Terrorism, Society and the Rest of Us.

 Victor Ndoma-Egba

As a politician and a three-term member of the National Assembly, I cannot but be disturbed by the floundering state of security in Nigeria in recent times. I know a lot of our compatriots also feel the same angst, consternation and ‘confoundment’. It is indeed disheartening that innocent Nigerians are being murdered in a manner that is too serial and sectarian for comfort. It is even more discomfiting that a large number of those killed in many of these attacks are youths. Youths are the real resource of a nation.  By these killings, we are squandering not only our wealth but our future.

Up till now, no one is yet to fathom the goals being pursued by these attackers. What is known is that the attackers have been meticulous in their strategy by choosing to hide under the cover of our diversity to cast their terror thus creating a hiatus in our national unity.

So, to the extent that each time these terrorists attack, we are quick to stand apart on the threshold of Christian-Muslim or Southern-Northern divide, we continue to lose the war against terrorism in our country. I doubt if this country had ever been as divided as it is today. Yet, ironically, this is the time we need to stand together as a people - more than ever before - to fight the boggy of insecurity plaguing our land. Then we can fully address the poverty and inequities in our polity; issues that know neither tribe nor religion. I believe that a more pragmatic approach to solving the menace of terrorism in our country is to reinvent those social and communal values that bound us in the past.

As far as history can guide my thoughts, most of the communities where we have problems of terrorism today have had centuries old history of social and communal relationships and co-existence. The Berom have for centuries accommodated and lived with the Fulani in Plateau State, the Hausa in Kano State have over the years, accommodated and lived peacefully with the Igbo, the Kataf in Kaduna State and the Kanuri in Maiduguri have also had age-long histories of accommodating non-natives in their communities. These were communities that thrived on the strength of association, friendships, and interdependence. Jos once used to be the hub of hospitality in the whole of West Africa. Kano became a great city of commerce because of its association and friendship with people from other places. Kaduna was once a flourishing city known for its intellectual enterprise. All these are no more, and that begs the question: where and when did we get it wrong? Where did we miss the turn?

I recall with nostalgia my days as a member of the 1978-1979 National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) set. I served in the old Bauchi State, which is now Bauchi and Gombe States. At the same time, my elder brother, Rowland now Professor of Surgery, was serving in Song in the old Gongola State now Adamawa and Taraba States and his fiancée (now his wife of several years) was also serving in Numan now in Taraba State. 

I also had friends in Bauchi, Gombe, Kano and of course Jos. That meant I was perpetually on the move between these cities. The hospitality I experienced was unparalleled. The elder brother of Yayale Ahmed, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) and Head of Service (HOS), Alhaji Yelwaji Azare of blessed memory, adopted me as his son; and I was treated as such. A political icon from Cross River State, late Chief I.I Murphy, gave me a note to his political associate, Alhaji Ibrahim Dimis, then a serving senator who also threw his home open to me. I could go there anytime. Not to talk of the person I served directly under in the Nigerian Police, Senator Nuhu Aliyu, who was then an Assistant Commissioner of Police.

  He retired as Deputy Inspector-General of Police and I had the good fortune of becoming his colleague in the 5th and 6th Senates. He made me a member of his household.
I lived in a flat on Yakubu Wanka Street, Bauchi with Justice Shehinde Kumuyi, current Chief Judge of Ondo State; Oyewale Akinrinade, who was Majority Leader in the Oyo State House of Assembly during the aborted Fourth Republic and a senior lawyer based in Ibadan and Ibrahim Muktari, the current Secretary to the State Government in Katsina State.  Life-long friendships were struck. Our flat had no locks. We travelled everywhere and when we come back everything would be intact. These same Almajiris, who today are being linked to the security problems in the country, were the ones protecting the flat. They ate your cooked food when you travelled but touched no other thing. In fact, they would be the ones to report themselves to you, good naturedly, that they ate the food because it was getting bad. So where did things go wrong?

I do not want to imagine that for whatsoever reasons that Nigeria cannot stand as a country. If we look at it critically, almost every other country in the world is plural just like us. Apart from perhaps the Koreas I know no other country that is completely homogeneous. It is commendable that the Federal Government has taken some measures - most of which military - to arrest the menace of terrorism in the country, but I believe that social therapy will also go a long way in combating the cancer of terrorism which has eaten so deep into our social fabric. For one thing, the situation that we have on our hands now did not come about because of a general collapse of law and order, thus necessitating just the deployment of military strategies to restore normalcy.

The situation came about due to a collapse of communal values - those values of friendship, inter-personal trust, sanctity of human life and accommodation - that once made us a people. This was the same position held by the late Senator Gyang Dantong who was consumed by the crises in his senatorial district in Plateau State. Senator Dantong was a fine gentleman, and a pillar in the National Assembly. I remember he often harangued about the declaration of states of emergency in some parts of Plateau State, insisting rather that the situation required more of a social solution than military intervention.

A social solution to the problem of terrorism in Nigeria will mean that the younger generation especially unlearns certain negative perceptions and prejudices against others and relearn values that unite us. Since we know that a lot of these criminal acts of terrorism are actually being committed by the youths, substantial efforts should be made to re-engineer their mindset to rekindle to those values that enabled communities thrive on plurality. Our diversity can be, and indeed should, be our strength if the political class is creative and honest about the good of all and not just power for the sake of it. What is the benefit of power if it does not create a secure and equitable society where all can equally and fairly compete for resources and opportunities?

Of course, bad governance and corruption are catalytic to the problem. To this end, it is important to stress the point that only a government that is respected by the people and seen to be transparent, can take up this task of social healing. Concomitant to this is addressing the issues of poverty and injustice in the midst of plenty.  We must make our enormous human and natural endowments work for our people and give them a sense of ownership of government.  Until government touches the most vulnerable amongst us, security will remain the challenge of our time.

Megawatts of Controversy.

The Verdict according to Olusegun Adeniyi.

“I understand that Prof. Barth Nnaji is going to man the power sector. He is a man for whom I have tremendous respect (and he comes with impeccable credentials for the job). But he is also an operator in the sector which immediately raises a serious issue of conflict of interests…”

When I wrote the foregoing upon resuming this page after my return to the country in June last year, at a time names of ministerial nominees had just been sent to the Senate for confirmation, there were some angry reactions from supporters and friends of Prof Barth Nnaji. Yet it was obvious from the outset that his appointment as Minister of Power was fraught with risks. In terms of pedigree, he is one of the few round pegs in round holes in the Federal Executive Council. And he did the correct thing by resigning from Geometric Power and putting his interest in a blind trust, which is perfectly legal and transparent. The challenge, however, remained that in a society with a thriving rumour industry, Nnaji had unwittingly provided a weapon of blackmail for his enemies, especially in a high-stake sector like power where there are too many powerful interests to contend with.

Even when his efforts led to significant improvement in the power sector, and he was making the right calls, I have always believed that at some point Nnaji’s appointment would unravel. What I did not envisage is that it would unravel in such a dramatic fashion. By his own account, Nnaji was confronted on Tuesday afternoon by President Goodluck Jonathan with the allegation that he was using his company as a proxy to buy shares in one of the companies being privatized under his watch. Given my little experience in the corridor of power in Nigeria, when things get to that point for a minister, you either jump or be pushed. Nnaji, at least going by Aso Rock statement, was clever enough to opt for the former.

What happened, however, came as no surprise. Prior to Tuesday’s resignation, there had been reports that participation by two companies in which Nnaji has considerable interest had compelled the National Council on Privatisation (NCP) to cancel the technical bid evaluation process conducted for Afam power plant and Enugu Disco. To be fair to him, it was Nnaji who actually brought it to the attention of the council (of which he was a member) that O & M Solutions of Pakistan, one of the consortia bidding for Afam, had worked as a contractor for Geometric Power.

But aside the Afam Power station issue, Geometric Power equally has minority stake in Eastern Electric Nigeria Limited, which submitted technical and financial bids for Enugu Distribution Company Limited. So, effectively, Nnaji had interest, albeit indirectly, in two transactions in a sector which he superintended. There was no way that was not going to be a problem for the government.

What I find difficult to understand, however, is how Nnaji could imagine that all the intricacies surrounding these transactions would not have been exploited by government’s opponents (and his) if any of the companies to which he was associated had won the bid. When asked if Geometric Power would withdraw from the consortium bidding for Enugu Disco, Nnaji said: “As far as I am concerned, the bid is still alive. I know that they set up a new committee to re-evaluate the bids, but I don’t know if the process will still be fair after what has happened.”

What nobody should, however, take from Nnaji is his commitment to power sector reforms in Nigeria. It was this that, in the first place, led to his investment in Geometric. He was a hands-on Minister of Power who did the best he possibly could under a very hostile operating environment. Now that he has resigned, there is need for the president to move quickly to appoint a substantive, not acting, successor. Efforts should be made to get someone who not only understands the sector but who also has the capacity to drive the on-going reform in such a manner that will ensure transparency and quick consummation of the privatization exercise.

Whoever emerges as successor to Nnaji, there are still issues to contend with. The first one has to do with the ineffective coordination between stakeholders in the power and gas sectors, leading to delays in the implementation of the Independent Power Projects (IPP). The fact that the Minister of Power has no control over gas which is under the purview of the Minister of Petroleum has been a contending issue and the government must find a way to resolve that lacuna. To put it mildly, both Nnaji and Mrs Diezani Allison-Madueke had been working at cross-purposes in a sector as critical as power supply.

When THISDAY Editorial Board recently had an interview session with Nnaji, he alluded to this while speaking about his frustration concerning gas availability for which he has no control yet the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) was quick to respond by disputing his claims. This lack of synergy between the two ministries would have to be addressed for the power reform exercise to work. If the government is serious, we may need to bundle electricity and gas administration as it is done in some other countries. For instance, the United Kingdom bundled the Office of Gas regulator and office of the electricity regulator in 2001 into OFGEN when it realized the inefficiency and lack of coordination of keeping the two intersecting points separate. This is more imperative in Nigeria given that most of the power projects depend almost entirely on gas for electricity. There is also need for the ministry to synergize better with the National Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC).

What is perhaps the most serious issue and will require tact from whoever replaces Nnaji is that of labour. Union leaders in the sector, apparently with the support of Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) workers, are currently at loggerheads with the government and had fought Nnaji to a standstill. The National Union of Electricity Employees (NUEE) had claimed that government had been deducting 25 percent of the workers’ salaries as pension over the years. They are therefore demanding the payment of an outstanding N443 billion which the Ministry of Power strongly disputes. Clearly,the issues go beyond pension, as there are interests within the union working against the privatization exercise but it is also clear that there is a breach in the implementation of the National Pensions Act by the Ministry of Power on the entitlement due the workers. All these are urgent issues which make the appointment of a Minister for Power very compelling.

As we move on to privatized electricity market, it is also important that whoever succeeds Nnaji should focus on rural electrification and renewable sources of energy as well as other major policy issues about energy efficiency and security. Aside the issue of privatization, the current reform in the sector, especially by the NERC, is based on cross subsidies. This means that the industry maintains a discriminatory tariff structure for different categories of stakeholders. The essence is to redistribute income, create access for the poor and fix market imperfections.

Unfortunately, the timing of Nnaji’s resignation is most inauspicious as it may not give confidence to investors in what is clearly a very capital intensive sector. So whichever way we look at it, Nnaji’s exit and the other issues around the sector may yet be one of the most debilitating controversies faced by this government; except the president acts very quickly to appoint a worthy successor to the former minister.

Who Shall We Believe?

There is this joke that Nigerian security operatives can make a person to admit to a crime he/she did not commit and we have seen evidence to that over the years. But the current situation where two different groups would “confess” to killing one man on the same date, at the same time but for different reasons is a new feat. Last week, the State Security Service (SSS) paraded for the second time a group of six men who have allegedly confessed to killing Comrade Olaitan Oyerinde, the Principal Secretary to Governor Adams Oshiomhole in an armed robbery operation gone awry. And on the same day, as a sign of petty rivalry, the Police also reiterated its claim that the men in its custody indeed “confessed” to killing the same man in an assassination operation sponsored by Rev David Ugolor.

For me, there can be no greater evidence of the state of our national insecurity today than this shameful situation. What is so galling is that the two agencies are playing this sordid game in the public, disgracing themselves and our country with nobody calling the institutions to order. Even if one refuses to join issues with the security agencies over this bungled homicide investigation, what is very clear to sane people is that in this matter, both the SSS and the Police cannot be right. Yet both can even be wrong.

I sincerely believe that President Goodluck Jonathan should wade in by calling both the DG of SSS and the Inspector General of Police for a meeting over this matter. That should help in determining who is lying and Nigerians should enjoy the benefit of being told the truth. If the two agencies cannot collaborate on a murder investigation, how do we then expect them to work together on bigger issues like terrorism?

Congrats General Dambazau

Lt General Abdulrahman Bello Dambazau (trd), the immediate past Chief of Army Staff and a doctorate degree holder in Criminology, has joined the Harvard University Weatherhead Center for International Affairs on a one-year Fellows Programme. As one of the 20 distinguished personalities drawn from 15 countries, and the only African, Dambazau becomes the 7th Nigerian (and the second retired military officer after the late Joe Garba) to be selected for the programme this reporter attended in the 2010/2011 academic session. Aside other activities, he will be conducting his research on “Current conflicts over land in Nigeria and the impact on ethno-religious crisis”.

While I look forward to joining Dambazau and his new colleagues next April when Harvard will hold the first reunion of former Fellows of the 54-year old centre (“to audit classes, hear from accomplished Ph.D. candidates about their thesis research, attend a dinner and participate in a conference entitled Searching for Balance in an Unstable World”), I wish the General and his family a most rewarding experience in Cambridge, Massachusetts.

The Newswatch Tug of War.

Jimoh Ibrahim.

The dispute over the suspension of Newswatch magazine involving its new chairman/majority shareholder, Dr. Jimoh Ibrahim, and the magazine’s minority shareholders - Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese, Yakubu Mohammed and Soji Akinrinade – took a turn for the worse on August 21 when Ibrahim “removed” the four men from the board of Newswatch. But the directors say the billionaire businessman’s action is an “illegality and a unilateral one” because there was no board approval for it. For Ekpu, Agbese, Mohammed and Akinrinade, all they are asking from Ibrahim is for the magazine to be published “week after week, just as we did for over 27 years.” But Ibrahim says Newswatch will remain rested for now, in order to “conclude the final stage of its turnaround and ultimate surgery and will soon return bigger and better.” He also said the aggrieved directors remain “sacked,” an action Ekpu says is a huge joke. Yemi Adebowale reports

Dr. Jimoh Ibrahim, the new chairman/majority shareholder of Newswatch Communications Limited, publishers of Newswatch magazine and the firm’s minority shareholders - Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese, Yakubu Mohammed and Soji Akinrinade – are still at daggers drawn. This is because Newswatch magazine is still not on newsstands as demanded by the aggrieved directors. The businessman has also announced the “removal” of the four aggrieved shareholders from the board. Ibrahim, in a statement, explained that the removal of the directors was in conformity with the Share Purchase Agreement (SPA) signed by them, which requires them to have a certain percentage of shares in the company to be on the board. The total percentage of shares being held by them, according to Ibrahim, is 6.1% of the total shares of the company. Ibrahim said this “has not met the requirement of the Companies and Allied Matters Act, and that of the SPA, for holding a seat on the board.”

According to the businessman, an aspiring director of the company is required to have a minimum of 10% shares in the company. Ibrahim said the men by the signed SPA knew what was required of them. But the aggrieved directors say Ibrahim lacked the power to remove them and that they would not allow him to continue to “breach the terms of the SPA.” Ekpu in an interview with THISDAY last week Tuesday said their “removal” from the Newswatch board “is a misinterpretation of the power of the majority in a board. The lawyers will tell you that the strength of the majority shareholder lies in the voting at board meetings. It does not lie in one man sitting in his office or in his house and saying that he has the power to sack board members. He does not. You can cross check from lawyers.

“So, he (Ibrahim) owns what in the company? Let me tell you how the whole thing was arranged when we got into this relationship with him. He said four of us should sit on the board representing the 49% shareholders and he will bring six people. But we said we would rather have five people, because we would like our immediate-past chairman, Alex Akinyele, on the board. He agreed and said he would bring seven people. So, it was a 12-man board. So, all these issue of what he now has is news to us, because since then, nothing has been done about the shares structure since May 5, 2011.”

Earlier last week, the business mogul spoke to THISDAY on some of the issues raised by the aggrieved shareholders in an earlier interview. The aggrieved directors also replied to all the latest issues raised by the Newswatch chairman.

On the issue of his ownership of 89% of Newswatch, Ibrahim said: “I think the major problem is that they (the aggrieved directors) are not educated in business matters and this is very embarrassing. Okay, let’s take it that I have 51 per cent of the shares; that is a majority. Either here or at the Supreme Court or anywhere in the world, 51 is higher than 49. The four of them, what they have combined is 6.1 per cent. The next question you will then ask is: who is the owner of the unsubscribed shares? When you have unsubscribed shares, who is the owner? The company. Then who is the owner of the company? I am the one.”

But Agbese disagrees. He told THISDAY: “At what point did he (Ibrahim) find this out? At what point did he find out that we have unsubscribed shares? Has a decision been taken to sell the unsubscribed shares? Has he bought them? For him to own the unsubscribed shares, then the shares must be offered and the shares must be bought. Did he tell you that the shares have been offered to him and that he has bought them? We are not aware that there are unsubscribed shares of the company. Newswatch Communications Limited has no unsubscribed shares.”
On the alleged failure of Ibrahim to inject fresh N500 funds into Newswatch, three months after its take-over, the new chairman said: “The N500 million fresh fund they are talking about is for injection over the next two years; to commence 30 days after the sales. And there is a clause in the SPA that says that this is voluntary. This has nothing to do with the 51 per cent already purchased. And if I capitalise the extra funds I have put into the company, what happens to the other shareholders? What will be their shares? Zero. So, they will eventually have no shares in the company.

“I am supposed to inject the N500 million for things like equipment and machinery. It is not yet two years that we took over the company and we have started putting in the fresh funds. May be you needed to understand that we bought new computers and we have changed the office. We have paid huge outstanding salaries and debts. We paid creditors like Academy Press. We are about to pay outstanding salaries of about N30 million to the staff.

This is not Newswatch’s money but part of the N500 million fresh funds. Almost N300 million fresh money has been spent. All of this money will now be calculated at the end of two years and capitalised. They (Ray and the others) will have no shares again after this.” Ibrahim added that the next board meeting of Newswatch would hold at Igbotako, Ondo State and that the issue of capitalising the fresh funds will be discussed there.

But Mohammed disagrees: “How much have we spent in the last 27 years to run the company, for him to now say that he has spent about N300 million as running cost in the last 15 months? He can tell this kind of stories to people who don’t know how companies are run. We know that our salaries were about N4 million monthly. Our printing cost plus salaries were not more than N6 million monthly. We were owing Academy Press only about N8 million when we left. We don’t know how he spent this huge amount he has been talking about. The truth is that he has not finished paying for his 51% shares.”

On the new account opened for Newswatch at Mainstreet Bank, Ibrahim said: “They (aggrieved directors) are shedding crocodile tears. Where did the money paid to them come from? It came from that account. The old accounts were in red when we took over. If we pay the N510 million straight to the old accounts, the banks will take a huge chunk to cover their loans. We opened a new account in the name of the company; not in the name of Jimoh Ibrahim. Thereafter, the money was injected into that account. And then, they were paid from that account. They ate from the proceeds of that account. And they have left, so they cannot be there again.”

But Mohammed disagrees. He said the process of opening a new account for the company was not transparent and that it had no board approval. “Ibrahim and one of his staff at Global Fleet were the only signatories to the account.”

On the N150 million allegedly diverted from the account, Ibrahim said companies in the group move money around to help each other and “that was what happened.” He said “some other divisions of the group were also putting money into Newswatch for its running cost and that the other members of the group will still be doing this while the reorganisation continues. This case of N150 million, he said, was actually a refund to NICON investment for money spent on behalf of Newswatch before the release of N510million.

But Mohammed countered this, saying, “That is not how a limited liability company is run. Newswatch is not a subsidiary of any of his companies. It is not a member of Global Fleet Group. Money cannot move fromNewswatch to any of his companies. Newswatch has its headquarters on No. 3 Billings Way. He invested in that company. It does not make Newswatch a subsidiary of his company.

It will also be fraudulent to take money from one limited liability company to another limited liability company, more so, when the two are owned by different shareholders. We don’t have shares in Air Nigeria or NICON. So, why should he take money from Newswatch to any of his companies, without the board’s approval? I think it is fraudulent to take money from Newswatch’s account without the board’s approval. He is supposed to pay for his investment in Newswatch with the money. By taken it away, it means he has not finished paying for his shares in Newswatch. So, he has not finished paying for his 51% shares, to qualify for the position of core investor or majority shareholder. To have his eyes on the said unsubscribed shares does not even arise.”

Ibrahim also disputed reports that he promised to make Ekpu, Agbese, Mohammed and Akinrinade executive directors. He said according to the SPA, making them executive directors was at his discretion. Ibrahim said what he wanted to make them was “special assistants” to himself. He also disputed claims that he promised to provide offices for the four directors at group’s headquarters in Lagos. He said: “When did I take them round to show them offices?

How can that be their office? On gratuity for the former chairman, Chief Akinyele, Ibrahim said he never at anytime told them that he would pay the former minister any gratuity. Besides, he said such was not contained in the SPA. On the tax deducted from the gratuity to the four directors, Ibrahim said it was for the Lagos Inland Revenue Service. He added that “the records are there for them to verify.”

But Akinrinade countered Ibrahim’s argument: “He (Ibrahim) was the one who brought up the issue of Alex Akinyele. He said he needed to do something for him. He said there were two options. That he would either give him a jeep or N10 million. He said we should ask the chief the one he preferred and the chief said, ‘I have plenty of cars, give me the money.’ Nobody prompted him. He has been consistently bending the truth. He was also the one that brought up the issue of making us executive directors.”

Ekpu cut in at this point, saying: “In his own wisdom, Ibrahim decided that he would make each of us a group executive director of a much larger Newswatch family of companies. We were expected to assume our role on August 1, 2011 at the end of our three-month retirement leave.” He said Ibrahim’s statement to this effect was published in Newswatch and National Mirror of May 12, 2011 and May 6, 2011 respectively.

On the fate of Newswatch, Ibrahim said the magazine would soon return after the “surgery bigger and better.” He said it was simply rested for the second stage of the turnaround and restructuring and that the magazine will return as a world class publication. Ibrahim said a lot of money had gone down the drain at Newswatch magazine and that he could no longer allow that to continue. Already, he said plans were on to buy a press of over $1 million for the magazine. “Already, the staff members have moved into their new office at Energy House with world class facilities compared to where they are coming from where they can’t even pay for their basic amenities. Here, they are enjoying the best of facilities and are very happy. Outstanding salaries have been paid and we are repositioning the magazine.” The businessman said as a turnaround expert with a track record, Newswatch would return with a big surprise. He said he had never and would never be intimated by the challenges at Newswatch magazine. He said his aim was to sustain the dreams of late Dele Giwa, the founding editor-in- chief of the magazine.

But Ekpu insists Ibrahim should immediately resume the publication of the magazine. He said: “We are waiting for him (Ibrahim) to re-open the magazine and fulfill the terms of the agreement. We did not sell it to him, to shut it. We did not sell it to him to buy and bury or destroy it. We never buried it in 27 years. All these things he has been talking about – shares, money and the rest of the – are irrelevant. We are talking about legacy. In this company, somebody’s blood had been spilled. In this company, people have been dragged to jail several times. In this company, personal accounts have been frozen by various governments in the past. If you are coming from such position, you must be passionate about the magazine and the company. So, he has 100% shares, let him run the company. We are not interfering in the running of the company. We want the magazine to come out week after week, the way we did it in the last 27 years. If you buy a company, you add value to the company. Newswatch is not like government companies they buy and do whatever they like with them. Forget about the issue of percentage of ownership; did he buy it to kill it?

“He (Ibrahim) is talking about not making money. He has to invest money to make money. If he puts a printing press there; he would make money not only from printing Newswatch, but from printing for others. Under 15 months, he was crying that he was not making money. If he is not investing, how would he make money? Did he empower the company to make money? Did he employ the right kind of staff? He brought in people without media knowledge.”

Agbese added: “He (Ibrahim) bought Newswatch with his eyes open. He ought to know what he was going in for. He ought to know whether he can make immediate money as he is making in petrol stations or Air Nigeria. We showed him everything about the company before he bought into it. He has not settled one item of the debt that we gave to him in 2011. He is the publisher of National Mirror. He knows about what happens in this industry. He has been telling people that he bought into it because of the ideals of Dele Giwa, May his soul rest in peace. If he did so because of Dele Giwa, will Dele Giwa be happy to see the magazine destroyed and buried? You can see the contradictions. If he is passionate about Dele, then, he should pump in money and make it successful. When we brought him in, we wanted this magazine to survive.”

The Tragedy of Abandoned Projects ?

Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai.

Eleven thousand, eight hundred and eighty-six (11,886) abandoned projects that will cost an estimated N7.78 trillion to complete! These alarming figures are from the report of the Presidential Projects Assessment Committee (PPAC) set up in March 2011, by President Goodluck Jonathan to look into cases of abandoned Federal Government projects.

If the government does not start any new projects, it will take more than five years budgeting about N1.5 trillion annually to complete them all - and that is assuming no cost-over runs or delays!
Ordinarily, these figures should compel the government to accelerate the completion of all ongoing projects, or at least focus on high priority ones.

Unfortunately, this has not been the case: Government would rather continue the weekly charade of awarding new contracts or re-awarding old ones at higher prices during its weekly Federal Executive Council (FEC) meetings. 
As trillions of naira are being wasted in the name of public projects, it is important to understand issues like how projects are initiated, bid for, negotiated and awarded and why they get abandoned.

Who and what are really responsible for abandoned projects? Are poor planning, haphazard procurement, and incompetent project management the key causes or is it financial mismanagement? In spite of mobilisation fees already paid, why is nobody held accountable when projects are not completed? How far can the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPE) or other agencies with requisite mandate go to address the root causes of abandoned projects? 
There is a need to briefly examine how projects are initiated and contracts awarded.

The first step ought to be conception of projects that fit within a scheme of national vision, strategy and development programmes. As we have stated in this column, a 27-page "transformation agenda" tucked away in the website of National Planning Commission (NPS) falls short of this. This "agenda" is largely inconsistent with the Federal Ministry of Finance medium term sector strategies and budgeting priorities for 2011 and 2012. Most projects are therefore conceived out of nowhere and lacking in internal coherence and consistency with other programmes.


Next is to plan and design the project in detail. Assume a road is to be constructed between two locations, the rights-of-way must be surveyed, levels taken, alignment finalised, road designed, and detailed drawings, bills of quantities and other bidding documents prepared prior to inviting pre-qualified engineering contractors to submit competitive tenders. The design development process can take anything between some months to more than a year, while it takes a minimum of five months from advertising invitations for bids to presentation to the FEC or other approving authority.

This suggests that design and procurement processes for any project ought to start at least a year or two before being budgeted for. This only happens in a few foresighted agencies (MDAs).
Typically, nothing happens until the budget is passed and cash backed, then the implementing MDA begins the fire brigade work of compressing this timeline into a few weeks! Most MDAs wait until projects are included in budget or the budget passed before they start project surveys or design or the procurement process.

When an MDA spends at least five months on procurement, how much time does the contractor have to execute the project and draw down the funds before the financial year runs out?  This becomes a big issue as MDAs are required by law to return all unspent funds to the treasury by the year end. 
To understand why projects get abandoned, we must also understand the pervasive lack of continuation in policies as occupiers of political offices change. Whether it is long-term development plans or contracts for critical infrastructure, the repeated practice in Nigeria is that once new people are in office, policies or programmes of the previous administration are abandoned.

This unwillingness to ensure policy continuity is the root cause of nepotism, corruption and impunity, as officials often re-award such contracts to cronies and generous campaign donors at inflated prices.
In this regard, the "democracies" have not fared better than the military in policy consistency. From Obasanjo’s NEEDS, to Yar'Adua's Seven-Point agenda, and now, Jonathan’s Transformation Agenda – there has been continuity of policy inconsistency within the same ruling party – and turning projects that would have ordinarily benefited the populace into drain pipes.

Critical examples are the N52m Zobe dam in Katsina, commissioned in 1983 by the Shagari regime; not only has several times the original amount been spent on the project, it has not pumped up a single litre of water. And the Ajaokuta Steel Complex which has gulped about N675bn, but still not produced much steel. 
When projects are abandoned, the usual reason given is lack of funds, though often it is the pre-contract mishaps already alluded to, and project management deficits that are the fundamental causes.

How can funding constraints be blamed for project failures? Should one not wonder why a project is approved in the absence of adequate funds? In fact, section 4 (2) (b) of the Public Procurement Act 2007 states plainly that all procurement shall be ‘based only on procurement plans supported by prior budgetary appropriations; and no procurement proceedings shall be formalised until the procuring entity has ensured that funds are available to meet the obligations and has obtained a “Certificate of ‘No Objection’ to Contract Award” from the Bureau’. Simply put, the law requires that no contract should be awarded if funds are not available for it from the onset!
It is intuitive that abandoned projects fuel corruption and reduce public confidence in governance.

The excuse of inadequate or delayed funding may sometimes be contrived.  Such an inference could be drawn as abandoned projects are more often than not re-awarded at unjustifiably over-bloated sums. The increased costs are subsequently justified by blaming inflation, exchange rates, labour and materials cost increases amongst others.
If we intend to check the abnormality of abandoned projects, the relevant laws have to be strictly adhered to. 

Section 63 (1) of the Public Procurement Act which states thus: ‘In addition to any other regulations as may be prescribed by the Bureau, a mobilisation fee of no more than 15% for local suppliers and contractors and 10% for foreign suppliers and contractors may be paid to a supplier or contractor …’ must be firmly applied. 

According to the PPAC, it is not uncommon for contractors to be paid mobilisation fees in excess of 50% of the contract sum, often in apparent violation of the law.
While the Executive arm of government is largely to be blamed for abandoned projects, it is not alone. The National Assembly is liable as well by unlawfully and unconstitutionally inserting new, unplanned projects into appropriation bills expecting them to be implemented.

The National Assembly has joined the executive branch in ignoring the funding needs of existing projects to completion and commissioning. Take the Zobe dam mentioned; does the representative of that constituency not have the responsibility to pursue and ensure the strict completion of projects in his constituency?  If the focus of the government is on development and service to the people, why should officials seek approval for new projects when unfinished ones do not enjoy adequate funding and sound project management?


The Public Procurement Act 2007 established the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) with the National Council on Public Procurement (NCPP) as the regulatory authorities saddled with the oversight functions of monitoring procurement and implementation of federal projects across the country. 

These statutory functions have been hampered by lots of challenges, including the late passage of the annual appropriation acts by National Assembly and abandonment of the procurement processes by the relevant MDAs if favoured bidders turn out to be unsuccessful. 
If properly sustained, the Due Process and Certification Mechanism started by the Budget Monitoring and Price Intelligence Unit under Oby Ezekwesili, would have been one of the many benefits of the legislation.

This has however not been the case because of policy discontinuities and the cravings of politicians to have unfettered discretion in awarding contracts.
The Federal Government needs to, as a matter of urgency, comply with the provisions of the Public Procurement Act. The government must curb the temptations or pressures to embark on new projects when so many remain uncompleted or abandoned. Desirable projects must be continued irrespective of whichever administration initiated them.

The NCPP, which is yet to be constituted, should be urgently inaugurated to superintend the activities of the BPP, as opposed to the current scenario where the FEC usurps the Council's statutory functions.
As you read this, the Federal Ministry of Finance recently announced the release of N300 billion for capital projects for the third quarter of 2012, bringing the total release for capital projects so far this year to N704 billion out of nearly N1.5 trillion for the year.

Most citizens will not feel the impact of this amount because the planning, procurement and project management processes are still fraught with nepotism, corruption and impunity that many projects may end up on the abandoned projects list - after billions have been paid as fungible mobilisation advances. Our nation must do better. We must demand that our leaders do better!

A President Under Fire.

By dele momodu

Fellow Nigerians, this must be the worst of times for our President, Dr Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan, who’s facing a barrage of criticisms from members of the opposition and society at large. This time last year, it would have been unimaginable that Mr President’s romance with the highly sentimental and emotional people of Nigeria would soon go up in smoke. I have never seen any man waste so much goodwill in so little time. The transfiguration of Mr Transformation has been too rapid and total. Historians and psycho-analysts will surely examine and determine how a man who waltzed around the cities and some villages of Nigeria as a Messiah only last year has virtually become a pariah in his own country within a twinkle of an eye.

Here was a man who ran one of the most blistering political campaigns ever known in this part of the world. The money expended on the PDP rallies would have erected a few Burj Khalifa’s in Dubai. One would have expected such a man, who held so much promise of a breath of fresh air, to have urgently settled down to tackle the myriad of problems afflicting Nigeria and Nigerians. But that was not the case. The Jonathan who was sworn in on May 29, 2011, was ostensibly different from the one who seemed to be a man of the people during his whistle-stop campaigns. In short, Nigerians were short-changed. The new Jonathan behaves more like a Minister of Foreign Affairs, the way he circles and traverses the earth like an astronaut. It is as if our latest President came determined to break the record set by former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

For a man who inherited too many liabilities, one expected to see a visionary and selfless leader who would speedily put some austerity measures in place, by cutting government prodigality and profligacy to the  barest minimum, embark on aggressive infrastructural development, revamp our educational institutions, provide job opportunities, create an enabling environment for business, attract local and foreign investments, clean up our over-polluted environment, deflate the convoluted political class, and above all, try to lead by example.

It does not bear repeating that no one has ever been luckier in life. In 13 eventful years, our President has been permanently in power as Deputy Governor, Acting Governor, Governor, Vice President, Acting President and President. Theoretically, he was well-prepared and sufficiently groomed for power. Those claiming that he has been in power for only one year are misinformed. He has been in full control since the death of former President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. If my Arithmetic is good enough, President Jonathan has in reality spent more than half of a normal term. Under his tenure more oil money has flowed in. What more could one ever ask again from God and one’s country? This amazing largesse from the Creator was enough to humble any soul and inspire him to higher ideals. But we found a President ever willing to maintain the status quo, not minding that this same system had failed his predecessors.

But to whom much is given much is expected. Many Nigerians had invested all their hopes in a man of humble beginnings who should understand the excruciating pains the ordinary citizens have endured. They did not expect a replacement of one oppressor with another. The people had pinned their hopes and aspirations on a man who appeared meek and expected him to perform sporadic miracles. Nothing less would assuage them. But early into the Jonathan presidency, the signs were ominous. It was obvious the President was not prepared to rock the boat and that all he wanted was to mark time and enjoy his full terms in office with as little discomfort as possible.

However, acutely frustrated Nigerians would not accept this. Too many things were going wrong at the speed of light. And there were many questions begging for answers. To compound the President’s headache, some irritants, called critics, waged an unrelenting war against him on social media which was supposed to be under his firm control. It was one of the weapons he used to portray the image of our own Obama. His spin-doctors even told us he was technologically savvy. But that was then. The times have changed and his opponents are getting on top of the game. They have launched a sustained attack on him and his weak policies. The new strategy is to pummel him into his corner and ensure a comeback is practically impossible when the next election comes.

Unfortunately for Jonathan and his media team, since nothing concrete has been happening in government, the presidency has had no cogent defence against its vociferous accusers. He has not helped matters himself by wasting money and frittering resources away with reckless abandon. His budgets have revealed a leader who spends more on a few politicians than the larger populace. The feeding allowance to the first family sounds like a fairy-tale. Nobody in this world would believe our leaders earn far more than President Barack Obama, his cabinet and American legislators.  In addition they receive more emoluments than any soul on earth. What makes matters even worse is the lack of visible performance on all fronts which has earned his government notoriety and opprobrium.

In a fit of panic or whatever, he has had to jazz up his public affairs department by employing our big Brother, Dr Doyin Okupe, a gifted propagandist who’s expected to help bully his aggressors. He’s to join the Minister of Information, Labaran Maku and Special Adviser on Media, Reuben Abati to form a formidable team against invaders. How far they can go remains to be seen but there’s no doubt that Dr Okupe has raised the tempo of media action in Aso Rock. His strategy is to use attack as the best form of defence. But it is not going to be that simple.

It would be nicer if we are attacked with details of performance and not a rehash of the same old government excuses. We’ll love to know how many kilometres of roads have been upgraded to international standards with all the money allocated to the Ministry of Works over the years. We should be told how much it has cost the nation to upgrade our power generation to a paltry and unambitious 4,000 megawatts, probably less than what would power an Olympic games’ village.  It would be nice to see how the President has launched a revolution in the Education sector. I would personally love to know the political philosophy that drives the vision of our President. Who are his heroes and role models? What books does he read for stimulus? Where does he hope to take Nigeria at the end of his first tenure? What has he done to warrant the prediction of a compulsory victory at the next polls, whether we like it or not, as gleefully announced by Dr Okupe? Does he see Nigeria only in terms of turn by turn and his qualification only on the basis of place of origin and zoning system?

Rather than provide answers, the handlers of the President have become completely paranoid. And there is nothing as dangerous as a neurotic government. It sees enemies where none exists and disregards genuine advice when it is offered. Won’t I be a beneficiary of good and responsible governance? As for me and my house, we don’t have anything personal against anyone. We just want a good country where many things work well. We do not want our intelligence insulted by government agents who think we don’t deserve the good things we see in other places. They should descend from their high horses and talk to us with respect.  Leaders of nations that are doing well won’t talk down on critics. They accept criticism as an integral part of democracy.

Every statement they issue these days is an attack on perceived and imaginary enemies.  Their querulous disposition is understandable and pitiable but it won’t help their boss who certainly needs more friends than enemies. This is a President under intense fire from every angle within and without. The man who purportedly brought Facebook to Nigeria, as gleefully suggested at a colourful ceremony, has totally absconded from his favourite medium. As a matter of fact, he has broken the world record as the most abused leader in ancient and modern history. His unrelenting critics have taken over the social media where they are daily firing darts at him. And the impact is being felt in the Presidential villa. It seems so bad that Reuben Abati issued a release this week in which he called social media critics “unintelligent and mischievous.” He also said the intelligent ones are wasting their time to promote unproductive tendencies. It is a sign that the heat is on if my Brother is sounding this tough. 

Leading the group of opposition politicians and critics on Twitter is Mallam Nasir El Rufai with over 100,000 passionate followers. I plead guilty to coming a distant second with nearly 54,000. We have a few other young but politically-conscious Tweeps like Japheth Omojuwa with 36,000, Kayode Ogundamisi aka Canary with 22,000, Chinedu Ekekeee with over 9,000, Babatunde Rosanwo with over 11,000, Patrick Obahiagbon the bombastic grammarian and former member of Nigeria’s House of Representatives, with over 19,000, Dino Melaye former member Nigeria’s House of Representatives with over 12,000, Femi Fani-Kayode former Minister with nearly 5,000, Tolu Ogunlesi journalist, satirist and international award winner, with over 21,000, Tokunbo Afikuyomi with nearly 2,000, Rosemary Ajayi with over 1,000, Kathleen Ndongmo with over 6,000, Funmi Iyanda with nearly 15,000, and several other influential bloggers. I must mention that Linder Ikeji has become a household name who has combined general interests with politics on her soar-away blog.

It is noteworthy that despite the relative brouhaha caused by social media in Nigeria, it is morning yet on creation day. The social critics need to fully mobilise our huge population nationwide. The erratic pace of telecoms is a dampener but things are picking up. Apart from Nasir who has crossed the 100,000 mark on Twitter, no politician has come anywhere close. As small as our community of social critics looks, its impact is being felt in powerful circles. The fuel subsidy crisis went viral as a result of the social media explosion. It is only a matter of time before elections in Nigeria would be largely influenced by technology. Those who hope to keep our people perpetually in bondage are clearly missing it.  The youths hold the key to our future. When they make up their minds about change, nothing can stop them. 

The Nigerian ruling elite is so far lucky that our showbiz community is not overtly political like their American counterparts who used their stupendous influence and reach to cause the miracle of a Blackman becoming the most powerful leader on earth. Just imagine what would happen with a combined mega-force of Don Jazzy at 401,000 followers, D’banj at 306,000, Peter Okoye of P Square at 165,000, Wizkid Ayo Balogun at 332,000, Banky Wellington at 235,000, Davido at 137,000, Naeto C at 141,000, Eldee the Don at 205,000, Sound Sultan at 102,662, Tiwa Savage at 153,816, Basketmouth at 111,339, M I at 184,372, Dare Art Alade at 99,423, and so many others.

I dream of that day the showbiz community and the advocates of reform decide to work together. The change we crave will happen like magic. 

Critics, Cynics and the President.

Simon Kolawole Live!

When a presidential spokesman begins to react to beer-parlour gossips about his principal with a full-page newspaper article, then you know the rumour mongers are in good business. Some of the title-tattle Dr. Rueben Abati was responding to last Sunday had been on the shelves for years. While I was still trying to digest Abati’s apologetics, President Goodluck Jonathan joined the fray. Speaking at a conference of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), he described himself as “the most criticised president in the whole world”. He said of the criticisms: “Sometimes I ask: Were there roads across this country and Jonathan brought floods to wipe them out? Or, we had power and I brought hurricanes to bring down the infrastructure? Were there massive irrigation projects in the North where agriculture can thrive and massive farms, and Jonathan brought drought to wipe out these farms under two years?”

Abati’s apologetics and Jonathan’s rhetoric can only point to one fact: criticism is getting to the president and his team. There is no need to be in denial. So I am tempted to ask: is the heat in the kitchen getting too hot for the president? What exactly is going on in his mind? Why does he think he is the most criticised president in the world? Does he think the criticisms are unfair? Does he think anybody would be president of Nigeria (and any country for that matter) and would not be criticised? Has he done, or is he doing, anything worthy of criticism? Can the president determine the kind of criticisms that he should get from the populace? Is criticism in itself bad? Really, it is one thing for the president to grumble within his circle that he is being unfairly criticised; it is another thing for him, or his spokesperson, to go public with the complaint.

I can’t say for a fact that Jonathan is the most criticised president in the world, but I know that the age of social media has not helped his cause at all. Past presidents and heads of state have been severely savaged by critics, but this was done primarily in the newspapers and at village squares. Now, almost everybody has access to mobile phones and the internet, meaning they can give vent to their feelings via SMS, BBM, twitter, facebook and blogs. It would therefore be impossible to determine the most criticised president. I do know that ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo got far more than a fair dose of umbrage from Nigerians during his eight years in office (I think I filled my quota of Obasanjo-bashing to the brim and had to borrow space from others). I do know that the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was ruthlessly pummelled, even on his sick bed. To determine who goes home with the trophy will therefore be pretty difficult. But, for the benefit of argument, let’s say it’s Jonathan.

If I were to advise President Jonathan, I would tell him he has not seen anything yet. Criticism—informed or ill-informed, fair or unfair, constructive or destructive—comes with the presidential package. The critics come in different packets. There are those criticising Jonathan because, by nature, they must criticise. That is what they are very good at. They are perennial critics. That is how they maintain their prominence in the media. There are also those criticising him because they are not benefiting from his government. If he gives them “something” today they would stop talking. (Conversely, there are those praising Jonathan because they are getting “something” from his government. If the pepper soup stops flowing, they will become public affairs analysts.)

Furthermore, there are those who believe that Jonathan usurped power by failing to abide by the “zoning formula” of his party. They, therefore, can never see anything good in him. They will criticise him till the world comes to an end. This category is not really bothered about his performance in office, but it helps if it is poor. You also have people who just hate him. Simple. They just cannot stand him. If Jonathan loses one of his arms in the service of Nigeria, they will ask: what is he still doing with the other arm? Everything he does must be wrong. Every word he utters must be condemned. What’s more, you have the opposition parties which, by definition, must oppose him. It is part and parcel of democracy. They will stop being opposition the day they start praising him. That means they are digging their own electoral grave.

But there is a final category: there are those who genuinely criticise Jonathan out of love for Nigeria. They are worried about the Nigerian condition. They want action. They want progress. Some have given up on Jonathan’s ability to deliver the goods as promised in his campaign; others are still giving him a benefit of the doubt. Meanwhile, they will continue to criticise him for as long as there is no steady power supply, for as long as we are importing fuel, for as long as insecurity persists, for as long as unemployment is pervasive, for as long as corruption is not treated as leprosy. This is the trick: Jonathan should not fall into the mistake of grouping all his critics together. He will be missing the point if he regards anyone who raises any issue with his administration as an enemy.

Of course, people criticise him with different motives, even though we may all be saying the same thing and using the same words to express our feelings about the performance of the administration. But does the motive really matter? The president should respond to all criticisms—whether good or bad—with unrivalled performance in office. If he performs extraordinarily well, nobody can argue against it. If we have 24-hour electricity, if our schools are back in top shape, if the federal roads under his care are first class, if the corrupt persons in his government are flushed out, it would be difficult for us to deny these things. That is the best way to shame his critics.
The president ended his speech at the NBA conference thus: “I can tell this noble audience that before I leave, I will also be the most praised president.” That is the spirit! Action will speak louder than words.

And FourOther Things...

NNAJI’S SUDDEN EXIT
The exit of Prof. Bart Nnaji as Minister of Power came to me as a shock. He was often accused of having a conflict of interest because he was a player in the power sector. Everybody in the world knew he was the owner of Geometric Power before he was made minister. I thought the modalities had been worked out when he accepted the job but this obviously wasn’t the case. For transparency sake, Geometric should not have participated in the privatisation programme with him as minister. Going forward, we must resolve issues around conflict of interest properly in appointing private sector players into government.  

THE $15M QUESTION
Another twist has been introduced into the alleged $15 million bribe said to have been offered to the former EFCC chairman, Malam Nuhu Ribadu, by the former governor of Delta State, Chief James Ibori. Weeks after Delta Sate made efforts to reclaim the money, declaring that it was from the state treasury, a businessman named Chibuike Achigu has surfaced to claim the cash, saying the money was meant for PDP campaign in 2007. Reminds me of one Ochuko who surfaced from nowhere in 2003 to claim that he, and not Ibori, was the person who was convicted for stealing roofing sheets. He, like Achigu, said he was not aware of the media brouhaha until he woke up one morning. What a coincidence!

SSS SCANDAL
Who leaked the details of key SSS officials, both serving and former, on a website last week? The personal details of about 60 operatives were published. The leaked information contained names, bank details and addresses of operatives, including those of the DG, Mr. Ita Ekpeyong. Who did this? There are suggestions that it was the handiwork of a Boko Haram sympathiser in the service. Whether it is true or not, there is a clear indication that national security is being breached every day. And we seem to be helpless. Should we be scared then? Shouldn’t we?

THE CHEVENING EFFECT
I was privileged to address the 2012-13 Chevening Scholars last Thursday at the British High Commission in Abuja. Having benefited from the scholarship in 2005 and having enjoyed the honour of taking a Master’s degree from the University of Sussex thanks to the generosity of the British government, I always feel pained that the process of selection for Commonwealth scholarships by the Nigerian government has not been as transparent as anyone would expect. The Chevening process is very open and competitive and I hope we would learn from this and change our ways.The coinage is obviously clumsy but certainly not malicious. It is only fair for me to clarify the issue here.

Putting Nigeria First.

Mike Omeri and The Editor THISDASY Newspapers Ijeoma Nwogwugwu

Some may say Nigeria does not give the people much cause for devotion to national symbols. But the Director-General of the  National Orientation Agency, Mr. Mike Omeri, is one Nigerian at the vanguard of building patriotism and optimism in the midst of the seemingly dispiriting atmosphere, writes Vincent Obia

Nigeria is generally passing through desperate times. But that doesn’t mean there aren’t plenty of things to inspire hope in the world’s biggest abode of black people. From the land that flows with abundant natural resources to a citizenry that Mother Nature has richly blessed with knowledge, talent, and strength, the country certainly shows great promise. But how can this be fulfilled?
The Director General of National Orientation Agency, Mr. Mike Omeri, was in his element last week as he reeled off attitudes and behaviours Nigerians must imbibe to aid fulfilment of the country’s enormous promise. One of such fundamental attitudes, he says, is acting with a unity of purpose.

To try to imbue in the citizens a sense of common aspiration, NOA is leading a campaign to make the second stanza of the national anthem the official prayer at public functions. But in a country where religion is such a hot topic, some have criticised the initiative as reducing prayer, which ought to be led by the Spirit, to another national pledge or mere routine recital. However, Omeri defends the campaign.

“Even the Almighty God who handed religion to us wrote the Ten Commandments. If you look at the second stanza of the national anthem, it is the sum total of the aspiration of Nigerians for their country. So why do you begin to say other prayers when there is a prayer that addresses the issues: how you want your country to be, God’s direction on how we can be our best so that we can have peace and justice, and how the youth can achieve their aspirations based on values,” he says.

“So we are not saying people should not pray. People should pray in their mosques, churches, and shrines. But where you are in a public gathering and you are trying to speak with one voice to God, we advocate that we, as Nigerians, should be able to speak one language that God Himself recommended. It is a Christian prayer, it is a Muslim prayer. All the things in that second verse of the national anthem are the things Muslims and Christians ask from God.”

Omeri believes adopting an official prayer for the country neither deviates from religious precepts nor hurts religious sentiments. 
“I don’t know what we are doing that is a deviation. If you go to church, pray for Nigeria in the manner that you want to, if you go to the mosque, pray in the manner that you want to. If we meet together, let us look for things that emphasise our national unity. Let us stop this idea of dividing ourselves along religious lines even before an occasion starts. People think of the bond within religions, ethnicities, etc.

“The National Assembly has one prayer. Some people would say, how has that helped us? But are the thieves, corrupt politicians, and others in this country not going churches and mosques, why have the prayers not helped them? If we are used to doing certain things in a particular way and we are not getting results because we are talking in Babel of voices, why can’t we talk together as Nigerians?

“So it is not that we don’t want prayer. We want prayer and that is why we are saying we should have one prayer,” the NOA boss says.
He also speaks on the agency’s position on the adoption of distinct symbols like anthems and coat of arms by some states of the federation.

“If you have a symbol,” Omeri says, “it must not be given more prominence than the national symbols. Even in the America that we are copying, every American respects one national flag. People can have state songs and other symbols that are unique to them, but it is not right for people to have flags and emblems and give them recognition far above the national symbols. There is one Green White Green, there is one coat of arms with the two white horses, with the red eagle, and the river depicting Rivers Niger and Benue.

“The national anthem is the primus inter pares. This is the fundamental representation of the independence of our country, the strength, power and authority of our country. So it should be given prominence.

“In fact, I have seen a lot of flag displays that are wrong and I don’t blame the people because they lack adequate information on how to display flags. If you have two or three flags, the Nigerian national flag must be given prominence, that is flown higher above the other flags. If they are two countries’ flags, they are equal. But you cannot bring a state flag or an organisation’s flag and give it the same status as the national flag.

“The pole for the Nigerian flag should either be higher, or the flag is put in front. If the flags are on one line, the Nigerian flag should be on the right. All these are information we will bring to the knowledge of Nigerians so that they know really the position of the flag.”

However, Omeri does not see the question of respect for national symbols as something that must be enshrined in the constitution, but a key civic obligation that should naturally be adhered to. He says Nigerians must learn to trust and respect the leaders they have elected for themselves.

“Let us trust our governments at all levels and exercise our political rights and civic duties. Let’s support the processes being put in place to make sure that people’s votes count. The challenge is to educate Nigerians to be more aware and to discharge their responsibilities to the country.

“If Nigerians understand and accept the transformation agenda, they would drive it as a basis of change for development. Understanding the processes of the transformation agenda is a challenge.”

In May, NOA launched a campaign, “Do the right thing: transform Nigeria,” which aims to encourage Nigerians to take more active and sincere part in the development of the country through participation in various sectors of the economy. What with the growing public attitudes bordering on honesty and integrity, like return of forgotten items, Omeri is happy with the general response to the transform Nigeria campaign.

But he is disappointed with the labour movement in Nigeria over its seeming inconsistency on the question of sanitising the fuel subsidy regime. Labour had sued for a probe of the fuel subsidy management to unearth and prosecute illegal dealings that had cost the country several billions of naira in fraudulent subsidy payments. That quest was part of labour’s agitation when it led a nationwide strike in January following the federal government’s removal of fuel subsidy. In a curious u-turn, however, a key branch of the labour movement, the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers, a fortnight ago stopped fuel supply to Abuja and its environs to protest federal government’s refusal to pay subsidy claims by some oil marketers alleged to have engaged in underhand deals and fleeced the country.

Omeri says, “I’m surprised that labour would now say government should not do what they had initially encouraged the government to do. But there is no force that would intimidate or stampede government into not implementing the report. What belongs to Nigerians must be given to them. A few people cannot sit down and feast on our common wealth.

“It is negative for labour, because they were the ones who said there should be probe. Government is doing that, and they are saying something else. They are confusing the people.”

NOA, under Omeri, is expanding the platforms of interaction with the citizens in leaps and bounds. The Civic Responsibility Volunteer scheme is one of its strategies for engaging the youth on a platform that is neighbourhood based. It is a process that entails bringing together young talented Nigerians and fresh graduates on purpose to provide them avenues to practicalise their knowledge while waiting for formal employment.

The agency is also collaborating with the private sector and the Consumer Protection Council in the war against fake and substandard items by trying to give Nigerian consumers the right to return substandard goods to their sellers within 28 days of the purchase. Omeri says, “The private sector is happy with it, especially local manufacturers, because it would eliminate fakes. We are still collaborating with the Consumer Protection Council to take the campaign further. We just made initial statements; we need to proceed with advocacy, to explain to traders, manufacturers, government, etc.”

He believes, “National orientation is not a teacher-and-student affair. National orientation is an embodiment of the values that are original to us; values that have been handed down to us, and we are handing them over. It is an all-encompassing project that is targeted at every citizen, from the president to the federal executive council, governors, the media, etc.

“Our reporting should be value-based, aimed to rescue our country and set it on the right part. Let us criticise constructively, let us set the agenda for development.”

It is evidently not easy to achieve NOA’s targets under Nigeria’s current cheerless socio-economic and political circumstances. But many agree that Omeri’s sociability is a virtue that would help him to break the religious, ethnic, gender, and generational divides to get the agency’s message across to most Nigerians. A simple folk, Omeri takes the attitude that people should be treated with open camaraderie – in contrast to the standoffish mien of most government officials in this part of the globe. This habit of his also came out clearly in the course of this Encounter.