elections recorded as low as 8.3 per cent voter turnout in an urban constituency of over 1.2 million registered voters located in the nation’s most densely populated city. This unfavourably compares to the average voter turnout of 65-70 per cent in other countries, even in the West Africa region.”38 Fellow Nigerians, to build a great nation that works for every Nigerian, this trend must be reversed. Therefore, the concluding part of this address is dedicated to activating ten (10) key citizen power hubs that can positively transform the political landscape ahead of the next elections. Activating the Power Hubs of Citizen Participation 1. The Household 23/33 www.tundebakare.com The change we advocate must begin from the family, or, in socio- economic terms, the Household. I, therefore, call on Nigerian households to ensure full participation of members who have attained the voting age in the ongoing continuous voter registration exercise. While this responsibility falls on husbands and wives alike, women, in particular, have an important role to play. After all, “the hand that rocks the cradle is the hand that rules the world.”39 Therefore, homemakers are nation builders. In the INEC electorate profile I earlier presented, housewives constituted the third-largest bloc of potential voters among the Nigerian electorate. I am reminded of the remarkable roles played by women in the movements that birthed corporate independence for Nigeria. The notable leaders of some of these movements, including Mrs Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti and Mrs Margaret Ekpo, tactically deployed fellow women, including housewives,40 in driving political change, sometimes forcing husbands to allow their wives to join their movements.41 These women would deal a heavy blow to the institutions of colonialism long before the battle for independence gained momentum. I am also reminded of Jael, the heroic housewife in the Bible who became famous for overpowering Sisera, the enemy of her nation, thereby ending decades of oppression, right from the comfort of her home.42 Finally, just three weeks ago, there were reports of housewives protesting a seven-year power outage in two communities in Kano.43 24/33 www.tundebakare.com As we advocate a massive voter turnout during the next elections, I enjoin the great women of this nation to refuse to sell their votes to crafty politicians for a loaf of bread or a bag of rice. You deserve much more than crumbs from the table; you deserve seats at the table in the Room of Power. The destinies of our nation and our children depend on the power of your vote. Vote wisely! 2. The Market Closely linked to the Household is the Market, which represents the convergence of farmers, fishers, market women, petty traders, artisans and microenterprises. These stakeholders at the base of our economy, often referred to as the informal sector, are estimated to constitute up to 65 per cent of the Nigerian economy.44 I call on these grassroots influencers to recognize that they deserve a Nigeria that works for them. They must reject the offers of “stomach infrastructure”45 and demand the provision of critical infrastructure such as roads, electricity and market facilities that will enhance their businesses and boost their productivity. 3. The Village Square The Village Square represents the convergence of community dwellers. In rural areas, this is the literal village square where elders and age grades deliberate. In urban areas, the village square represents the community development associations, town union meetings, and the landlords’ and residents’ associations of the various streets and estates. Not only must these structures become centres of community 25/33 www.tundebakare.com organizing for citizen participation, they must also refuse to collude with politicians to rig elections. 4. The Street Closely associated with the Market is the Street. The strategy of the power blocs and those in the Corridors of Power has been to capture and control the streets because, in Nigeria’s current political architecture, the game of politics is won by the man or woman who controls the streets. Needless to say, this has done much damage to the nature and quality of our politics. It is what has fuelled the violence- prone nature of our politics. If we look closely enough, we will find that the insurgency and violent secessionist agitations that confront us as a nation are an overflow of the violence on the streets. Let me, therefore, use this occasion to appeal to the lords of the streets, the Al Capones, the gangsters, the area fathers, area mothers, area boys, and area girls who are being used by selfish politicians; let me appeal to them in the language they all understand well-well: My people, di time don come make we stop ija igboro, make we talk sense to ourselves. Time don come make we shine our eye, because all dis politician wey dey use us to fight and kill ourselves, dem no rate us at all. Dat na why dem no fit send their own pikin to fight the yeye fight wey dem dey send us to fight. Time don come for us to use our street sense. Dis country na we own. Nigeria na for Nigerians. 5. The Campus 26/33 www.tundebakare.com Greatest Nigerian Students! Ever Conscious Nigerian Students! Articulate Nigerian Students! The next power hub of citizen participation that must be activated is the Campus. Students constitute the biggest potential voting bloc with 22 million registered voters on the last register. From the audacious resistance against the Anglo- NigerianDefence Agreement by the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) in 1962, to the famous Ali-Must-Go protests in 1978, to the earth-shaking Anti-SAP riots of 1989, Nigerian students have been at the forefront of major political shifts since independence. It is time for Nigerian students to once again arise and push the envelope of citizen participation in the political space. On the platform of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), our students must actively engage the relevant political institutions towards such reforms that can enhance the political process. The immediate goal of such engagements should be to remove the obstacles to student participation in politics. For instance, I understand that, since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, students have largely been disenfranchised during elections because they register to vote on their campuses. However, because schools are mostly closed during elections and students are required to vacate the campuses, many students are unable to vote and are thus disenfranchised. To address this anomaly, NANS must work actively with its subsidiaries such as the National Association of Political Science Students (NAPSS) to advocate the digitalization of the electoral process. 27/33 www.tundebakare.com In this highly connected 21st century, we have absolutely no excuse to condone the retrogressive resolution passed by the National Assembly with the collusion of the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC);46 we have absolutely no excuse to reject the electronic transmission of election results; we have absolutely no excuse to obstruct the progressive introduction of electronic voting. Who, if I may ask, is afraid of free, fair and credible elections? Who is afraid of efficiently conducted elections? Who is afraid of the voice of the millennials and the youth of this nation? 6. The Workplace The next hub of citizens’ power that must be activated is the Workplace. It is often said that the middle class is the most politically docile among the Nigerian electorate. It is time to change this narrative. The middle class, through Concerned Professionals led by the likes of Prof Pat Utomi and Dr Oby Ezekwesili, played a critical role in the fight against military dictatorship. It is time for the professionals to unsheathe their swords and deploy their influence and intelligence to take back our nation. Employers must begin to encourage their staff to participate in the political process because public policy affects workplace productivity. A critical outpost of the workplace is the labour unions. The labour unions must reinvent themselves through such intelligent, data-driven and solutions-based engagement that can awaken a new political consciousness among Nigerian workers. In this regard, the best and 28/33 www.tundebakare.com the brightest must come together across our nation to create for Nigerians a Nigeria that is efficiently structured, effectively governed, accountably served, and selflessly led in the interest of the Nigerian worker. 7. The Digital Space The young people of this nation have proved resilient against the recent constraints on social media expressions. They have navigated the ban on Twitter and have devised innovative and legitimate strategies for constructive digital engagement. As the need for citizen participation intensifies, the level of engagement in the social media space must not diminish. With #NigeriaforNigerians, you must remind the political class that they do not own this country. This nation belongs to you, the citizens of this nation, and now is the time to take it back. 8. The Nigerian Diaspora Even as Nigerians resident in Nigeria work to rebuild “Nigeria for Nigerians,” the “Nigerians for Nigeria” mandate rests upon the Nigerian diaspora. The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA) put the number of Nigerians in the diaspora at approximately 1.7 million in 2020.47 However, a 2019 statement by the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Foreign Affairs and Diaspora, Mrs Abike Dabiri-Erewa, put the figure at over 20 million.48 Nevertheless, what cannot be disputed is the tremendous level of competence demonstrated by countless Nigerians in their host 29/33 www.tundebakare.com countries. What is also clear is that they are the “second-largest source of foreign exchange inflow into the country, second only to crude oil earnings.”49 In 2018, this inflow was estimated at “over 25 billion dollars.”50 INEC and the National Assembly should therefore be compelled to open up the voting space for the Nigerian diaspora. 9. The Elite Club The Nigerian elite must realize that they are citizens first and foremost before they are identified by any position they are privileged to occupy. Therefore, I make bold to declare that it is time for the emergence of a new Nigerian elite consensus, an elite consensus that prioritizes the Nigerian citizen in the content and direction of state policy; an elite consensus to pragmatically restructure Nigeria in such a manner that guarantees the freedom of the individual Nigerian citizen and the optimization of the geo-economic potential and productivity of Nigeria’s diverse peoples; an elite consensus to rebuild Nigeria for Nigerians. Failure to do this would, sooner or later, lead to an inevitable collision between a complacent elite and the unstoppable moving train of an empowered citizenry. 10. The Places of Worship That Nigeria is a deeply religious nation has never been in doubt. What has been in doubt, however, is the extent to which we translate the religious enthusiasm and fanaticism in our churches and mosques to value-driven patriotism. Therefore, religious leaders must become active citizen-educators, empowering their followers to support the 30/33 www.tundebakare.com right causes, lead the right causes, identify the right candidates, become the right candidates, and build the right kind of nation. Conclusion Fellow Nigerians, with strong convictions rooted in the dreams of our founding patriots, with true commitment to national reconciliation and integration, and with enduring confidence in our God-given destiny, let us now arise and build the Nigeria we envision; a New Nigeria, a Nigeria that works for every Nigerian, a Nigeria for Nigerians. I remain confident that Nigeria will be saved, Nigeria will be changed, and Nigeria will be great in my lifetime, by God’s grace! Amen. Thank you for listening; God bless you, and God bless our beloved nation, Nigeria. Pastor ‘Tunde Bakare Serving Overseer, The Citadel Global Community Church (CGCC); Convener, Save Nigeria Group (SNG). For further information/interactions: Website: www.tundebakare.com Twitter: @t_bakare Facebook: @OfficialTundeBakare 31/33

12.5kg cooking gas may sell for N10,000 by Dec, say marketers by Afeez Hanafi

Marketers of Liquefied Petroleum Gas, well known as cooking gas, on Saturday, expressed worry over the supply shortage leading to persistent increase in the price of the commodity. They warned that 12.5kg of cooking gas currently selling between N7,500 and N8,000 could rise to N10,000 before December if nothing was done to address the crisis. The marketers lamented that more Nigerians had resorted to using firewood, charcoal, sawdust, among other unrefined energy sources whose prices have also begun to rise. The Executive Secretary of the National Association of LPG Marketers, Mr Bassey Essien, disclosed this during the weekly e-discourse organised by a leading Pan-African forum, Platforms Africa, a statement on Saturday by the organisation’s Team Lead, Adeola Yusuf, said. Platforms Africa is the e-community of intellectuals, policy moulders and opinion leaders on the continent. Essien maintained that government needed to review the recently introduced import charges and Value Added Tax, else “the price of cooking gas may as well reach N10,000 for a 12.5kg cylinder.” He said, “Today (Saturday), the price has risen to N7,500 and N8,000. The skyrocketing price of gas is our fear and what we are trying to avoid. Early in the year a 20-metric ton of gas was selling for below N5m but today, the same tonnage sells for N10.2m. As long as there is that supply shortage, the available quantity and the dynamics of supply-demand will keep pushing the price higher.” Lamenting poor patronage of NALPGAM by customers due to the high price, Essien said the association was concerned that more Nigerians were being forced to return to coal, sawdust, kerosene, and other dirty fuel as “the price of the cooking gas has suddenly gone up.” He, however, said the association was interfacing with the government, stakeholders, producers and importers to see how the situation could be addressed. Essien added, “We are also meeting with the marketers vide moral suasion not to capitalise on the situation to inflict more pains on citizens by increasing the cost of gas in their locations though they are equally expending huge cost to have cooking gas at their locations.” NALPGAM secretary also decried the gradual rise in the cost of cylinders over the years, maintaining that all the raw materials used by the two cylinder manufacturing plants in the country were imported. He said despite Nigeria’s over 180 million population, the country barely had up to 10 million cylinders in circulation amid substandard cylinders in circulation. He said, “The cylinder ownership structure in the country ensures that owners are in charge of their cylinders. Cylinders expire on the 15th year of usage from the manufacturing date. Because of the high replacement cost, consumers buy what they can afford. This has equally encouraged the proliferation of substandard cylinders in circulation. The regulators are working hard to monitor the standard of cylinders coming into the country. “The progress in cylinder acquisition still needs government input to ensure that the cost of materials for cylinder production get the necessary exemption from duties but however the state of our local currency still remains a major problem.” Team Lead, Platforms Africa, Yusuf, however, urged the Federal Government to wade in and relieve Nigerians the pains of paying higher for gas. PUNCH.

‘How quarrel over girlfriend foiled Kaduna Nzeogwu’s coup’ By Daniel Anazia

Sunmi Smart-Cole is one of Nigeria’s most respected personalities in the photography, hair styling, musical, architectural and horticultural professions. The award-winning photographer, jazz percussionist and one-time trend setting barber turned 80 on Saturday, September 25, this year. In this interview with DANIEL ANAZIA, he reminisces on his life as a photographer, musician, architect and a Nigerian who witnessed the country’s independence on October 1, 1960. Congratulations on your 80th birthday. What are your reflections about life, and how have you been taking care of yourself? Do I look 80? Anyway, I’m grateful to God that I’m 80. What more do I say to God? Some of my mates died at 16, some at 20 and some others at 60. But here I am at 80. To answer your question, I allow myself to be like you, the ordinary man. Someone looked at me on that day and said, ‘you don’t look 80; there is no wrinkle and all of that’. She asked me, what do you eat? For me, I think it has to do with self-discipline in terms of what I eat. I don’t drink; I only had an alcoholic drink when I was 12 years old. I don’t smoke anything, whether cigarette or hemp; I don’t take anything that has sugar. Also, I don’t eat red meat. I have not had red meat in the last 55 years. So, I tried to prevent many things like that. You are known to be a very meticulous and principled person in terms of maintaining standards on how things should be or should be done. How have you been able to keep this principle? I’m a firm believer in the old saying that states: “Whatever that is worth doing should be done well.” At a point in my life, two ministers approached me to serve as their conduit. One is from the South and the other from the North. The one from the North approached me three days before his official appointment. I followed him to the office when he was to take over. What that simply means is that they wanted me to help them hide whatever money they steal from office. It’s an opportunity some people would have jumped at. Why didn’t you? So, I should have pleased them? I’m not that kind of person. When we finished at the office, I looked at the man from the North, shook my head and told him that I felt sorry for Nigeria. You have not started work you are already looking for a way of stealing money, and you want somebody like me to help you hide it? A lot of people don’t know where I live. Many people were surprised when they came here last Saturday, which was my birthday. I’m happy that I got this house. They were surprised I live in my own house in a nice neigbhourhood. I generated all the plants you see here. I’m a founding member of the Lagos Horticulture Society. So, I feel sorry for Nigeria because when the country attained independence on October 1, 1960, things were not the way they are today. Look at Nigeria today, at 61, everything is not okay; the country is practically non-existent. Like Chinua Achebe rightly captioned it in one of his writings, There Was a Country. At independence, Nigerians were one and we were singing one Nigeria. Some days to the Independence Day, I had chicken pox and was admitted in the hospital. Three days before the celebration, I begged the doctor to let me go home because everywhere was frenzy, everybody was excited and I wanted to be part of the celebration. Let me tell you, the 1966 coup did a lot of damage to this country. If Nigeria had remained the way it was before the coup, we would have been very much better and greater. The coup and the coup plotters, as I said, did a lot of damage, and it is the ripple effect that we are still witnessing today. After independence, there were a few commissioned army officers and they were from the South. The coup plotters were from the southern part of the country. At that time, not many Hausa people were educated in the western sense, apart from the Sarduana, who was the grandson of Uthman Dan Fodio, their leader. Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu killed him. In retaliation, soldiers from the North came together and wiped out the Igbo in their region. This sparked the civil war. General Yakubu Gowon knew how to play the politics. And what did he do? He granted Chief Obafemi Awolowo who was then in prison freedom and made him finance minister. No one knew him (Gowon) at the time, as he was a very young officer. He was not popular like he is today. Invariably, it was Awolowo that was calling the shots at the federal cabinet. One of the things the Gowon regime did was to give everybody 20 pounds. So, whether you are Igbo, Yoruba or Hausa, once you just get to the bank at that time, you are given 20 pounds. But do you know something? The Igbo, in no time, started paying back the money. I love them for their entrepreneurial spirit. If anybody wants to read any history about Nigeria, if it was not written by either Prof. Kenneth Dike or Prof Ade Ajayi, forget it. Every other person doctored his writings to suit his/her people and make them look good, whether Igbo, Yoruba or Hausa. It saddens me whenever I hear people say that Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe did not do anything for Igbo because he did not exhibit ethnic sentiments. Each time I hear such statement, I shake my head because such people may or do not understand what the principle of nationalism is all about. Zik was a nationalist; everything he stood for was one Nigeria. Don’t forget that he was born in the North (Zungeru, Zaria) and he spoke Hausa fluently. He learnt to speak Igbo at home, where he was referred to as a Hausa boy, and when he came to Lagos to school, he picked up Yoruba. His best friend in life was a Yoruba man, Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya. They attended the same school. The problem with Nigeria is ethnicity. Zik lived and preached one Nigeria till he passed on. When Azikiwe was president, he obeyed the law. There was an election and people were making noise. Some people (politicians) who wanted what they would eat had advised him (Zik) not to hand over, but his lawyer, Dan Ibekwe, told him that it would amount to disobeying the law and he heeded his counsel. So, those saying Zik didn’t do anything are misinformed, he did a lot. Before the coup, there were so many Igbo in the army and they were high ranking officers, but after the coup, that was the end. As I said earlier, there were not many educated Hausa/Fulani in the army in pre and post-independent era. As such, they were not among the ranks of commissioned army officers in the country at the time. Majority of the top officers in the army at that time were Igbo. The first Nigerian to be commissioned in the Army was Wellington Imoh Bassey from Akwa Ibom; I stand to be corrected. His daughter is still my friend. We still speak and she sent me a message recently. Months later, Aguiyi Ironsi and Shodeinde were commissioned. We were still under the British at that time. I remember we used to open Kingsway Court at night for wives of northerners who couldn’t come out during the day. The problem with Nigeria today is that there are too many sycophants in the corridors of power. They are not telling the truth for pecuniary gains. Some Igbo hold the opinion that the South East has been marginalised since the end of the war. Do you agree? Yes, they are, but the truth is that the people who were in charge of the military before the coup were taunted by the role they played and what they did when they had the power. This issue of marginalisation is not peculiar to Nigeria and Igbo. If you go to the United States, the south is still suffering from the effects of the war. When they (Igbo) had the opportunity, they misused it. First of all, that was not an Igbo coup. Though the arrowheads were Nzeogwu and Ifeajuna, there was Banjo from Ijebu and another officer from Abeokuta. Ifeajuna was given the task of capturing Brigadier Mai Malari in Lagos and forcing him to announce on television that “we Hausa were part of it.” Do you know what spoilt the plan? Woman! He saw the man at the officers’ mess and recognised him as the man who used his rank to collect his girlfriend and shot him dead. Nzeogwu had already captured Hassan Kastina and taken him to the radio station where he was forced to announce that Hausa were part of the coup. If Ifeajuna had kept Malari alive, the coup would have been very successful. So, it was okay for people to assume that it was an Igbo coup. When the war started, Banjo fought on the side of the Igbo. The man from Abeokuta was in the same unit with Obasanjo, who was away in India. Obasanjo, who was a close friend of Nzeogwu, had returned to the country only three days to the coup and he exclaimed that they were together in his house but Nzeogwu did not tell him. Obasanjo was arrested in Kano by Ike Nwachukwu, who was a lieutenant then. They took him to their commanding officer. After a closed-door discussion, he told them that Obasanjo was actually on his way to Lagos to beg Aguiyi-Ironsi to forgive Nzeogwu. You have devoted major part of your life to photography and records have it that you were self-taught. What would you say has kept you glued to the art? Well, I was self-taught in some other endeavours but not photography. I taught myself so many things about life listening to the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) where I picked up information.

My love for photography has always been fueled by passion. I never went to secondary school; my schooling stopped at the age of 14 and I became a school teacher. My education stopped at Standard 6; I couldn’t go to any other school. The problem was that there was no money. I passed entrance exams in three schools but I couldn’t go. I became a teacher without the necessary qualification. For two years, I was teaching and was annoyed with everybody. At 17, I apprenticed with an architect, who taught me the rudiments of architecture – line drawing. I taught myself the rest by using the USIS library. I ended up designing the country home of Sierra-Leone’s Prime Minister, Albert Margai. He was the second prime minister; the first was his elder brother, Milton Margai. You know most of them are usually involved with a company. In our context here, it could be Julius Berger and Julius Berger will end up building a home for them without taking a penny. But when they build such home, you give them contracts in return. In this case, Albert Margai had interest in a company I was working for and I was the only architect in the firm. So, I was mandated to do the architectural design of the home. Another one was the home of a former BBC presenter, which he built in his mother’s country, Venezuela. He wanted a swimming pool at the top, which I did. I was working for Nixon & Boss as an architect, but two months later, I was sacked when they discovered I didn’t have a certificate. This happened when they wanted to update the database of every staff. I told them I didn’t go to any formal school. They were nice; they gave me two weeks to clear my desk. Before I eventually exited the company, I came out to go for lunch and ran into Mr. Steve Rhodes on Broad Street. He was working with the then WBS/WNTV and they had an office on Nnamdi Azikwe Street. He was then relieving the manager who had gone on leave. So, I told him about my plight, and he said I was lucky, that he was leaving WBS. He then told me that he had an office at Bristol Hotel, which was on Bioku Street by the corner of Martins Street, Lagos. Maiden Ibru’s father, Mr. Thomopulous, owned the building. He told me to go and see somebody there. I started work immediately. While working there, we had a musical group called Soul Assembly. The group was made up of Segun Bucknor, Nelson Cole, Mike Cole, James, others and I. We were the first musical group in West Africa. Steve Rhodes was in the business of putting musical groups in nightclubs. We told him that we wanted him to be our manager but he refused. Why did he reject the offer? Because I was working for him at Rhodes Sound Vision and Nelson Cole was working for a company called SS Benson, which later gave birth to Ogilvy. His brother, Mike, worked in a tobacco company. Segun worked for Niger Dams Authority, which merged with ECN to become NEPA. He said he could find a job to do, may be in Benin, Ibadan or somewhere. So, he refused. I went to Maharani, a club on Martins Street. I spoke to the Indian owner, Richard Jhetuwani; I think he is still in Nigeria. He said we should come for audition on Friday. At that time, Godwin Omabuwa had a resident band. Fela hadn’t become popular but he played there every Wednesday night. Before going for the audition, we went to the University of Lagos, Akoka and invited all the girls we knew. We invited all the young men in town too. By midnight, Omabuwa went on break and we took over to play. At the end of the play, the man (Jhetuwani) said every Friday was ours. There was a trumpeter called Agu Norris who had his own band. He came to our office on Monday morning and was shouting: ‘Steve Rhodes, your boys were great, where were you?’ He had assumed that Steve, being my boss, was our boss. He had also assumed that since he was in the business of putting groups in nightclubs, he must have put us at Maharani Club. At that time, I was still eating meat, not red meat anyway. I had gone to Koriko Bar in Bristol Hotel to buy sausage roll. When I came up to the office, I saw a letter of termination of my appointment with the company for conflict of interest. I didn’t even know what it meant. That became my second sack. This was three months after I rented an apartment. I couldn’t afford a good bed sheet. My girlfriend, one Iyabo, though late now, went to Leventis to buy some fine bed sheets. At some point, you became a celebrity barber in Lagos. What fueled your passion for the profession? Let me say it was a side passion. I do not like staying idle. Before I went to work with Steve Rhodes’ company, I had been cutting hair for people. The first time Art Alade came to Nigeria from England, I was the one that cut his hair. I was doing it free of charge. I don’t like seeing people looking scurvy. When Steve Rhodes sacked me, I didn’t want to wait around doing nothing, so I came back to Yaba. I was very angry but I suddenly remembered that I used to cut my friends’ hair with scissors. So, I decided to open a barber’s shop. Sam Amuka, the publisher of Vanguard Newspapers, used to drive a car called Voscar by Volkswagen. He was then the Editor of Sunday Times, and lived at Onike in Yaba. On his way home one day, he stopped by and saw me. I was reading TIME magazine and Newsweek. Those two were my favourite magazines. I used to buy them weekly. The next day, he sent a reporter and a photographer to my shop. While the reporter and photographer were there, one man came and said give me ‘Sunmi Special’. They asked me what is Sunmi Special and I told them it’s just the way I cut hair, apply cream and brush it. In the very next edition of Sunday Times, I saw a story about me in the centerspread with the headline: ‘Sunmi Smart-Cole Cuts His Name On The Hair.’ From the next day, I couldn’t sit down just because of one publicity. When Afro came out, women who didn’t want to cut their hair bought wig and brought it to my saloon. I cut it to fit their faces. Both senior and junior military officers came to my saloon then. Even former Vice President Atiku Abubakar also visited my saloon then. They used to ask me where party was happening in town. Atiku ended up marrying a Lagos girl, so also my friend, Air Vice-Marshal Abdul Bello, who married a daughter of Pius Okigbo. When did you veer into journalism? Then, I used to accompany Jibade Thomas, the first editor of Punch newspaper, to the stadium. At that time, he was a reporter with Daily Times. He would tell me to write down what I observed looking at my timepiece. Again, I was not taught. I joined The Guardian in 1983 as the first photo editor. There is a book about me called Sunmi’s Lens – Medium: Between Man and Nature. The authors are Prof. Jane Bryce of the University of West Indies and Jide Adeniyi-Jones. There is a new one coming out titled Sunmi Smart-Cole and Friends authored by Lindsay Barret. Despite your contact with the crème-de-la-cream of the Nigerian society, you have maintained a low profile. Is this deliberate? I said earlier that some ministers wanted me to serve as a conduit for them. If I had agreed, may be I will not be here because I could have concealed the money and ran away. For some time now you have been somewhat off the radar. Have you retired? No! I had a domestic accident. I fell down in my kitchen while trying to boil water to make tea and my body gave way. I have been managing that for some time now.

Blessing Okagbare faces three fresh doping charges by Sodiq Oyeleke with agency report

Nigerian sprinter Blessing Okagbare is facing three charged after testing positive for human growth hormone and EPO, offences that forced her to pull out of the Tokyo Olympics, the Athletics Integrity Unit said Thursday. The AIU revealed on Thursday that Okagbare tested positive for blood booster EPO in Nigeria in June, in addition to another failed test for human growth hormone in Slovakia in July, which was announced during the Olympics. Okagbare was also charged with failing to cooperate with the investigation after she disobeyed an order to produce “documents, records and electronic storage devices” in relation to the other charges. Okagbare, a former Commonwealth Games gold medallist, won her first-round heat of the women’s 100 metres in Tokyo before being forced to withdraw when her test results were announced. “The athlete has been charged with the presence and use of a prohibited substance following of Human Growth Hormone in a sample collected out-of-competition on 19th July in Slovakia and reported to the AIU on 30th July,” the AIU said in a statement. It said Okagbare had also tested positive for the endurance-boosting drug EPO in a test in Nigeria on June 20. Okagbare denies all the charges and has requested that each of them be submitted to a disciplinary hearing, the AIU said.