PVC does not expire, says INEC By Steve Oko

INEC, 2023 presidential election …Takes voter registration campaign to Gregory varsity The Independent National Electoral Commission INEC, has explained that contrary to misconceptions in some quarters, the Permanent Voter’s Card, PVC, does not expire. Resident Electoral Commissioner, REC, in charge of Abia State, Dr. Joseph Iloh, who made the clarification while sensitising students at the 10th Matriculation ceremony of the Gregory University Uturu, said “PVC is as valid as the voter is alive”. He urged students of the university who were eligible for voting to arm themselves with PVC ahead of the 2023 general polls. INEC also advocated active participation of the university community in the electoral process since the electoral umpire usually recruits its ad-hoc staff from the university environment. Earlier in his address, the Vice Chancellor, Professor Augustine Uwakwe, tasked the 484 matriculants to focus on academic excellence and shun all forms of distractions associated with campus life. The VC who said the university had zero tolerance for cultism, drug abuse and internet fraud, charged the students to eschew all forms of vices as anyone caught indulging in such abnormality will be decisively dealt with. READ ALSO: INEC Appointment: CSO replies Prof Gumus’ legal team, we’re ready to meet in court The VC who said the university was poised to break global records in many fields urged the students to take advantage of the entrepreneurial Centre in the Institution to acquire vocational skills for self reliance in addition to their certificate. He said that the Institution had world-class facilities including library and laboratories with modern facilities comparable with those in any standard university in the world. In a remark, Gov. Okezie Ikpeazu, described Gregory university as the fasted-growing university in the South East region, saying he is proud that the founder is an Abian who had shown capacity in many fields. Ikpeazu who was represented by his Chief of Staff, Professor Anthony Agbazuere, urged the students to select their goal in life and pursue same with undivided single mindedness. The governor who commended the university management for its special attention to entrepreneurial studies urged the staff to complement the efforts of the Chancellor by putting in their best despite the challenges of working in the private sector. VANGUARD NEWS NIGERIA

Nigeria desires pragmatic legislative oversight By Tonnie Iredia

Whereas Nigerians are agreed that their nation is in dire need of several projects to arrive at some considerable level of development, there are by far too many views and counter views as well as actions blocking the way forward. For now, almost every topic has an opposite perspective that can confuse leadership. This includes even serious security issues bordering on terrorism and banditry. A few days ago, former Imo Governor, Rochas Okorocha argued that although he has never supported the activities of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) he did not agree with the appellation of terrorists given to them. Instead, he says “I see them as children who have not been properly educated on the happenings” they are reacting to. On his part, Islamic scholar, Ahmad Gumi had insisted that banditry was essentially a business because the “big weapons bandits were using could not have crossed the borders into the country if money was not exchanging hands.” Unfortunately, arguments such as these which appeal to the emotions and sentiments of some people cannot help the nation. A more substantive issue different from the allegation of money changing hands, is the other point made by Gumi that our military troops were colluding with the bandits. Perhaps because the military refuted the claim little was done about it. In other climes, the media would have on the basis of their mandate of holding those in authority accountable to the people followed up the subject. But in Nigeria, that is almost impossible because our media professionals are greatly hindered by several handicaps among them official policies, ownership control and poor media financing. How can the media hold government accountable in Nigeria when her leaders are enacting laws which in all respects have the same provisions as those of the obsolete law of sedition which imperialist agents used against activists during the colonial era? These days, every media report that is not exactly favourable to government is classified as hate speech capable of destabilizing the country or state as the case may be. Before the reporter can defend himself especially in states such as Ebonyi, he has already been traumatized by law enforcement agencies who are relying on some local laws on fake news. Thus, with government leaders using their offices to stop the media from holding those in authority accountable to the people, what other options are available to the nation? Why for example couldn’t the relevant committees of the legislature take up the allegations raised by Gumi and indeed any other allegation? We are encouraged to raise this poser following the report a few days back that the House of Representatives had resolved to investigate the on-going recruitment exercises into the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF) and other agencies under the Ministry of Labour and Productivity. The House allegedly found that only people from a particular part of the country were being recruited in breach of the federal character principle. The resolution of the House includes an appropriate sanction for anyone found culpable of undue favouritism in the exercise. The probe is to last four weeks. Any well-meaning Nigerian ought to commend the decision of the House of Representatives. However, how come it is only the Ministry of Labour and its agencies that are so selected for investigation? Is anyone suggesting that the House is unaware that the allegation which is the sing-song in today’s public service affects virtually all Ministries, Parastatals and Agencies (MDA)? When will the exercise be extended to such other bodies? Our point must not be misunderstood; we depart entirely from critics who oppose the checking of wrong doing at one location simply because all other culprits are spared the agony. We call on all committees to investigate MDAs in their spheres of oversight with respect to the same exercise which is to hold at the Ministry of labour shortly. We recommend that the terms of reference of the committees should include the identification of powerful citizens in government behind the trend of favouritism in personnel recruitment in Nigeria. I will be shocked if many legislators will not be indicted. It is our hope that the investigations would not take the pattern of previous exercises that were fitful and whose results were never made public. It will be recalled that in November last year, the Senate had raised an alarm that some officials of the federal civil service had engaged in secret recruitment while wrongly claiming that there was an official embargo on employment. Having discovered that some Nigerians who graduated some 15 years ago were yet to be employed we had thought the Senate would follow the subject through and reduce the tension of unemployment in the land. Painfully, we are yet to see any positive development. We hope the alarm raised by the Senate was not just a ploy to get spaces for their relations in some agencies and that this investigation into the Ministry of Labour and its agencies would be more transparently handled in the public interest. Indeed, the issue of adhering to the federal character principle should not be toyed with because it is high among the items creating disaffection in the land. It would do more harm if our top office holders continue to pay lip service to it. When the police announced recently that many applications were not received from some states in the South, many people expressed surprise. With the revelation two days ago by Governor Douye Diri of Bayelsa state that the police recruitment template was skewed, those in charge must return to the drawing table. As argued by Diri, “equitable recruitment into federal agencies can only be achieved if the process was in tandem with the federal character principle as enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution.” It is in truth a different ball game if the template used was based on number of local government areas in a state which is unjustifiable and lacks merit. The point Governor Diri is making is that there is a need for consistency in our understanding of the federal character principle. We cannot, as many politicians are doing now, pick and choose when to or not to adhere to it. Some presidential aspirants and other leaders have of recent made a strong case for merit which on its own has many advantages. But we cannot be seen to be describing rotational presidency as obsolete and unmeritorious while still hanging-on to our quota system and federal character principle which offer selective gains. If Nigeria has developed enough to have its president come from anywhere, our entire structure should be devoid of those lower and unimaginative prescriptive criteria. In fact, we cannot continue to operate a federal character principle when the body set up to ensure its observance is itself in breach. Among all agencies, the federal character commission cannot but have a federal character. Last year, two allegations were made against the commission. The first was that its tradition which from inception has been to ensure a chairman and a secretary are periodically sourced from North and South was breached as both offices are now held by appointees from same region. The second was that 20 out of the 37 commissioners had drawn attention in vain to the fact that the chairman had been engaged in secret recruitments in which 50% of those employed were sourced from her kinsmen. Nothing appears to have been done to these allegations. If, however, anything was done, it probably did not attract same publicity as the breach of the federal principle making it difficult for many people to know about it. But if nothing has been done since then, efforts must now be made to handle it simultaneously with that of NSITF so as to send the correct message that we are set to rebuild our nation without fear or favour. We must put our legislature into better use, rather than engaging them in bogus impeachment exercises such as the wind blowing currently in Zamfara state. Vanguard News

Jamboree of presidential aspirants, shortage of turnaround ideas Ayo Olukotun

“Nigerians should deliberately search for leaders with foresight, intelligence and experience that can turn the country’s fortunes around” – Pastor William Kumuyi, General Superintendent of the Deeper Life Christian Ministry (The PUNCH, Thursday, January 27, 2022) Have you noticed that the list of aspirants for Nigeria’s coveted number one political office, come 2023, lengthens by the day? On Wednesday, two new aspirants—Senator Bukola Saraki, former Senate Leader, and Senator Rochas Okorocha, former Governor of Imo State—announced their intention to join an already elongated roll. Bear in mind that previously we had Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the National Leader of the All Progressives Congress; David Umahi, Governor of Ebonyi State; Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, former Governor of Abia State; Kogi State Governor, Yahaya Bello; Prof. Kingsley Moghalu; Dr. Philip Idaewor of the United Kingdom branch of the APC, not counting a host of others who have either declared by subterfuge or are encouraging rife speculations that they are very much in the race. This latter group is also a long and unfolding one including current Vice-President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo; former President, Goodluck Jonathan; former Vice-President, Alhaji Abubakar Atiku; Sokoto State Governor, Aminu Tambuwal; Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, among others. Conceivably, the list might billow up to 25 or more. Were the country in a routine season, there may have been no need to comment on what is fast becoming a jamboree of aspirants; however, as Pastor William Kumuyi quoted in the opening paragraph correctly recognised, Nigeria is trapped in a period that requires leaders who will “turn the nation’s fortunes around.” Of course, chorus boys and automatic endorsers of the current administration perpetually project an image of normalcy or superlative achievement by the President, Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd.). But those who feel the hurt and who live in the desperate travails of the hour know where the shoe pinches. A couple of days back, a junior colleague decided to make the journey from Ibadan to Lagos by train. “Why would you subject yourself to that ordeal?” I inquired gently. He answered with the frightening narrative of how portions of the road linking the two cities had been converted into a traveller’s nightmare by acts of violence, including shooting at passenger buses in recent times. Notwithstanding that security officials claim that the attack is a one-off, those smart enough know that this predicament begins usually with a limited number of kidnappings and daring attacks on travellers. In other words, Yorubaland, which was once thought immune or relatively immune to the kind of banditry that virtually annulled the possibility of peaceful commuting by road between Abuja and Kaduna has drifted southwards, increasing the devastating national peril. That is not all. The ongoing brouhaha about fuel subsidy has opened a Pandora’s Box when the eternally opaque Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation told us that Nigerians consume fuel to the tune of 65.7 million litres daily and that it will require a sum of N3 trillion to underwrite the cost of the postponement of fuel subsidy removal by 18 months. Unsurprisingly, an irate Dr Kayode Fayemi, Governor of Ekiti State and Chairman Nigeria Governors’ Forum fired back that “there is a lot of fraud in consumption and distribution figures,” suggesting that no one is sure anymore about the competing and contradictory figures churned out by NNPC. Please note that this was precisely one of the cardinal sins of the Jonathan administration but after eight years of so-called reformism, we have come full circle regarding the abracadabra of subsidy, resulting in a gargantuan foreign debt and the spectre of national bankruptcy. This apart, the Minister for Finance, Zainab Ahmed, confirmed recently that the deepening suffering of Nigerians as a result of high inflation is one of the reasons why the removal of fuel subsidy earlier slated for June has been put on hold. Doubtless, in an intensely political season, the electorate will be thrown all kinds of unusual favours for well-known reasons. Recall the famous words of the Swiss philosopher J. J. Rousseau, made centuries ago, that “the people of England regards itself as free, but it is grossly mistaken; it is free only during the election of members of parliament. As soon as they are elected, slavery overtakes it…” Needless to say over time, the British people have deepened their democracy to the point where it can outlast the unusual generosity of the politicians during elections, leaving countries like Nigeria in the lurch of polling-determined policies and promises that will fade out when elections are over. That is to say, the country has only pushed back the frontier of misfortune for a country that produces oil but which is unable to maintain its refineries or keep its currency stable enough to avoid wide fluctuations of its exchange rate. Moreover, successive governments have seized upon the incompetence of earlier ones to make failed promises the object of their campaigns in a never-ending cycle of violated social contracts. To the politicians playing this game, it is perfectly okay. The problem, however, is that the chickens of earlier unkept promises have come home to roost with a vengeance, with the result that the country is kept in the stranglehold of a dark tunnel. Browse the promises made to Nigerians in successive elections since 1999 and you will marvel at the magnitude of the differences between oratory and performance. Buhari, like Jonathan, promised to end the reign of darkness in the power sector and decisively bring electricity generation up. What do we have today? The country generates megawatts of electricity, fluctuating between a figure lower than the administration inherited or just a little above it. So what happened to the sweet promise made during campaigns of amplified and sufficient power generation? Do you want to look at the education sector where no Nigerian university is in the first 500 universities on global league tables contrasted with South Africa which has 9 public universities in the first 50 and the University of Cape Town in number 20 position? The reason for underlining the dismay of Nigerians as another election rapidly approaches is that the current harvest of presidential aspirants has been disturbingly short on policy matters much less turnaround ideas. If these gentlemen do not know what is required is not business as usual in a nation threatened by existential crunch but transformational and visionary leadership. The political parties as well as the soaring number of aspirants are silent on roadmaps for redemption and reinvention. There is no mention of the woes of a distorted federal structure nor of the prospect of a national conference to renew the federal bargain. In other climes, policymaking is serious business with political parties hosting policy conferences, both to feel the pulse of the people and to design a compass out of the woods. What obtains here is policymaking by turnkey. Do you recall turnkey projects imported hook, line and sinker from abroad, leaving you only to turn the key? The correlate is turnkey policymaking featuring policies written by intellectual contractors with no input from our leaders. Enough of this jamboree of the soaring number of aspirants with little or no ideas for redesigning a failing state. Let the race to salvage Nigeria truly begin now. PUNCH.

BETWEEN DEMOCRACY AND ETHNOCRACY by SANUSI L. SANUSI

Two experiences in my life, or rather, one experience gleaned from two incidents a year apart , made a profound impact on my mind and altered drastically my perception of Nigerian politics. Both incidents occurred about two decades ago in my early years at Ahmadu Bello University and my first real contact with national politics. The first was in the 1977/78 session during the “Ali must go” riots. The Obasanjo government had announced its intention to partially withdraw subsidies from higher education, which would increase the cost to students of feeding and accommodation. Feeding cost in the dining halls would increase from 50k per day (for three square meals) to N1.50k per day. I do not recall the figures for hostel accommodation. Southern universities led the call for resignation of Colonel Ali, the Education Minister. Northern universities were still looking up to A.B.U for leadership as all others were young and some had just metamorphosed from A.B.U Satellite Campuses to separate universities. Thus the Universities of Maiduguri, Sokoto, Jos and B.U.K were waiting for us to take the lead. The dilemma for the students’ leadership was this: northern universities had a predominantly northern student body practically all of whom were on state government scholarships and would not be in any way affected by the policy. Southern universities, on the other hand were predominantly populated by students from the South who were paying their own bills and this increase would stretch parents' resources and force some of them out of the universities. The National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) led then by Segun Okeowo had the task of carrying ABU Students’ Union on a national protest over an issue that was of little direct consequence to the majority of its members. I was then the youngest member of the Students’ Representative Assembly (SRA) or students’ parliament. The debate went on and on into the morning hours with the parliament divided. Okeowo and his PRO, Nick Fadugba, had come to Zaria to lobby. I strongly endorsed the boycott of the lectures and forcefully spoke on the need for ABU to rise above ethnic sentiments and fight the cause of Nigerian Students. Fresh from the nation’s premier Unity School (King’s College) I was convinced that one Nigerian was not different from the other and that ethnic considerations were backward and reactionary. We won the debate, northern students joined the boycott, a number of A.B.U. students were shot, wounded and killed, and the rest is now history. But we were up to that point proud of ourselves and what we had done, even though it was condemned by Northern elders. The second and final component of the experience happened one year later, during the JAMB crisis. The genesis was the publication on the front page of the New Nigerian Newspaper of a histogram showing the distribution of the students admitted into Nigerian Universities for the first time by JAMB. There were 19 States in the Federation then, 9 of them in the South. Eight of the Southern States took the top eight positions in the ranking followed by Kwara and then Cross River, the final southern state. The States of the north other than Kwara took the last nine positions. Bendel State alone had more students admitted than the ten northern states combined. Northern students were alarmed. The understanding was that part of JAMB’s mandate was to help bridge the educational gap in the country and promote national integration. It was clear that the skewed admission would only widen the gap. Moreover, northern students were not taken into southern universities who refused to recognise the IJMB, while southern students filled northern universities. We tried to have a national protest. Delegates sent from A B U to the universities in the South were evaded and the only courteous response came from the University of Calabar. The problem divided the students’ body and southern universities made it clear it was a northern problem. The boycotts took on a regional character as northern universities ended up closed. To add insult to injury, the Students’ Unions at UNILAG and UNIFE actually issued statements supporting the military junta and condemning the protests. The exercise was to be seen as the enthronement of merit over mediocrity and the government was urged to make sure that half-baked school-leavers should not fill our universities. For many of us who just one year earlier had championed a southern cause, the experience was traumatic. It confirmed the warnings of all those who considered us naïve in our struggle for national unity. But worse, this experience has not remained on isolated item but an example of incidents and attitudes with which our political history is replete. It seems that the failure of the Nigeria opposition can in the main be traced to this inordinate fear, contempt and resentment for the ‘north’, feelings that are borne primarily out of ignorance and misunderstanding. An issue that concerns the north is seen as purely parochial while one that affects the south is a national question. The Nigerian opposition, by failing to rise beyond their desire for an ethnocracy has denied the people of this country of an opportunity to forge a truly democratic opposition. When in 1992 the electoral process seemed certain to produce two northern presidential candidates, the opposition press raised alarm at what it called northern designs to present the country with a faits accomplis. Politicians snowballed the process and played straight into the hands of Babangida. The illegal cancellation of the primaries and the banning of the politicians in violation of existing electoral law were not condemned by most of those now calling themselves democrats. It was only the annulment of June 12, 1993 which involved a southern politician that was viewed as a travesty of democracy. Let me state for the avoidance of doubt that I condemn the annulment of the June 12 election. But I also condemn the annulment of the primaries in 1992. And I also condemn the coups d’etat which overthrew Shagari’s democratically elected government. The difference between the democrats and the ethnocrats does not lie in whether or not June 12 should have been anulled, but in whether June 12 was an issue at par with all travesties of democracy, or a special case because of the ethnic pedigrees of the victim. M.K.O. Abiola was elected by all Nigerians. He won the election in Kano and Jigawa, defeating Tofa, the so–called son of the soil. The dissolution of that election was a violation of the rights of all Nigerians who voted to freely choose their leader. The action was that of an individual who wanted to remain in power at all cost. Why did Abiola accuse the “ north” of stopping him? Why does the opposition attack the same “north” that voted for Abiola? Why has Abiola, a man seen by all Nigerians as one of them, suddenly been transformed into a “southerner” on the landscape of political action? How much justice do we do ourselves if we expect the north to lead the fight for June 12 in the face of what it sees as a betrayal? The result of defining June 12 in tribal terms was the transformation of previous allies of Abiola into allies of the military or at best, passive by-standers. Key supporters joined the Military Junta. Many of these could claim, in good conscience, that hey did not betray MKO or democracy. They had simply abandoned a cause which had been hijacked and derailed. Abiola before and up to June 12 was the leader of a broad-based nationalistic front about to take over from a military dictatorship. After June 12, the cause had been hijacked by “ethnocrats” who had always seen Abiola not in terms of what he may have had to offer the nation but in terms of where he was from and what he, in their view, represented: A chance to get rid of northern leaders. In this, Abiola’s greatest enemies are those who claim to be his friends, people who contributed nothing to his campaign and had always mistrusted him because of his detribalised outlook. Sadly, the lesson has not been learnt. Tunji Braithwaite recently joined the race for the nation’s presidency and lost the election on the first day by defining his agenda in anti-northern terms. It was a sad day for us, northerners who welcomed his declaration for politics and hoped to rally behind him or M D Yusuf or any other serious candidate with the capacity to make self-succession for the military a difficult, if not impossible task. A few days after Braithwaite’s press conference, Arthur Nwankwo, a prolific writer, dismissed M D Yusuf’s candidacy on the pages of This Day Newspaper. Nwankwo was not the first to do this but his primary reason seems to be that M. D. Yusuf is from the North, and that a northern candidate is unacceptable to Nigerians. The likes of Braithwaite and Nwankwo will again play directly into the hands of Abacha. The opposition will always fail unless it transcends the fight for ethnic ascendancy and fights for enthronement of the people’s rights and defence of their liberties. The greatest shortcoming of the political philosophy of the opposition lies in the redefinition of democracy to mean the emergence of a southern president. In this, the philosophy is no different from that of the northern bigots who believe only northerners should rule the country. For northerners who want democracy, the fight is a two–pronged one: Against so-called elders who out of selfish interests subvert the will of the people and falsely claim to speak for us, and against those who would make all northerners carry a cross that is not their own and answer for the deeds which they condemn and leaders whom they reject. Ethnocracy as an ideology pitches the northerner against the southerner Democracy pitches us all against dictatorship and violation of human rights.

JUST IN: Court issues warrant of arrest for ex-Minister Diezani by Abiolapaul

JUST IN: Court issues warrant of arrest for ex-Minister Diezani Posted by Abiolapaul on January 24, 2022 at 5:25pm 10038676469?profile=RESIZE_584x

A Federal High Court in Abuja has issued an arrest warrant against former Minister of Petroleum Resources Diezani Alison-Madueke. The Presiding Judge Bolaji Olajuwon made the order on Monday following an oral application made by Farouk Abdullah, counsel to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). EFCC said its investigations revealed that the ex-Minister who is facing several money-laundering allegations, has remained in her hideout in the UK and refused to return to the country to enter her plea to charges against her. Abdullah told the court that all efforts by the agency to get the ex-Minister extradited proved abortive. He stressed that the warrant would enable the EFCC to persuade the International Police (INTERPOL) to arrest Diezani and also help the office of the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice to facilitate her extradition. “We urge my lord to issue an arrest warrant against Alison-Madueke, who is believed to be in the UK to enable all law enforcement agencies and the INTERPOL to arrest her anywhere she is sighted and be brought before this court to answer to the allegation made against her,” EFCC’s lawyer added. EFCC anchored the application on section 83(1b) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, ACJA, 2015. After he had listened to the application, Justice Olajuwon granted it as prayed, even as he adjourned the case sine die (indefinitely) to await the arrest and extradition of the Defendant. EFCC had told the court that investigations revealed that the former Petroleum Minister was not only deeply involved in money laundering but equally played key roles in other financial crimes. It decried that since the ex-Minister fled the country immediately after she exited the office, it has been difficult to get her back to respond to different criminal allegations against her. In one of the documents it filed before the court, EFCC said Diezani was among other things, wanted over the alleged role she played in the award of Strategic Alliance Agreement (SAA) to; Septa Energy Limited, Atlantic Energy Drilling Concept Limited and Atlantic Energy Brass Development Limited by NNPC. As well as to answer questions on her role in the chartering of private jets by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, and Ministry of Petroleum Resources and her role in the award of contracts by NNPC to Marine and Logistics Services Limited. Besides, the agency said it was investigating the nature of business relationships the former Minister had with some persons. It listed some of Diezani’s alleged allies under investigation as Mr Donald Amamgbo, Mr. lgho Sanomi, Mr Afam Nwokedi, Chief lkpea Leemon, Miss Olatimbo Bukola Ayinde, Mr Benedict Peters, Christopher Aire, Harcourt Adukeh, Julian Osula, Dauda Lawal, Nnamdi Okonkwo, Mr Leno Laithan, Sahara Energy Group and Midwestern Oil Limited. JUST IN: Court issues warrant of arrest for ex-Minister Diezani A Federal High Court in Abuja has issued an arrest warrant against former Minister of Petroleum Resources Diezani Alison-Madueke. The Presiding Judge Bolaji Olajuwon made the order on Monday following an oral application made by Farouk Abdullah, counsel to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). EFCC said its investigations revealed that the ex-Minister who is facing several money-laundering allegations, has remained in her hideout in the UK and refused to return to the country to enter her plea to charges against her. Abdullah told the court that all efforts by the agency to get the ex-Minister extradited proved abortive. He stressed that the warrant would enable the EFCC to persuade the International Police (INTERPOL) to arrest Diezani and also help the office of the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice to facilitate her extradition. “We urge my lord to issue an arrest warrant against Alison-Madueke, who is believed to be in the UK to enable all law enforcement agencies and the INTERPOL to arrest her anywhere she is sighted and be brought before this court to answer to the allegation made against her,” EFCC’s lawyer added. EFCC anchored the application on section 83(1b) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, ACJA, 2015. After he had listened to the application, Justice Olajuwon granted it as prayed, even as he adjourned the case sine die (indefinitely) to await the arrest and extradition of the Defendant. EFCC had told the court that investigations revealed that the former Petroleum Minister was not only deeply involved in money laundering but equally played key roles in other financial crimes. It decried that since the ex-Minister fled the country immediately after she exited the office, it has been difficult to get her back to respond to different criminal allegations against her. In one of the documents it filed before the court, EFCC said Diezani was among other things, wanted over the alleged role she played in the award of Strategic Alliance Agreement (SAA) to; Septa Energy Limited, Atlantic Energy Drilling Concept Limited and Atlantic Energy Brass Development Limited by NNPC. As well as to answer questions on her role in the chartering of private jets by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, and Ministry of Petroleum Resources and her role in the award of contracts by NNPC to Marine and Logistics Services Limited. Besides, the agency said it was investigating the nature of business relationships the former Minister had with some persons. It listed some of Diezani’s alleged allies under investigation as Mr Donald Amamgbo, Mr. lgho Sanomi, Mr Afam Nwokedi, Chief lkpea Leemon, Miss Olatimbo Bukola Ayinde, Mr Benedict Peters, Christopher Aire, Harcourt Adukeh, Julian Osula, Dauda Lawal, Nnamdi Okonkwo, Mr Leno Laithan, Sahara Energy Group and Midwestern Oil Limited.

DisCos must go, EKEDC as case study By Dele Sobowale

“An organization has no pants [trousers] to kick and no soul to damn. And by God, it should have both” — Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr, 1841-1935, Vanguard Book of Quotations, VBQ, P. 179. US Supreme Court Justice Holmes made that statement when judging another case before him involving a giant company which swindled and terrorised its customers in full confidence that none could strike back – until one was a final year law student who sued the company. Nigeria is full of business organisations which victimise their staff, neighbours, suppliers, contractors and, especially, customers. They get away with such because people are too scared to speak out. READ ALSO: CBN escrow of DISCOs’ bank accounts saved sector from collapse — Experts When the former President, Goodluck Jonathan, administration privatised the power sector most of us were extremely happy – believing that the private sector would do better than “NEPA”. The Distribution Companies, aka, DisCos, have proved us wrong. When General Babangida asked why the Structural Adjustment Programme, SAP, which worked wonders in Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia, failed in Nigeria, my reply to him in 1990 was simple. “The Nigerian Factor! Economic principles are based on the assumption that the people are reasonable. The vast majority of Nigerians, including business executives, are unreasonable.” Today, it is safe to state that Jonathan handed our power sector to individuals just as bad as public servants working for NEPA. DisCos have once again proved that principles which work elsewhere fail here because we are Nigerians. Dairy of a serial victim of DisCos “The customer is king”; an axiom of marketing companies worldwide. The reader must understand that I write from documented and objective experience – not emotions. I am naturally quantitative as an economist. Like late Papa Awolowo, I keep meticulous records – cheque books for ten years and “NEPA” bills for about fifteen years are around somewhere. Not from me statements like “they are useless”, I will present facts to indict them. Furthermore, directly or indirectly, I am responsible for paying five (5) DisCos – three South and two North. So, I have more than a narrow view of their operations. For Nigerian DisCos, the customer is a cow tied down by the Federal Government to be milked without restraint. They now illegally extort money from badly-serviced customers without any pang of conscience. From my observations, the FG will need to step in before fuel subsidy removal in order to prevent large scale violence against the staff of DisCos. Nigerians have had enough. No other business is allowed to charge customers arbitrarily and get away with it as DisCos have been doing. This has got to end. Why Lagos DisCos? Two reasons account for selecting Lagos Distribution Companies. First, a major culprit is DisCos in Lagos State – so called Centre of Excellence. Several blue chip companies and multi-national organisations are resident here. We should receive the best possible service of any place in Nigeria. Second, on the average, Lagosians are more enlightened than other Nigerians. Yet we have allowed ourselves to continuously lose billions of Naira every month to estimated billing. Crazy bills, sent out by DisCos, endured by us, constitute a violation of the basis of honest commercial transactions. Every financial transaction in a civilised country expects the seller to prove beyond doubt the quantity of measurable goods sold and at what price per unit. The customer is expected also to pay fully for the goods bought. The Nigerian Government, before and after the creation of DisCos, has created one group of suppliers who can charge customers for any volume of power, presumed consumed, as they want without proof. The DisCos have not been slow to take advantage. Another definition of legalised robbery will be difficult to imagine. Yet, this is the power that has been bestowed on Nigerian DisCos. There is a method in the madness “There is a pleasure in being mad which none but madmen know.” – Saul Bellow, VBQ, p. 147. There is a great deal of profit in sending “crazy bills, which the senders and the FG know too well. It will be difficult to believe that the FG which gave birth to DisCos, and established a toothless agency to mediate between the millions of cheated customers and the DisCos, was not aware that they were setting up catch-weight contests in which each individual customer faces a giant company – with all his rights to fairness removed. The FG knows it; the DisCos also know it. So, they exploit the situation to the fullest. To begin with, there is no such thing as a “crazy bill”. We dignify fraudulent bills by calling them “crazy” – as if a computer or a staff of the DisCo goes haywire and sends bills in error. The truth is more shocking. In every billing unit, a few clear-eyed and absolutely sane individuals sit and determine how much each of us will be charged. Almost all the time, it has nothing to do with how much we actually consumed. Here is how the swindle works. At the end of the month, each DisCo receives a bill from the Generating Units for the megawatts of power supplied to it. The DisCo allocates the total amount to each of its operating units. Each unit deducts from the total all payments received from prepaid meters. The balance is then distributed among those without prepaid meters. The consumption figure recorded on every customer’s bill has no basis in reality; it is just assigned in order to distribute the charges arbitrarily to consumers and to pursue fictitious claims. Below are some of the methods adopted by DisCos to deliberately cheat customers. A. Exceeding the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, NERC, approved maximum charges. Even the guidelines, the maximum consumption approved for consumers in each unit by NERC are disregarded if it pleases the officials of the DisCos. Thus, in December, a three bedroom bungalow, with four residents – three working and one baby – received a bill for consuming 1144KWH. That was 184KWH more than the maximum 960KWH approved for the area. The bill was N36,969.65. Even the 960KWH represents the maximum; not the mandatory charge. The biggest building in the same area is a four-storey residential tower with 42 rooms and over 240 residents. That unit should attract the maximum 960KWH charge. No honest business person can argue that the bungalow and the biggest building should be charged for 960KWH – let alone billing one for 1144KWH of power consumed. B. Charges made without stating units consumed. Furthermore, August bill for the bungalow was N11,423.85 – without stating the consumption. This is akin to a customer going to a filling station; and being asked to pay N11,000 without telling the customer how many litres amounted to N11,000. The stunt – charges without disclosing units consumed — was again repeated in September – when a bill for N14,639.45 was presented. C. Unsubstantiated claims for arrears. In March last year, a customer who has paid his bills fully, suddenly received a demand for payment of arrears for N22,624.60. Letters sent to the Customer Service Manager and copied to the Managing Director have not been acknowledged; not to talk of taking action. The protest letter accused the DisCos of fraudulent billing. It is doubtful if any CEO of any other company will allow his company to be branded that way and fail to take action. Only a DisCo MD can ignore such a charge. We have in Nigeria today an important sector which is not serving us at all. It is better to admit that privatisation has failed in this sector. Vanguard News

Atiku not qualified to contest 2023 election on account of age —Afegbua By Levinus Nwabughiogu & Dirisu Yakubu

PDP stakeholders chide Atiku for abandoning PDP in time of crisis ….Asks former VP to support southern candidate Former Commissioner of Information in Edo State and a member of opposition Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Mr. Kassim Afegbua, has said former Vice President Atiku was not qualified to contest the 2023 presidential election on account of old age. He said PDP could not keep giving its ticket to Atiku, saying it would be immoral to do so, and urged the former Vice President to jettison his ambition and throw his weight behind the clamour for a Southern candidate. Afegbua, in a statement yesterday in Abuja, said it was time to give a younger person from the South an opportunity to lead the country on the platform of PDP. The statement read: “Having concluded the convention of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, PDP, with a new leadership that looks promising, the party will have to rise above board to produce a presidential candidate from the Southern part of the country to complete the narrative. “With the abysmal performance of President Muhammadu Buhari on account of age, incompetence and lack of capacity and political will to take deliberate and sustained action to bail out the country from all manner of challenges, it will be immoral for Alhaji Atiku Abubakar to continue to express interest in seeking election in the 2023 presidential election having attained the retirement age. “He cannot assume the role of a perpetual candidate or professional aspirant year in, year out, as though the party was established for him alone. It defeats all sense of logic for such an old man to attempt another round of political contest at a time the general feeling and mood in the country supports a younger Nigerian from the Southern part of the country. “For me, furthermore, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar should drop his quest for presidency and support a southern Nigerian candidate in the spirit of fairness, equity and justice, that will assuage the feelings of stakeholders from the Southern part of Nigeria. It will be against the run of play and natural justice for any aspirant of Northern extraction to show interest in the 2023 presidential election within the Peoples’ Democratic Party. “It will offend national sentiments, emotions and logic for anyone from the North to show such interest given our diversities and hetereogenous political configurations. “Given PDP’s doctrine of political power balancing and fairness, it will be against its own unwritten rule to cede the ticket to any Northern aspirant least of all Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. “After the 2019 presidential election, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar abandoned all of us in Nigeria and sought refuge in far away Dubai, thus exposing us to the intimidation, harassment and threats from the desperate APC’s power oligarchs. “It was a case of a General abandoning his troops in the battle field. Rather than draw strength from his presence, his absence exposed us to all manner of challenges. “He was in Dubai and left us to our fate. When it mattered most for us to reach out to our candidate for motivation and necessary encouragement, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar vanished into thin air. Knowing full well that political activities were to take off, he suddenly resurfaced and becomes a frontliner in his quest to fly the party’s flag once again. “That, to me, amounts to gross political selfishness and greed, which must not be allowed to flourish in our contemporary engagements. Even those who are promoters-in-chief of Alhaji Atiku’s aspiration, know in their heart of hearts that it is a project that is dead on arrival.’’ “The Southern geopolitical zones of Nigeria have eminently qualified Nigerians and parade great minds, who are competent and ready to take a shot at the number one job. ‘’Those who are advancing very nebulous theory of seeing the northern population as a stimulant to win the sympathy of the North against the South are either ignorant of the real demographics or at best, just playing the ostrich. No one in the North should take away what belongs to the South. “That will be hurting the conscience and feelings of the average southerner. If the argument is to suffice for example, for an Atiku presidency, he will be concluding his first term of four years at age 81. And were he to become a candidate in 2023 again, and per adventure he loses the election, are we, as PDP, going to reserve the position for him or any other Northerner in 2027? “These are very curious scenarios, which cannot be overlooked. For 2023, an Atiku candidacy will be like promoting an expired product in the face of very compelling reason to look towards the South in our quest to wrestle power from the fractured APC. “Earlier last year, I was conscripted into the Technical Committee for Atiku presidency. Having attended three meetings of the group, I found my spirit and conscience permanently in conflict with the ethos of justice, fairness and equity, which the south deserves. VANGUARD NEWS