2015: PDP’s fear of defeat is real – Tom Ikimi

BY SIMON EBEGBULEM

…Reveals how Abacha chased IMF, World Bank out of Abuja
Chief Tom Ikimi is a former Foreign Affairs Minister and one of the leaders of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in the forefront of the formation of the All Progressive Congress (APC). In this interview, he speaks on the controversy the issue of registration of the new party has generated. He also speaks on the government  of President Goodluck Jonathan. Ikimi notes the criticisms against the late General Sani Abacha under whom he served as minister, saying the former military leader did his best in the upliftment of the economy of the nation contrary to what Nigerians are experiencing today.  Excerpts:

There seems to be some confusion as regards the registration of the APC by the INEC.Would you say it is part of the PDP – led government’s plan to frustrate the take- off of your new party?

The emergence of the APC on 6 February, 2013 when the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and a major section of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) decided to merge to form a mega party in Nigeria, to provide a viable alternative political platform in the country seems to have created a major stir in the Nigerian political firmament.

The successful merger of such large opposition parties would instantly transform the country into a two- major party state as is the case in other major successful democracies in the world. This prospect, which serves notice of the end of tenure to the PDP, has shaken the very foundation of the PDP which, over the past several years, has operated across the country with reckless impunity. The option of a strong alternative party has been overwhelmingly welcomed by the generality of our people.

Intellectual Property
We are reliably informed  of the roles of some highly placed persons in the establishment currently financing willing political jobbers and agents provocateurs whose assignment  is to cause mischief, precipitate chaos, mess up the democratic space in a manner reminiscent of the Association for Better Nigeria, ABN, which, in 1993, succeeded to irredeemably truncate the IBB transition program. Since 6 February, 2013, when we addressed a world press conference announcing the decision of our parties to merge and adopted the name All Progressive Congress (APC), the name and acronym not only became our intellectual property but has since received very wide publicity in the print and electronic media.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has acknowledged this through her spokesperson several times in the press, received our correspondences on the matter long before some sponsored busy bodies approached them on 28 February, some twenty two days after we announced our name, to seek the registration of the so- called African Peoples Congress. I watched the shameful television display, on Thursday,14 March, of a hired crowd, clearly recruited from nearby markets, streets and bushes, assembled in a first floor flat in a building in Apo Village – Abuja,  hurriedly provided by their handlers, purporting to be the promoters of this charade.

Nigeria, in my view, has moved away from this kind of disgraceful gimmicks well known to be associated with some of the expired barons of PDP now surviving on emergency heavy doses of Abuja oxygen. The revelations of the past couple of days provide irrefutable evidence that the series of fake APC is a PDP official project. I certainly hope that Professor Jega’s INEC would steer clear from this obvious mine field. I understand that Professor Jega was away in far away China when these developments were taking place and hope that he has received accurate briefing upon his return.

The process of merger is quite different from the procedure of registration of new parties. Merging parties, being already registered political parties, do not need to obtain and fill any forms! We are, therefore, diligently proceeding with the merger process. I understand that the young lawyer, one Nwokorie Samuel Chinedu, who reportedly made the application to INEC now bitterly regrets his role in the plot.

The so- called African Peoples Congress has not scaled the first basic hurdle for registration as a political party and has no place in the prevailing political atmosphere when more serious groups are being  deregistered. The show of shame they put up that Thursday brandishing questionable INEC documents is serious enough for our  security agencies to descend on them and save our country from further corruption of the democratic process.

But why would be the PDP be afraid of a party that is yet to take off?

Since 1999 when the departing military government  installed General Obasanjo and the PDP, OBJ, who was the beneficiary, proceeded to decimate the opposition with the sole purpose of establishing the PDP as the ruling party in a one- party state over which he was to preside as life president. I happened to have been a founding member of the APP and one of the main reasons I left that party was because I could not understand how and why, after the bitterly fought general elections in 1999, our national chairman, the late Mahmoud Waziri, would abandon his party with nine state governors to take office as political adviser in the government of a party that defeated him.  OBJ, who successfully lured him in order to weaken the APP, went further to organize the registration of over sixty other parties to be in the opposition most of them not worth more than their registration certificates. A good number of them were, for a small fee, always willing to play one role or the other for the PDP against the opposition.

Perpetuation in Power
The role they played was always crucial in ensuring the perpetuation in power of the PDP. For the past several years, desperate efforts have been made by concerned members of the opposition to unify the opposition parties in order, not only to provide an alternative viable platform for Nigerians but also to make the PDP more accountable. Those efforts failed for various reasons including personality interests, PDP’s successful manipulations, the activities of moles and bad timing.

It is now, however, clear to the PDP and the establishment that our current effort is well calculated, being systematically well pursued in national interest and backed by the overwhelming people support, pointing towards the inevitable change of baton which many of them have difficulty in contemplating. That is their fear. The PDP has held the country hostage and plundered it since 1999. They have ruled with impunity, established massive corruption as a way of life and so the fear of stepping down is real. One of their recent national chairmen openly boasted that the PDP was to rule Nigeria for one whole century. Those at the helm of affairs today believe that nonsense and so are operating recklessly. The day for them to account for their stewardship is knocking at the door!

What should Nigerians expect from the APC if, at the end of the day, you succeed in dethroning the PDP?

In 2006, I was among twenty three leaders who broke away from the PDP on the same day to link up with some others from the AD to found the AC and eventually ACN. Some of my colleagues, who left with me then, included the late Abubakar Rimi, Chief Audu Ogbeh,  Ghali Naaba, Alhaji Lawal Kaita etc. I proceeded to Edo State in 2006 to link up with a number of others to establish the ACN there. I dare say we have been successful in uprooting the PDP in Edo State, which ran that state aground. Edo State happens to be the home of some of their most boastful leaders now roaming other parts of Nigeria dispensing havoc and instability. We have established in Edo State  an ACN government that has been highly successful. The first ACN government in the country was that of  Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State whose brilliant performance has been a benchmark in the country. His colleagues in the ACN refer to him as their class prefect.

Change of Baton
In summary, the present governors of the opposition are progressive governors who are leading progressive governments with clearly distinctive achievements. A change of baton in the centre and the enthronement of a  liberal democracy with crystal clear vision would ensure the positive refocusing of our nation state.

The APC will be a totally new party. The first draft of the constitution and manifesto have just been presented for our discussion and vetting. Among other things, the constitution will establish an acceptable level of party supremacy, will ensure the creation of a broad- based political party whose membership will cut across all strata of our society permitting equality of membership of all Nigerians willing to join and who will enjoy the full measure of internal party democracy. A transparent method of congresses and conventions will open up the democratic space for all to aspire to any level of their God’s given personal ability.

The enthronement of discipline in our society must commence from our party and so proper safeguards for discipline is being enshrined in our new constitution with a guarantee for adequate access to justice by all members without prejudice. Confidence in politicians and the political system needs to be urgently restored. A detailed and robust manifesto will soon be published which will guide all our governments from local government to the Federal Government. We will not entertain ridiculous jokes of personal point agendas by any head of government at any level.

CHIEF Tom Ikimi

Solemn Pact
They must all faithfully execute the party manifesto which constitutes the solemn pact that we make with our people who vote us into power. Consequently, the party will subject its various executives from the local government to the Presidency to regular periodic open conferences to discuss their performance and compliance with our manifesto. In this regard, our core commitments to education, eradication of corruption, uninterrupted power supply, full and gainful employment, eradication of poverty, affordable local fuel price, sound healthcare delivery, abundant food supply, sustained industrial growth, efficient mass transit system, and an elaborate housing program,etc, will be watched closely by the party. This process does not exist in the PDP that has “captured” Nigeria for the past fourteen years!

Monumental Corruption
Unfortunately, what we have witnessed in these past fourteen years is the enthronement of monumental corruption at the very highest level of government. Today, people of dubious and questionable character are celebrated with national awards while the few who are “mistakenly” convicted are granted state pardon. That is the pitiable level to which Nigeria has descended.

Critics of the APC insist that there is nothing new in the convergence of those behind the party, saying that it is a conclave of desperate people hustling for power. How right are they?

Nothing can be farther from the truth. I already drew your attention to the sterling qualities of the governors of the states controlled by the opposition parties; I have also given an insight into the painstaking processes that have gone into the production of the party constitution and manifesto. What we offer Nigerians is a blueprint that is borne out of a clear vision with the will to drive the process by the enthronement of a focused  and well grounded government as against the clueless and visionless apology now offered by the PDP.

Frankly, the situation in our country must not be allowed to get worse than it is today. National infrastructures have suffered the calamity of a colossal decay which include the disastrous condition of the roads, a demise of the railway system, virtually non- existent power supply; the health care system has so deteriorated that plane loads of helpless Nigerians depart every day to far away India and other similar destinations to seek basic healthcare.

The issue of insecurity has viciously gripped the country and thrown 155 million citizens into perpetual fear, while unbridled corruption has brought the nation to its knees. The once pleasant environment enjoyed just before and after independence has vanished!  Millions of Nigerian youths are jobless while the education system where available is receding into Stone Age levels forcing those who could afford it to send their children to Ghana and other neighboring countries or elsewhere to seek higher quality education.

Anxiety for Change
The anxiety for change across the country is palpable to such an extent that everywhere one turns today there is an overwhelming yearning for a rescue mission. There has never been a political party merger in any form in our country’s history. This is the first of its kind and, apart from the four parties earlier advertised, several other parties as well as groups, civil society organizations and individuals have freely approached us to join the merger. We are definitely on an urgent rescue mission. So far, I have heard not a whisper from any individual in the merger arrangement suggesting any personal interest for one position or the other. I am convinced that it will not be business as usual

Boko Haram is a faceless group. Would you say the call to negotiate with the group is misplaced? As a former Foreign Affairs Minister, do you think government should negotiate with the group? There have also been calls for the granting of amnesty?

The activities of Boko Haram have turned out to be one of the most serious security problems in the country today and responsible for the loss of hundreds of innocent lives in parts of the country including the Federal Capital, Abuja and environs.  One of my saddest days was the Christmas day bombing of a Catholic Church near Abuja. Apart from making some states in the North particularlyKano, Borno and Yobe to become virtually no- go areas, the Boko Haram insurgency has portrayed our country to the world to be an unsafe destination for tourists and business people. Anyone therefore so fortunate to be the ultimate leader in the country must see it as a priority to find a lasting solution to this security situation.

I have heard of the existence of some rather reckless individuals lurking in the corridors of power peddling careless comments to the effect that Boko Haram is a northern problem which should be left to the northerners to solve. But this problem has not only advanced to the Federal Capital but is also creeping southwards with vigor. Even if not,is the North not part of Nigeria ? It was indeed a welcome development that the president decided to pay a visit to Yobe and Borno after the progressive governors visited Borno. His visit was the first he has made since 2009 when the problem began. Yes, I am aware of several examples of such insurgency problem that occurred in other parts of the world from which those who advise Mr President can draw useful lessons.

The Sultan on Boko Haram
I recall the RUF, Revolution United Front, that unleashed terror in Sierra Leone during my time as Foreign Minister. Its leader FodaySankor took refuge with his faceless terrorists in the deep jungle of Sierra Leone. We approached the resolution of the menace by a method of the carrot and stick. Eventually we persuaded Foday Sankor to come out from the forest and we brought him to Abuja. Negotiations became more effective. I believe the Foreign Ministry has good records.

The Sultan of Sokoto’s call for amnesty for Boko Haram should not be disregarded or taken lightly. The Sultan’s high standing in the country, particularly in northern Nigeria and in Islam, supports this view. He must be in custody of information that could be helpful in the direction of his suggestion. Security agencies have in their possession several individuals they have arrested over time as the sect members. Ample opportunity has been so presented to obtain useful briefing on the menace. OBJ visited Borno State sometime back and had discussions with persons reported to be leaders of the sect.

The press has published photographs of various individuals named as Boko Haram leaders. The immediate past governor of Borno State is well known to have had some long and sustained interactions with the sect during his tenure. I am therefore a bit concerned with the president’s unfortunate statement during his recent visit in Borno State to the effect that he was not prepared to engage “ghosts”. As it was possible to send high level contacts to the creeks in the Niger Delta to engage the militants there, I believe similar engagement with Boko Haram is possible and necessary.

How to engage sect
No option must be discounted in the search for peace and security. As I make this response, the shocking news has arrived of the gruesome suicide bomb attack in a Kano motor park claiming dozens of innocent lives and setting ablaze several luxurious buses preparing to ferry passengers down South. Newspapers carried reports that northerners in Awka, Onitsha and environs are now escaping in fear of reprisal attacks. It should be recalled that the convoy of the revered monarch, the Emir of Kano, was recently attacked and suffered unfortunate fatalities.

The people’s confidence in the government to handle this obviously escalating crisis is now badly shaken. The kolanut, cattle and other usually flourishing trade between the South West, South East and the North has in recent times suffered a terrible set back. These developments make it imperative for the government to urgently engage Boko Haram one way or the other.

What do you make of the statement by the former head of state, General Ibrahim Babangida, to the effect that Obasanjo’s 1999 presidency saved Nigeria from break – up, given the fact that he was the architect of the annulment of the 1993 presidential election which snowballed into a national crisis?

It is not unusual for leaders to sit down from time to time and in their quiet moments, reflect and look at matters with hindsight. Sometimes they may beat their chest with a satisfying smile of satisfaction for their past actions, but it is not unusual for them to habor some regrets. It is a well known fact that General Ibrahim Babangida was one of the authors of Obasanjo’s 1999 candidacy and ascendancy to the Presidency. Only IBB can testify today whether or not his decision was the right one.

It is also a fact that the poor handling of the events leading to the June 12, 1993 presidential election as well as its aftermath are issues that should engage IBB’s reflection for a long time to come. There are many things I dare say he should have done differently. The reaction of South West Nigeria to those events in the aftermath of June 12, particularly their various political wings, including the very powerful NADECO, needed an appropriate response.

Following divine intervention, IBB,, aided by a handful of others, seized the moment and chose a former military colleague from the South West. Nigeria would not have broken up as the South West leaders know the history of “Biafra”, but Nigeria would have been in continuous political stress. Although General Obasanjo was not a South West choice, having lost his ward in the election, being a Yoruba man, the general temperature in that region was substantially brought down with his ascendancy to the Presidency. That high temperature, for similar reasons, has now shifted to another region!

But are you not scared that the country may still be heading towards a break up with what is happening today?

IBB and most of the core individuals who plotted and executed the coronation of OBJ lost control of the man almost as soon as he ascended the Presidency in1999. The PDP became more or less OBJ’s private property and he was responsible for initiating the aberration that the president was the leader of the party. The independence of the political party has, therefore, since been compromised. OBJ, having failed to secure a third term Presidency, and being the anointed head of the ruling party, he proceeded to interfere with the internal party democratic process for selecting his successor which led to the emergence of the late President Umaru Yar ‘Adua and eventually President Goodluck Jonathan.

Tom Ikimi

Needless to say, the outcome of all that is the unbearable heat pervading the nation today. All that might have taken a back burner if the government now in power was performing well. But that is clearly not the case.  Consequently, we are now in a situation in which the agitation for change has become nationwide. The PDP has displayed a total lack of consistency in its affairs and seem to have no qualms in moving the goal post left, right and centre all the time when serious decisions are to be taken. The revelation by the governor of Niger State which he holds tenaciously to,that an agreement exists  between the PDP governors and President Jonathan to end his Presidency in 2015 is a case in point. That seems to reinforce the northern claim to the next Presidency in the PDP.

How would you compare the leadership under the late head of state, General SaniAbacha, and those that followed?

I am not an apostle of military governments but General Gowon, perhaps the longest serving military ruler, is very well regarded in the country today. One can safely say that the regime of military rulers pervaded Africa in the 70s 80s and early 90s. Nigeria had its fair share. Military rule is no longer elegant or fashionable and that may be one good reason Nigeria is still enjoying civil government no matter its condition.

The entry of General Sani Abacha immediately after June 12 and the shaky regime of Chief Shonekan was bound to face unprecedented difficulties.  While I am not discussing the Abacha regime in this response, I must state that the man was a courageous leader who addressed the nation’s problems astutely. Unfortunately the man is not around now like some others to speak for himself. There are many who have paraded themselves as democrats and held juicy positions over the past 14 years of PDP rule but were very much inside the engine room of Abacha administration.

The highest amount received per barrel for crude oil during Abacha’s regime was $8 but our currency retained a strong value throughout the period. A lot of projects were executed around the country. The highly successful PTF – Petroleum Trust Fund – established by the retention of a few kobos per barrel of crude oil produced, executed many notable projects nationwide. During his tenure, I know that not a kobo was borrowed from the IMF or World Bank. Those institutions shut down their local offices in Abuja.

Lucky President
However, in 1999, General Obasanjo, a former military ruler, assumed the Presidency and preferred that his name be disguised as he was to be referred to as Chief Obasanjo.  He was a lucky president. The price per barrel of crude oil soared from the paltry $8 per barrel only one year before his arrival to an unprecedented over $100 per barrel. That was the real windfall which was and is still continually being frittered away. The PDP has since established a system of annual budgeting that grants nearly 80% of such colossal sums, now in trillions, of our annual budget to recurrent expenditures with virtually nothing left for capital development.

We have a staff of the “Bretton Woods” institution firmly in charge and supervising what is perhaps the worst scenario of economy Nigeria has ever witnessed; the same woman who lured Nigeria to pay up billions of dollars on questionable and unverified debts for which selected agents made huge commissions – is now leading us back to incur even bigger debts without any visible development projects to show for it. Many people have wondered whose interest she will most serve; Nigeria’s or the World Bank’s. It is now commonplace for trillions of naira to be stolen. Recalling that more than two trillions evaporated in the name of fuel subsidy, hundreds of billions stolen by a level 12 or 14 civil servant, etc; the scandal is mind boggling

You said the economy fared much better under Abacha as there was no borrowing or indebtedness throughout his tenure. Is there really a basis for this assertion?

Yes, I am aware that General Abacha turned down offers from the IMF who usually send young officers to developing countries who end up preparing all kinds of negative reports on the host countries thereby providing avenues for them to design loan structures that would hold developing countries hostage into long tenures of debt. As they themselves are to manage the loans, they get themselves entrenched in host countries finance and other ministries, they end up with massive bureaucracies foisted in the receiving nations at great unrealistic extra costs. Weak leaders are attracted to these foreign currency loans which provides them opportunities for corrupt personal enrichment.   A substantial part of the so- called loans they offer is utilized to maintain the donor’s  personnel’s lavish lifestyle.

Offices Closed
Their offices and residence in choice areas of Abuja were closed down during Abacha’s tenure and the properties put up for rent. General Abacha did not have need for such assistance. Apart from his preference to plan our nation’s needs within our own available resources, he preferred to open up links with China and other similar nations. I am aware, Nigeria’s railway system, peaceful nuclear energy development including power supply, river- borne transportation, massive housing, etc would have been destined to attain world standards in the line of his positive vision.

The National Hospital in Abuja today was a Women Hospital project by the First Lady – Mariam Abacha. That, in my view, was a positive contribution to healthcare. Today, I understand that billions of Naira will be invested in a luxury office complex to be the headquarters for African First Ladies. I just wonder what would happen when the First Lady of Cameroon assumes leadership of that group. Or is Nigeria going to chair that group in perpetuity?

Apo Legislative Quarters was conceived and built  by General Abacha to serve as the permanent Abuja residence for legislators during their tenure. Similarly there  were institutional buildings to serve as residence for key ministries and some parastatals. Instead of positively increasing the national housing stock as most world governments are now doing, the OBJ government strangely ceded these Abacha properties to cronies at rock bottom, give away prices.

Today, huge sums are spent to cater for fresh legislators each time they come to take office in Abuja and civil servants receive big sums to face the rising cost of accommodation in Abuja. Why then should recurrent expenditures not hit the roof? The Foreign Affairs Minister today, for instance, has no befitting residence anymore at which he could host diplomatic receptions as I and others did. The minister during the tenure of OBJ bought the residence for pea nuts!

Oshiomhole’s government and death of god fatherism in Edo politics?
It is my fervent hope that the choice of people to hold power in our country at all levels would be based on the will of the people. As national chairman of the NRC in 1990 to 1992, our contest with the SDP was  based largely on the outcome of free and fair elections. Hence we ran neck to neck all the time. My quest for a mega party today is to create another party that will contest with the PDP to ensure true competition and balance in the polity.

Checks and balance would then be assured. Between the NRC and SDP in those days, of the thirty states in the country then, we in the NRC won 16 governorships while the SDP won 14. But the SDP secured more seats in the National Assembly elections. Both parties usuallyaccepted the outcome of the elections without quarrel and I do not recall any court case. I can very well appreciate the former head of state, Gen Ibrahim Babangida, recalling those good old days.

The colossal investment, mind- boggling cash utilized in elections these days is a phenomenon introduced by the PDP and they have  succeeded in corrupting the electoral commission as well down the line. The general elections of 2007 have been recorded as the worst ever in our country’s history and indeed in the African continent. Prof Jega is trying to make a difference, but he still has a number of hardened bad eggs in his system.

Steps must be taken to rid the place of those characters ahead of the next general elections. Today, elections are no longer decided at the polling stations. Final decisions have shifted to the law courts which development has unleashed new and scary problems on the country with regards to our nation’s judiciary. Lawyers have become as well so fabulously wealthy by this phenomenon.

Return of Sanity
Comrade Adams Oshiomhole’s launch of the One Man One Vote concept was very timely. It brought back confidence to the ballot box and it was a relief to hear President Goodluck Jonathan mount the PDP campaign rostrum in Benin- City and also proclaim One Man One Vote. A celebrated PDP leader in Edo State made absolute nonsense of the ballot box. Those who wanted office rather than campaign to the people for votes made nocturnal pilgrimages to the residence of the leader who became known as ‘godfather’. Governors, legislators, LGA chairmen and councilors held office at his behest and so their hands were usually tied when the time came to deliver to the people the much talked about dividends of democracy.

There must however be credible leadership in political parties to give direction to elected personnel during their tenure, in their operations without prejudice to them retaining a reasonable level of free hand.In Edo State, we have come to terms with party leadership clearly defined indicating the difference between leader and godfather. The people of Edo State have comprehensively rejected PDP since 2007 and, from November 2009 when the ACN government was inaugurated, the participatory democracy that you speak of has actually bred real and visible development in the state.

This is largely because, unlike under the PDP when recurrent expenditure gulped almost 90% of the total receipts leaving virtually nothing for development, the economy has been effectively restructured to ensure that not less than 50% of total receipts is committed to capital development in a manner that is accountable and transparent. The end result is that Edo State has fully realized value for money spent. This type of vision, focus, fiscal discipline and commitment is what we offer Nigerians when in 2015 they reject PDP and embrace the fresh air of change that APC represents.

The leadership of the ACN in Edo State was accused of imposing chairmanship candidates in the forthcoming LGA elections. What is your view on this?

The development of the ACN in Edo State, from November 2006 to date, to become the more powerful and preferred party in the state  is a subject of great interest. I recall the grave difficulties that we encountered in 2007 during the short tenure of Professor Osunbor to find aspirants in many locations willing to accept selection to contest as ACN candidates. They felt then that the PDP was unassailable. There were no complaints of candidate imposition. Today, it appears that the real contest is within the party to secure its ticket as it is clear that the opponent PDP has been totally routed in the state.

The party has rightly chosen a process of consensus for upholding the choice of its candidates in order to give a fair chance to old members as well as the overwhelming numbers of new members that have flooded into the party in recent times. This process has been very successful in the majority of local governments, but, as expected, there are some leaders as well as the aspirants they support who are rather desperate to secure the leadership of some LGAs for one reason or the other. The internal party machinery for conflict resolution has been engaged in these matters and is working satisfactorily.

There is this fear that the battle for Oshiomhole’s succession may disintegrate the Edo ACN, What is your take on this?

It is rather too early to discern the color of the governorship battle in Edo State in 2016. The change of the party from ACN to APC after the successful merger creating an even stronger national and state party, the outcome of 2015 general elections etc will play some fundamental roles in the direction of events in Edo 2016. We will be constructing the APC in Edo State from the scratch in the coming months. It is to prepare for such challenges that we insist that the party leadership must assume supremacy. The party we are building will be one of character and discipline with assurances of transparency in all processes. In the circumstance, peace and tranquility will prevail and the party will remain intact.

You were the returning officer during the PDP presidential primary in 2003, which ushered in Obasanjo’s second term. How would you reconcile your role then and where you are today as a chieftain of the ACN?

Chief AuduOgbeh, my fellow alumnus of the Ahmadu Bello University in the late sixties and very early seventies, friend and colleague, who was the PDP national chairman at the time,  was, with the assistance of a number of young PDP governor- friends of mine, able to persuade me to undertake the task. Those young governors, who have a lot of respect for me, worked in one way or the other with me during my tenure as the NRC national chairman 1990 – 1992 and knew my capacity to undertake difficult roles! My role was to introduce innovations to the presidential primary process and conduct the primary in a manner that would give it credibility inside and outside our country.

The contest was sensitive for various reasons and the whole world was watching. It has been generally acknowledged that I did a good job and I take ultimate responsibility for that very highly successful exercise. Most people inside and outside Nigeria hold fond memories of the vote counting … ‘Obasanjo! Obasanjo! Obasanjo and Obasanjo’ with the occasional Rimi or Ekwueme. Many others have since attempted to imitate the process I created but have produced very poor versions.

However, I was not able to come to terms with the unfolding events during the OBJ second term tenure which came to a head by the plot to secure for himself a third term and life presidency. Chief AuduOgbeh was forced out in a very crude and uncivilizedmanner which he himself has explained on several occasions. Vice President AtikuAbubakar suffered unmitigated hostility from his boss and was also forced then to bow out from the PDP inspite of his well known role in founding the party and facilitating General Obasanjo into the Presidency.

In my case all these were made even more unacceptable by the roles and actions by one of the leaders of the party who hails from my taste and who will go down in Nigeria’s political history, particularly this stretch of PDP rule, as the brain behind several bizarre processes that have stunted democratic growth in country.

Break Away
He had the ears then of OBJ, worked unsuccessfully to secure the third term for him and was able to initiate and implement the reckless project of the de-registration of party members which finally destroyed the internal party democracy!  We who disagreed with all these things all broke away from the PDP on grounds of principle to found the Action Congress, AC, in collaboration with a major group from the AD.

The PDP has since deteriorated to virtually unacceptable levels while we have built up the AC now ACN to the enviable heights that it has assumed today. I have no regrets whatsoever to be a chieftain of the ACN as we logically now move on to unify the opposition under the banner of APC destined to carry out the urgently needed rescue mission for Nigeria.

*INTERVIEW CONDUCTED BEFORE INEC DENIED THE RIVAL APC REGISTRATION LAST WEEK.

Vanguard

Buying God: An Open Letter to John Cardinal Onaiyekan and Pastor Tunde Bakare By Pius Adesanmi

Your Eminence, Cardinal Onaiyekan and Esteemed Pastor Bakare:
Greetings. Pardon this public approach to matters I could have taken up with both of you on the phone. The issues at hand do not belong in the province of the Wordsworthian emotion, to be recollected in tranquility on the phone, away from the ears of the Nigerian people. Also, I would have loved to be able to preface this open letter to two eminent spiritual and civic fathers of our nation with the usual Nigerian inquiry about your wellbeing and your “condition of health”. However, I realize that it would be hypocritical of me to ask such questions from genuine patriots and real national leaders like your eminent selves, given that you operate in a nation-space where the extra in extraordinary has acquired such grave and dark ramifications that birds no longer sing like birds and rats refuse to brux like rats. For where the body has the rare privilege of being in “a good condition of health” in today’s Nigeria, how could the spirit possibly be? Is the Nigerian spirit not under siege? Is the Nigerian’s spirit not under siege? In essence, I cannot ask if you are “doing ok” because you cannot possibly be doing ok given the grave condition of our country.
Brothers, the surprise, for me, as I pen this letter to both of you this Friday April 5, 2013, is that the Nigerian is still standing, given the severity of the psychological warfare declared on him/her in recent times by what has got to be the world’s most perfidious political élite. If Nigeria’s long succession of atrocious postcolonial rulers has all waged a psychological war on the Nigerian, the incumbent in Aso Rock seems determined to be the one to find a “Final Solution” to something that must puzzle our political élite beyond measure: how has the Nigerian’s spirit survived the assault and the psychological violence we have foisted on it for so long?
Consequently, the galling and open declaration of admiration for a convicted felon and the subsequent pardoning of the said criminal in what a Nigerian patriot, Kingsley Ewetuya, famously described as the worst use of the prerogative of pardon by a ruler since Pilate pardoned Barabbas; the appointment of a man convicted –but subsequently pardoned in the usual Nigerian way – of forging a University of Toronto certificate and conning his way to the 4th most important office in Nigeria into the Governing Council of the University of Nigeria by a President tone deaf to irony, is all part of a purposed and deliberate effort to find a “Final Solution” to the Nigerian spirit by President Goodluck Jonathan. To the extent that no nation’s spirit can survive in a moral and ethical Kalahari, the President’s colossal ethical demission, his in-your-face throwing of national morality to the dogs, his constant hoisting of criminals and felons – albeit laureates of wuruwuru pardons - as role models in a country which boasts an almost 70% youth demographic in search of role models, must be read as a “clueful” (pardon my coinage in opposition to clueless) attempt to destroy the moral and ethical fabric of the Nigerian nation. Contrary to popular belief, this man is not clueless, he is diabolically clueful.
But the psychological warfare of President Goodluck Jonathan and his co-travellers in Nigeria’s irredeemably corrupt corridors of power on the spirit of the Nigerian people is not why I am writing you today. It is no secret that in the face of adversity, the Nigerian’s first refuge are spiritualities which find concrete expression in the Christian, Islamic, and animistic faiths. Because the majority of our people profess either the Christian or the Islamic faith today, it goes without saying that these two faiths owe it to Nigeria to be her armour against the rampage of the undertakers in the political élite, determined as they are to preside over the funeral rites of national ethics and morality. Because I profess the Catholic faith and I am writing to two of the most illustrious leaders of Nigerian Christendom, I will not be discussing the role of Islam in our current national conundrum. My brief here is Christianity, Nigerian Christianity.
Let me state that it is not all bad news with regard to the role of Nigerian Christendom in the battle to save our national values and protect decency, morality, and ethics from the siege of our prurient political class. Where the Presidency, which ought to be the institution which invests national values and morality with meaning, has come to be defined solely and singularly by irresponsibility, where you look for a single credible role model for our youth in the political class and find the proverbial “no, not one”, Nigerian Christendom has ensured that we continue to have credible, formidable, and towering national role models and symbols of righteousness like your esteemed selves, Cardinal Olubunmi Okogie, Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah, and the Most Reverend Peter Akinola (whose prayers against corruption the President would not dignify with any “amen”). There are more where these came from, dignified men and women of God toiling in the vineyard all over the country, away from the obscene materialistic incentives of the moneychangers in the political class.
Sadly, the category of Christian clergy sustaining the tradition of role modelship in our country is of such feeble minority as to be unable to define the broader face and complexion of Nigerian Christendom today. What we see today is a Nigerian Christendom cosily in bed with the most determined enemies of national ethics and morality. Where does one start? Does one start with the fact that the proceeds of corruption no longer travel directly to the vaults of Swiss Banks but make a conscience-salving detour into the tithe baskets of Nigerian Christendom? Does one start with the increasingly disturbing image of a corrupt and peripatetic power which spends more time hopping from one Christian pulpit to another than she spends behind the presidential desk in Aso Rock? And what does it say that this particular power has found a near permanent home on the Church pulpit? If Christendom was alive to its responsibilities and truth was being told to power in generous dosage, does it not stand to reason that power would not be so enamoured of hopping from one Christian pulpit to another, transforming the said pulpit into an extension of the immoral soapbox of the PDP?
I am of course aware that the labour of the two of you in our public sphere devolves largely from your determination to use your towering profiles and immense moral capital to confront these problems. After all, Your Eminence Onaiyekan has been a constant voice for sanity, your latest act in that regard being the temporary withdrawal of you and your brother Bishops from the Christian Association of Nigeria, transformed by its current leadership into a permanent bedmate of a corrupt political incumbency. And from the protestant flank, Pastor Bakare has been a consistent thorn in the flesh of a worrisome prosperity Pentecostalism bent on turning the temple into a den of thieves and moneychangers and transforming the Church into a hangar for ostentatious private jets acquired in a cynical mockery of the overwhelming poverty of the faithful.
My fear, however, is that the goalpost is constantly being shifted by those in the Christian clergy who are bent on sustaining the contemporary image of Nigerian Christendom as the handmaiden of political corruption. It would seem that there has been a steady transition from buying private jets to making God available to be bought by politicians. This explains why we are witnessing a transition from an epidemic of private jets to a pandemic of church buildings donated by corrupt politicians. President Jonathan, as you know, has been buying God in his hometown of Otuoke by nepotistically giving body language to Church building renovators or donors. However, the latest egregious example of a politician’s attempt to buy God is our friend, Senator Ike Ekweremadu, who recently donated a Church building to the Anglican Communion in his own hometown.
I am not worried about the corrupt pedigree of the givers in these scenarios of Church building donations. I am worried about the takers. I am worried about the takers because, as Cardinal Onaiyekan knows too well from being a long-term associate of my father, I am a product of an earlier version of Nigerian Christianity that would have either rejected these contaminated gifts outright or at least asked very serious questions before accepting same. I do not recognize this strange new Christianity that seems wholly incapable of saying, “get thee behind me Satan”, whenever Nigerian politicians invite her to the top of an exceeding high mountain, show her the kingdoms of the world and the glory of them, saying, “all these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me.” Senator Ekweremadu would have had to explain the source of his funds were he making that donation to the Body of Christ when I was growing up in Nigeria. The spectacle of Senator Ekweremadu and the President enjoying a no-questions-asked pulpit moment during the so-called dedication of the new Church building is a sobering statement on the current condition of Nigerian Christendom.
There is a serious national crisis when Nigerian Christendom can no longer be relied upon by the faithful as a refuge from the war declared on public morality, ethics, decency, and national values by corrupt and irredeemable members of the ruling élite. Beyond your respective and laudable personal efforts to sustain the Nigerian spirit through your towering moral stock and ethical capital, I believe that the time has come for the two of you to urgently reach out to each other, identify kindred spirits in the Clergy, form a broad-based interdenominational platform that would enable Nigerian Christendom commence an urgently-needed soul searching. I believe that we are at an historical juncture where the Body of Christ in Nigeria must come to an understanding of the fact that she cannot serve the Nigerian people (spiritually) and Nigerian politicians at the same time. Both are incompatible tasks, akin to serving God and Mammon.
Beyond the well-known positions and activism of role model clergy members such as your esteemed selves, the Nigerian Church can no longer shy away from taking a decisive and unambiguous position in our collective struggle for the rebirth of public morality, ethical capital and decency. The dangerous impression that the Nigerian Church is creating about being a servicer of the assault on national morality by a corrupt political élite requires an urgent interdenominational remedial intervention. I can think of no better initiators of this necessary process than the two of you.
Yours sincerely,
Pius Adesanmi
Saharareporters

Can APC Cure Nigeria's Headache? (1) By Chido Onumah

Chido Onumah

As the merger of the country’s major opposition parties crystallized a few months ago into a mega party known as All Progressives Congress (APC), I received an email from my friend, Richard Mammah, who wanted to get my opinion on the new party. “Is the new mega party in Nigeria a marginal improvement over where we are coming from?,” Mammah asked pointedly. My immediate response was emphatic: “It is (if it succeeds). It is important that genuine democrats and progressives find a way to key in as soon as possible.”

Since then, there have been debates (among progressives) about the desirability of “joining” the new party. Expectedly, the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) responded to news of the merger with disdain. “No merger will succeed against us in 2015” was the party’s official position through its former national secretary, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, who spoke to journalists in Abuja. Oyinlola dismissed the merger as “gang ups”.
“We don’t think we are threatened by what we would call gang ups”, said the former governor of Osun State who was sent packing by the court in 2010 before he could complete his second term. “In those days when the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) closed ranks, it was called an accord. When the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and Great Nigeria People’s Party (GNPP) did the same, they called it gang up.
“Honestly speaking, ganging up is an indication of some weaknesses. Why can’t a party stand on its own and contest elections if it is sure that it would be acceptable to the people? You don’t need to gang up. If you are ganging up then you don’t have the strength. The only true national party today that cuts across every nook and cranny of the Nigerian federation is the PDP. Gang up has never succeeded; it will not succeed.”

Oyinlola’s diatribe was upped by Governor Sule Lamido of Jigawa State who described the opposition parties as “inventions of the last two years”. “They are the invention of pain, agony and anger”, Lamido said, adding, “They thought PDP is like them. We have political party history from 1998 when they were not in existence. Those who were talking in ANPP, ACN and CPC were formally PDP members that were flushed out in the field by the party (PDP).”
Bamanga Tukur, the national chairman of the PDP, in his now infamous reaction to the merger described his party as the “Messi of Nigerian politics”. “If you go for a contest, you have the striker. You know Lionel Messi (Barcelona and Argentine football star)? PDP is Messi in that contest. They (opposition) are no threat at all. It is better, it inspires PDP to action. In that contest, tell them Chairman said PDP is the Messi.” Football lovers in the country must feel insulted and incensed by this laughable comparison.
Of course, the PDP is grandstanding and its disdain for the APC is borne out of fear more than anything else. I can understand the position of the Oyinlolas, Lamidos and Tukurs. It is one that demands no response. For them, there is no meaningful job other than being in the corridors of power. And that has to be done by any means necessary. I felt differently, however, when I read a response on the merger from a much younger former colleague, Ohimai Amaize, who “joined” the PDP by way of political appointment about three years ago.
In his piece, “The APC, is it a merger or ‘maga’?” Amaize asked, “What is the core ideology of this new contrivance? What is its blueprint for Nigeria’s regeneration? An existing manifesto or some consultants are still working on it? When will it be ready? Perhaps, a few months to the next general elections! And this is part of the problem. Contrivances don’t work”.
According to Amaize, “The assumption by some of our youth that Nigeria will be transformed simply because some ‘big guns’ within the political class have assembled under the toga of a new opposition party remains nothing but an illusion. The notion that a group of recycled politicians uniting against the ruling PDP in the name of ‘opposition’ will present an already-made change,  is at best, a hasty journey to a land of frustration. It is not that simple. There is nothing like already-made change. Nirvana does not exist. We must humble ourselves, bury our pride and work under existing political platforms no matter how educated and enlightened we think we are”.
Amaize admonished Nigerian youth to be wary of the APC. “When this new opposition party was being formed, what was its agenda for the youth?” Amaize wondered. “Is there any or will it hurriedly cook up one within the next few days? Which of the pro-APC youth activists on Twitter can confidently tell us the youth agenda of their new party? How many of my fellow Twitter busybodies were consulted to share their ideas for this merger before it was hatched? None! Because as far as they are concerned, you are not important in the scheme of things and do not exist”.
These are legitimate questions from a very “concerned” young Nigerian knowing Amaize’s antecedent before he joined the “transformation” wagon. However, the analysis shows a shallow and opportunistic reading of history. It presupposes Amaize is “happy” with the way things are in the country and if ever there is any talk of change, it can only take place “under existing political platforms”. And by this I am sure he means the PDP.
Of all the arguments in support of the emergence of APC, or what the response of genuine democrats should be to the new party, two stand out. In his piece “APC and the continuing crisis of Left politics in Nigeria”, Adagbo Onoja concluded that, “As long as there is no Left party or a broad based democratic coalition in Nigeria, comrades would have no options than spread to whichever platform they find space to continue the struggle in whatever ways possible”.
In his article, “Reflections on party combinations”, The Guardian, March 7 & 14, 2013, Edwin Madunagu noted: “The announcement of a merger of the leading opposition parties in Nigeria is a development which no serious political formation or tendency in the country can ignore or dismiss with cynicism of the type: ‘they always do this whenever a major election approaches’”.
“Yes, ‘they’ always announce coalitions, alliances, mergers, working agreements, etc, and the more uncharitable commentators may also remind us that they almost invariably fail to achieve their minimum post-announcement objective, that is, to actually deliver a living (and not a still-born or mortally sick) child”, Madunagu wrote. “When we have granted the cynics and pessimists their due, we may still insist that we are confronted with a development, which rules out the option of ‘Siddon look’.”
These two arguments speak for themselves and capture, to a great extent, what the response of radical and progressive elements, particularly youth and students, should be with regard to the APC as we head toward 2015.
To be continued.
Saharareporters

Hard View: Sacrificing Peace Or Justice

Hannatu Musawa

Justice or peace? Basically that’s what it boils down to. Since the beginning of the offensive by Boko Haram, there has been widespread debate about how to bring the bloody onslaught to an end. With so many divergent voices lending themselves to the debate of whether the particular strategy developed along the lines of amnesty is appropriate, given the surrounding circumstance; it’s anyone’s guess as to which side of the pendulum president Jonathan will ultimately land on the matter.
There is no doubt, the section of Boko Haram and other extremists that ignite this debate are a mob of ignorant, depraved, erroneous, wicked and misguided zealots  who have committed the most vile,  heinous, evil and immoral crimes against innocent people; women and children whom have done absolutely nothing to them. And for that, under any structure or belief system, there has to be retribution. In any country of the world, criminal prosecution of those accused of committing crimes is a fundamental aspect of a victim’s right to justice. However, sometimes the concept of remedial justice for victims often has to be balanced against the need to deal effectively and progressively with the atrocities and not provoke or maintain further violence. In such a circumstance, a restorative justice approach incorporating amnesty, focusing on the normative rather than the punitive objectives of criminal law, may be the more appropriate model. And that is how the issue of amnesty for Boko Haram comes into the fray, since the current situation we are in could be said to lend itself to such a circumstance.
From time immemorial, amnesty has been employed as a means of promoting settlement and advancing reconciliation in societies that have emerged from repression. But even though, it is a tool that was historically often utilized in conflict resolution, it was never entirely viewed as the best option; only a necessary one. When atrocities are committed with such impunity, as is the case with Boko Haram, and are merely dealt with by forgiveness and restorative justice, for the concept of human rights to have real legitimacy, they must connect up with retributive conceptions of justice. And a carte-blanche amnesty for Boko Haram, despite the atrocious mass murders and butchering they have subjected innocent Nigerians to, does not meet up with that standard.
Putting the issue of human rights aside for now, whether amnesty is the wisest course for the government to pursue with Boko Haram essentially remains a matter of debate and perception. Instead of examining the pros and cons of amnesty for Boko Haram on a large scale; instead of making arguments about setting bad precedents, previous amnesty agreements with criminal, renegade Niger Delta militants and not negotiating with ghosts, I opt to examine what the adoption or rejection of amnesty really means; what it would represent. Perhaps, if we remove all our emotional and sentimental blinkers, and break down the implications of any amnesty deal to their very basic indices, we might have a different way of assessing what the adoption or rejection of amnesty for Boko Haram really represents.
Fundamentally, in its simplest form, the adoption of amnesty for Boko Haram entails a choice between peace and justice. Peace and justice; two resolutions that inspire and give way to each other, would normally go together and complement each other. Ideally, any strategy adopted in this matter should incorporate both concepts. But when we are dealing with the kind of amnesty we are discussing at this immediate time within the backdrop of the atrocities that have been committed, the amnesty may only offer the best prospect for peace, not justice. Within this our particular impasse, unless Boko Haram surrender and offer them-selves up for trial and prosecution today, the two concepts certainly cannot be applied in a manner where they co-exist together. There is just no getting away from it, Peace verses Justice must be brought to a direct point when we talk about amnesty for Boko Haram. And if there is a dichotomy between the two, as suggested in this case, and a single choice has to be made, what ought we to prefer?
I have my own personal views on the issue and find that, for me, it is a battle of conscience for the past against the present. The past, because for the victims and for the crimes that have already been committed, justice should be served. The present, because the innocent people existing within the eye of the storm deserve some reprieve, deserve peace. But a third facet of this reasoning, the most important one, is the future. Given a singular choice between the concept of peace and justice, which option has the ability to actually change the status quo and provide the most stable and secure future for Nigerians?
History shows that in countries which have come out of oppressive regimes and trials where crimes against humanity were committed, the peace deals that sacrifice justice often fail to give way to the expected peace in the long run. Whereas justice initiates a fundamental change in society that adjusts the situations that allowed for the conflict, peace deals arguably only restore societies back to a state of non-war; principally one that allowed for the crisis in the first place. One would be hard pressed to find a case where a system that selects justice ever leads to a return to that conflict. Therefore based on this argument, peace should never be favored over justice, only to allow it to inspire justice.
On the other hand, while international and national criminal trials promote justice, the quest for justice can be a long winding road and can exacerbate divisions and may even hinder the achievement of peace. Usually, those who face the potential for prosecution may be reluctant to lay down arms, giving way for the violence to continue. Instead, amnesties for perpetrators are often thought to promote peace and reconciliation, though it is sought at the expense of retributive justice. Amnesties can also provide the calm environment necessary for reflection and dialogue to end the conflict.
It is essential for the government upon pondering their decision on whether to give amnesty to Boko Haram to gauge the views of the population most affected by the violence rather than instigating plans based on the views of politicians and dogmatists. The communities, the families, the businesses, the various ethnicities residing in the red zones, those that have been targeted, hounded and slaughtered should have the first-refusal to make an input into the decision government makes about amnesty. It is their views that should count first and foremost. Unless the government and security agencies have concrete plans to ensure the security of every family living in the target communities, it is their cries, their anguish and not those of the naysayers not directly affected by the violence or those politicizing and tribalizing the issue, which the government should take into account, in addition to providing full reparation to all the victims and their relatives.
Any initiative that the government eventually applies in regards to amnesty for terrorists should ideally balance the demand for justice against the need for peace and reconciliation. And while the lack of amnesty for Boko Haram can provide accountability and amnesty can provide stability, the attainment of both at this very point in time is almost impossible. A choice has to be made on the resolution the government will adopt. And the choice needs to be made pretty soon… People are dying.
So as we continue to unravel this morbid, dark drama that Boko Haram has visited upon us, we can be certain that the choice is not about which group of criminals deserve amnesty and which don’t, it’s not about a perverse allegiance to ethnicity or religion, it’s not even about an incompetent government lead by a president that does not seem to have a clue; it’s about what we are willing to sacrifice; Justice for the cause of Peace or Peace for the cause of Justice?
Over to you President Johnny, Sir! So what will it be…; Peace or Justice?
  Saharareporters

HYPERTENSION: Pharmacists Caution Against High Consumption Of Noodles, Paracetamol

As Nigeria joins the rest of the world to mark this year’s World Health Day, with the theme “High Blood Pressure”, the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria, PSN, has cautioned against unrestrained consumption of foods such as noodles which are high in salt content, and drugs such as paracetamol that contain sodium, as a way of effectively addressing risk factors for raised blood pressure or hypertension.
Giving the warning in a statement to mark the Day in Lagos, President, PSN, Pharm. Olumide Akintayo said: “The risk of developing high blood pressure can be reduced by reducing salt intake, eating a balanced diet, avoiding harmful use of alcohol, taking regular physical activity, maintaining a healthy body weight, and avoiding tobacco use.”
Akintayo observed that reduction of hypertension in the Nigerian population can only be effected through strong public health policies such as reduction of salt in processed food and widely available diagnosis and treatment that tackle hypertension and other risk factors together.
His words: “The Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria, PSN, admonishes the consuming public on dietary patterns which is critical in hypertension. Some popular diets like some brands of noodles account for 61 percent of daily salt requirement in the smallest packs.
“Newly promoted brands of soluble paracetamol with about 450mg of sodium per tablet which transcends 2.7g daily when six tabs are taken a day will be inimical to the health of hypertensives and so call for caution,” Akintayo said.
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Naij.com

Nigerians too timid to push for revolution, says Rivers Governor, Amaechi

Abdulrahman Abdulmalik

Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi

Governor Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers on Saturday said most Nigerians have resigned themselves to lives of suffering and lacked the necessary courage to force a change in their country.
Speaking in Ado-Ekiti, the Ekiti State capital, at the second Nigeria Symposium for Young and Emerging Leaders, Mr. Amaechi said Nigeria would not undergo a forceful revolution anytime soon because citizens are too timid and unwilling to make sacrifices.
He said the terrible living standards in Nigeria had made the country long ripe for a revolution but that citizens needed the kind of courage that forced change in Libya, Egypt and elsewhere. and has ruled out the possibility of having a violent revolution in the country.
He said, “Yes, revolution can happen outside Nigeria. But here, I do not think so. Tell me what happened in Sudan, Libya, Zimbabwe and other countries that have not happened here.
“Our elasticity has no limit. You do not pray for electricity to be regular but you know that some Nigerians pray ‘God, let the light be stable today.’  We pray without working to solve our problems and we think God will do what we are supposed to do for us.”
The governor, who said he would never support Nigeria’s disintegration, said whoever wanted a change in Nigeria must be prepared to face up to guns and other instruments of intimidation and harassment.
A lot of young people across the country attended the symposium which also had  Ekiti State Governor, Kayode Fayemi, polician and businessman, Pat Utomi, Chief Executive Officer of Sahara Group, Tonye Cole, among others in attendance.
 PremiumTimes

A Warning to Young People: Don't Become a Teacher

Nothing I have ever done has brought me as much joy as I have received from teaching children how to write the past 14 years. Helping young writers grow and mature has been richly rewarding and I would not trade my experiences for anything.
That being said, if I were 18 years old and deciding how I want to spend my adult years, the last thing I would want to become is a classroom teacher.
Classroom teachers, especially those who are just out of college and entering the profession, are more stressed and less valued than at any previous time in our history.
They have to listen to a long list of politicians who belittle their ability, blame them for every student whose grades do not reach arbitrary standards, and want to take away every fringe benefit they have -- everything from the possibility of achieving tenure to receiving a decent pension.
Young teachers from across the United States have told me they no longer have the ability to properly manage classrooms, not because of lack of training, not because of lack of ability, not because of lack of desire, but because of upper administration decisions to reduce statistics on classroom referrals and in-school and out-of-school suspensions. As any classroom teacher can tell you, when the students know there will be no repercussions for their actions, there will be no change in their behavior. When there is no change in their behavior, other students will have a more difficult time learning.
Teachers are being told over and over again that their job is not to teach, but to guide students to learning on their own. While I am fully in favor of students taking control of their learning, I also remember a long list of teachers whose knowledge and experience helped me to become a better student and a better person. They encouraged me to learn on my own, and I did, but they also taught me many things. In these days when virtual learning is being force-fed to public schools by those who will financially benefit, the classroom teacher is being increasingly devalued. The concept being pushed upon us is not of a teacher teaching, but one of who babysits while the thoroughly engaged students magically learn on their own.
During the coming week in Missouri, the House of Representatives will vote on a bill which would eliminate teacher tenure, tie 33 percent of our pay to standardized test scores (and a lesser, unspecified percentage for those who teach untested subjects) and permit such innovations as "student surveys" to become a part of the evaluation process.
Each year, I allow my students to critique me and offer suggestions for my class. I learn a lot from those evaluations and have implemented some of the suggestions the students have made. But there is no way that eighth graders' opinions should be a part of deciding whether I continue to be employed.
The Missouri House recently passed a budget that included $2.5 million to put Teach for America instructors in our urban schools. The legislature also recently acted to extend the use of ABCTE (American Board for Certification of Teacher Excellence), a program that allows people to switch careers and become teachers without having to go through required teaching courses.
It is hard to get past the message being sent that our teachers are not good enough so we have to go outside to find new ones.
And of course to go along with all of these slaps in the face to classroom teachers, the move toward merit pay continues. Merit pay and eliminating teacher tenure, while turning teachers into at-will employees are the biggest disservice our leaders can do to students. How many good classroom teachers will no longer be in the classroom because they question decisions by ham handed administrators looking to quickly make a name for themselves by implementing shortsighted procedures that might look good on resumes, but will have a negative impact on student learning.
If you don't believe this kind of thing will happen, take a look at what has occurred in our nation's public schools since the advent of No Child Left Behind. Everything that is not math or reading has been de-emphasized. The teaching of history, civics, geography, and the arts have shrunk to almost nothing in some schools, or are made to serve the tested areas. Elementary children have limited recess time so more time can be squeezed in for math and reading.
Even worse, in some schools weeks of valuable classroom time are wasted giving practice standardized tests (and tests to practice for the practice standardized tests) so obsessive administrators can track how the students are doing. In many school districts across the nation, teachers have told me, curriculum is being based on these practice standardized tests.
That devaluation and de-emphasis of classroom teachers will grow under Common Core Standards. Pearson, the company that has received the contract to create the tests, has a full series of practice tests, while other companies like McGraw-Hill with its Acuity division, are already changing gears from offering practice materials for state tests to providing comprehensive materials for Common Core.
Why would anyone willingly sign up for this madness?
As a reporter who covered education for more than two decades, and as a teacher who has been in the classroom for the past 14 years, I cannot remember a time when the classrooms have been filled with bad teachers. The poor teachers almost never lasted long enough to receive tenure. Whether it is was because they could not maintain control over their classrooms or because they did not have sufficient command over their subject matter, they soon found it wise to find another line of work.
Yes, there are exceptions -- people who slipped through the cracks, and gained tenure, but there is nothing to stop administrators from removing those teachers. All tenure does is to provide teachers with the right to a hearing. It does not guarantee their jobs.
Times have changed. I have watched over the past few years as wonderfully gifted young teachers have left the classroom, feeling they do not have support and that things are not going to get any better.
In the past, these are the teachers who stayed, earned tenure, and built the solid framework that has served their communities and our nation well.
That framework is being torn down, oftentimes by politicians who would never dream of sending their own children to the kind of schools they are mandating for others.
Despite all of the attacks on the teachers, I am continually amazed at the high quality of the young people who are entering the profession. It is hard to kill idealism, no matter how much our leaders (in both parties) try.
I suppose I am just kidding myself about encouraging young people to enter some other profession, any other profession, besides teaching.
After all, what other profession would allow me to make $37,000 a year after 14 years of experience and have people tell me how greedy I am?

 HuffingtonPost