Monday 7 September 2015

Let’s Support President Buhari To Rebuild Nigeria, By Joe Igbokwe


Buhari Writing
…given the state of the nation, I am of the opinion that time has come for us to do away with this ethnic balancing in the discharge of national assignments. It has become the biggest threat to national unity and development. Everybody now thinks about his state of origin and tribe but no one thinks about Nigeria as a country. The country has been milked without conscience, gang-raped without remorse, pillaged and plundered without mercy, and any attempt by the past leaders to address the drift has been met with stiff opposition from loyal kinsmen who felt one of their own is being stopped from stealing enough for his family and tribe.
From his struggles to rule Nigeria from 2003 till 2015, when God answered his prayers, I think President Buhari has been the most prepared leader to govern Nigeria since independence. From his puritanical disposition, power of tenacity, courage, persistence, body language and his recent assets declaration, I believe that President Buhari has been thrown up by the forces of history to begin to reposition Nigeria to take her place in the global economy and politics. Given the gamut of hate attacks, name callings and even attempts to take his life during the campaigns, the most vicious in the history of Nigeria, I believe that God has a hand in picking this 72 year-old man to rebuild Nigeria for all and sundry.
Not happy with the outcome of the March 28 Presidential elections, a cross-section of the country has vowed to throw mud and stones to any decision the president takes to move Nigeria forward. They have made it a point of duty to attack every step the man has taken to reposition Nigeria. They say he is “Baba go slow”, they say he has no plans for Nigeria, they say he is not prepared to govern at all, they say he is a jihadist, a tribalist who is confused about how to govern Nigeria. They are still very angry, hitting their heads against concrete walls, vomiting venoms and wishing that Nigeria ceases to exist as a political entity. But we can do better than this. Once elections are over, people are expected to support the winner and wait for the next election.
President Buhari’s recent appointments escalated the matter further. Heaven was let loose and criticisms came from all corners and the noise was deafening and is still deafening as I write this piece. I share the sentiments of those who are protesting, I share their feelings and I love them, but I love Nigeria more. Nigeria and Nigerians have gone through many disturbing, frustrating and bitter times to get to where we are today, and given the state of the nation, I am of the opinion that time has come for us to do away with this ethnic balancing in the discharge of national assignments. It has become the biggest threat to national unity and development. Everybody now thinks about his state of origin and tribe but no one thinks about Nigeria as a country. The country has been milked without conscience, gang-raped without remorse, pillaged and plundered without mercy, and any attempt by the past leaders to address the drift has been met with stiff opposition from loyal kinsmen who felt one of their own is being stopped from stealing enough for his family and tribe.
Given the situation in Nigeria today I make bold to say that if President Buhari can find the first eleven from Benue State or Ebonyi State, he should use them to rebuild Nigeria. This approach appears to be too radical and provocative, but please think about it, think about Nigeria, and think about 16years of PDP in Nigeria.
Now my take is this: We are in an unusual situation in Nigeria and an unusual situation demands an unusual solution. We have to do the unthinkable, we have to change the rules, we have to do things differently, think and reason differently. In the human rights community, we are told that when a law is structured in such a way that will encourage injustice to all, endanger all, starve all, punish and humiliate all, such law must be broken. Given the situation in Nigeria today I make bold to say that if President Buhari can find the first eleven from Benue State or Ebonyi State, he should use them to rebuild Nigeria. This approach appears to be too radical and provocative, but please think about it, think about Nigeria, and think about 16 years of PDP in Nigeria.
Former President Obasanjo ruled Nigeria for eight years and yet there was nothing too spectacular to point to in the South-West as a landmark achievement. Chief Pius Anyiam from the South-East and Ebonyi State has been the Senate President and Secretary to the Federal Government and yet the second Niger Bridge was not built, Enugu-Onitsha expressway was not rebuilt, Enugu-Port Harcourt expressway was not rebuilt and no serious federal presence was felt anywhere in the South-East. Again what did former President Jonathan do in the South-South of Bayelsa, Rivers and others? What did IBB do in Minna? What did Abacha do in Kano? What did Yar’Adua do in Katsina? What did Shagari do in Sokoto? What did Gowon do in Jos? When Chief Alex Ekwueme was the Vice President, was the River Niger dredged? When Chuba Okadigbo, Evans Enwerem, and Wagbara were the Senate Presidents what did they do in the South-East?
A recent world report says Nigeria is one of the world’s worst business destinations. Again, Nigerians are living witnesses of the upsurge of refugee crisis in Europe as a consequence of the Civil War in Syria and Iraq. We just need to buckle up to these new challenges to quickly build a country we can all be proud of. Let us be patient with President Buhari until he finishes with all the appointments and if any section of the country feels marginalised, they can then protest.
I am convinced beyond all reasonable doubt that President Buhari means well for Nigeria. He has shown through actions and deeds since May 29, 2015 that he has an idea of how to get Nigeria out of trouble. As a former President, a former governor, a former Minister, Chairman of Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), etc., I hold this truth, which is self evident, that if given the right support and encouragement this President can restore the glory of Nigeria.
Unless some people are still deceiving themselves, PDP ruined and decimated Nigeria in the past 16 years. We know it, even PDP knows it and the world knows it also. There is no need for PDP to continue to maintain a bold face and be showing Dutch courage in the face of the unmitigated disaster they left behind. I am convinced beyond all reasonable doubts that President Buhari means well for Nigeria. He has shown through actions and deeds since May 29, 2015 that he has an idea of how to get Nigeria out of trouble. As a former President, a former governor, a former Minister, Chairman of Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), etc., I hold this truth, which is self evident, that if given the right support and encouragement this President can restore the glory of Nigeria.
He needs all the support because corruption is fighting back ferociously. Corruption, like a raging fire is spreading its tentacles everywhere, fighting to stay on. Let us support this President to break the backbone of corruption in Nigeria and fight it to surrender. If he succeeds, and I am sure he will, Nigeria will gain and all of us will gain too.
Joe Igbokwe is Publicity Secretary of Lagos State Chapter of APC.

‘Buhari’s directive led to improved power supply’


‘Buhari’s directive led to improved power supply’
The Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Power, Dr. Godknows Igali, has said the steady increase in power supply in the  country was due to  President Muhammadu Buhari’s directive to actors in the power sector to redouble their efforts.
He said the president charged them to leave no stone unturned in ensuring uninterrupted power supply to Nigerians during his tenure.
Igali spoke in Abuja during the signing ceremony of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with two indigenous investors in the power sector – Messrs. New Horizons Energy Resources and Quaint Global Energy Solutions.
The two firms are  interested in renewable projects, especially solar, biomass and thermal plants respectively.
Igali said the recent increase in power supply is not as a result of rain, as being speculated in some quarters, as marginal improvement from our hydro cannot be responsible for this fact, but it is as a result of increase in gas supply to the thermal plants, adding that our Anti-Vandalism Campaign is also yielding positive results.
In a statement endorsed by the  Ministry’s Deputy Director (Press), Timothy Oyedeji yesterday, Igali said to sustain this trend, the present administration is determined to look in the direction of renewables, hence more emphasis will be placed on solar energy source.
He reasoned that with clusters of solar plants built across the country, technical losses occasioned by hauling of energy over long distances will be reduced because the renewable source can be deplored effectively.  Captive power in embedded manner will also be available to distribution companies (DISCOs) at the distribution levels.
He commended the companies for working with the  Federal Government in the development of mini power generation and micro grid, stressing that these efforts will translate to power stability and reliability.
Igali said the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) is working on the critical corridors that would enhance the nation’s transmission capacity, enough to evacuate all energy to be produced that more gas will be available to the thermal plants.
An official of  Quaint Global Energy Solutions, Seun Solesi, told the Permanent Secretary that his company is to enjoy a grant of $1.3 million from the Obama Power Africa Initiative’s United States Trade Development Agency to carry out feasibility studies for its 50megawatts (Mw) solar-powered plant in Machiok, Kaura Local Government Area of Kaduna State.  He said with  foreign partners, the project will start in earnest on 150 hectares of land approved by Governor Nasir el-Rufai.
The representative of New Horizons said when the project come upstream, Nigerians will be recruited and trained in the U.S, while materials for building the plant would be sourced locally.
He said the plan of the company is to build 100Mw solar power plant in Nasarawa State, 300 – 400Mw of biomass in Cross River and 300Mw of thermal in Rivers State.

Sunday 6 September 2015

We'll revisit all lost cases of corruption-Prof Sagay


By Eniola Oluwasanmi Ashaolu & Abdullateef Aliyu, Lagos | Publish Date: Sep 6 2015 3:56AM | Updated Date: Sep 6 2015 2:48PMProfessor Itse Sagay, a lawyer and human rights activist known to detest corruption with all his might, was recently appointed by President Muhammadu Buhari as the Chairman of the Presidential Advisory Committee on Anti-Corruption. Speaking in an interview with Daily Trust on Sunday in his chamber in Surulere, Lagos, Sagay gave a broad view of the task ahead of the anti-corruption committee and added that his committee will give such direction as will rid Nigeria of corruption.
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We'll revisit all lost cases of corruption-Prof Sagay
Professor Sagay

How did you feel when you were appointed to chair the Presidential Advisory Committee on Anti-Corruption?
 I was pleasantly surprised; surprised because I had no hint until then, that even this committee was being planned. It was later they told me they had been working on it for some months but I was not a member of the planning team. So, I had no hint. The appointment was a surprise. It was a pleasant surprise because this is exactly the manner in which I would like to serve this country; because I think, apart from the issue of security, the elimination of corruption is probably the biggest challenge facing Nigeria today.
 But some people believe that you got the appointment because you were one of the elder statesmen who campaigned for Muhammadu Buhari during the 2015 general elections…
We cannot control people’s thoughts. All I know is that I am never neutral because between good and evil, a neutral is someone who is shirking his responsibility to the society. You should take a stand and I took a stand during the elections. When I studied Buhari over the years, I am sure that he had this programme, he had this belief, he had consistent attitude towards the elimination of corruption. I thought that he is a man who deserved the support of all Nigerians, particularly at a time when we were living in the midst of much rottenness in the country. So, if Buhari is going to appoint somebody to drive his anti-corruption crusade, obviously it has to be somebody who shares the belief with him; that if we do not kill corruption, corruption will kill this country. So I am not surprised he chose me. If he didn’t choose me, he would choose another person like me. He is not going to choose those who have rendered the country prostrate by looting.
 Have you talked to him since the appointment on what he expects from you?
 No. I’ve not talked to him one-on-one. You know the presidency is one and I have had several discussions with Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo who is very much involved and very passionate about what we are doing. So through him, we clearly receive an understanding of what the President intends that we should do. Of course, we have terms of reference too.
 Have you started work?
 Yes, we have.
 But you have not been formally inaugurated and members are scattered all over the federation.   How do you meet and where do you meet?
 We meet in Abuja. It is a committee; it is not an executive body. We have a secretariat in the Ministry of Justice in Abuja. We have an Executive Secretary, a full-time Professor doing a full-time job; he has a very solid background in this area. Operational staff and a website have also been set up.
 Is there remuneration for the committee members?
 So far there is nothing like that. Definitely, there would be no salary. It is possible there could be allowances for the time one leaves his base to go and have meetings and so on because there are so many things we are going to do. Apart from our meetings, we are going to see people in various offices, including the judiciary. During that period, one could be away for a week or so. I assume there would be allowances paid but this has not been discussed.
 Against the backdrop that corruption has eaten deep into the fabric of the nation, what are the tasks and challenges involved in the committee’s work and how do you intend to tackle the challenges?
 You are right. In fact, it is a frightening scenario because every day when you wake up, something new has happened, another example of corruption has been revealed. It is as if we are just surrounded by corruption. It is like when a city is taken over by refuse, it is a terrible thing. We have been set up to take a systematic look and approach to the problem. We are not an executive agency, we are not going to identify somebody and arrest and prosecute. No. Our job is one of reflection, of deliberation, in fact, of coordination; to coordinate the struggle to wipe out corruption. This is going to involve intensive and very thorough intervention in the various actions that are going on and also in trying to make the administration of justice, as it affects corruption, more effective. So, we are going to look at the administration of criminal justice bill and try to make it as effective as possible. We are going to bring support for the anti-corruption agencies. For example, we are going to interact with them to find out what challenges they are having; be it equipment, so that if it is detection equipment or interrogation equipment that they need and things like that, we then recommend that they should have them. Is it in terms of technical quality and skills of their personnel? In which case they need training in special areas, we are going to look at that. Is it financial challenge? If it is, we may recommend to the government that it should be looked into. Or is it a question of the integrity of the people who are working there?  I am not even talking of the leadership, I am talking of those who actually do the routine work, interrogation and investigation; whether there are some who have been compromised or who may not have integrity, in which case we may need fresh hands that can do the job in an uncompromising manner. So it is a wide-ranging thing and our job is to interface with them: EFCC, ICPC, Code of Conduct Bureau, Code of Conduct Tribunal and find out what problems they have and seek solution for them.
 Some people have actually criticised the setting up of your committee, saying that the anti-corruption agencies like EFCC and ICPC are there to take care of corruption issues in the country. How do you view this?
 As I have said, we are not there to do the work of the agencies  but to examine the state of the struggle, look at the challenges, look at the drawbacks and try to find solutions. I will give you a few examples. At times, the agencies don’t cooperate with each other, they behave like rivals; we want to eliminate that. They should share information. They should cooperate so that where one is weak, the other would provide support; where the other is strong, the second would enjoy that cover. We would also be looking into lost cases. Some major cases have been lost by the agencies in the past, we would look into all that. We would be able to look at the case files, find out what was inadequate in the prosecution so that we can then ensure that whatever it is, it is taken care of so that such does not repeat itself in the future. Not for the purpose of retrial because once an accused has been discharged, you cannot go back. But at least against the future, we would be able to guide against that. So generally, I think this committee is very, very essential at this time because it is doing coordination work, it is doing research work, it is doing mediation work and it is going to do a major work in the area of administration of criminal justice, looking at the efficiency of prosecution, looking at the integrity of the prosecution process, looking at the length of time it takes to complete a case and looking at how prosecution can proceed without being frustrated. It is looking at quite a lot of things.
 Do you think Nigeria needs a special court to prosecute corruption cases as being canvassed by the presidency?
 Yes, a special anti-corruption court will certainly enhance the fight against corruption. It would create speed and also possibly ensure the integrity of the process. But an anti-corruption court cannot be decreed by presidential order. It can only be created through an amendment of the constitution and that takes time. Meanwhile, what we are hoping to see, because it has been done before, is that some judges and justices would be identified because of their reputation and record who would operate from the criminal division of the high courts all over the country and they are the ones who would be handling these cases because they have an established reputation for integrity, for discipline, for industry and for their courage and indeed passion for justice.
 If those who allegedly embezzled money under the last administration come to you secretly to say they want to return part of the stolen funds, would you welcome and protect them?
 Yes, they are very much welcome. If anybody can do that, we would certainly direct them to the appropriate agency where they should return the money and then I assume that there would be some legal processes involved. Since we are not an executive agency, we don’t have familiarity with this but there would be a process through which the money would be returned and what the consequences will be, but I can say confidently that any person who does that is saving the government a lot of cost in terms of cost of prosecution which could be very expensive. Such a person would probably get favourable treatment of some sort. That’s why the new law has a provision for plea bargaining.
 Some have criticised the president on the way he has been governing the country since his inauguration. They say he is just sacking and appointing people at will, trying to set up special courts the way he set up  special tribunals when he was military head of state, and that he has not shed the toga of the military man in him. What is your take on this?
 I don’t think it is fair to say the president is behaving as if we are in a military regime. He is a stickler to the democratic traditions and demands. He has not done anything undemocratic so far. For example, talking of special courts, he has not set up any special court. If he did that, it would be illegal and anti-democratic. That is why the whole idea of special courts has not taken off because as I explained, another arm of government, the legislature, is going to be seriously involved. So, the fact that somebody wants to fight corruption and he is dedicated to that struggle because that is the bane of this country, I don’t see that as something anyone should be unhappy about unless that person is one of those who have bled this country dry. So if I hear anybody saying things like that, I feel like checking his background to see what he is trying to defend.   
 Recently, Rev. Father Mathew Kukah, member of the National Peace Committee led by former head of state retired General Abdulsalam Abubakar, appealed to President Buhari to slow down on the war against corruption so as not to distract his government. Do you subscribe to this?
 I was shocked to hear Kukah say that. I was thoroughly shocked that somebody so eminent, in that high position and holding that type of vocation should advocate the abandoning of the struggle to eradicate corruption in the society. If he is saying that, what does the church stand for? So, it was shocking because if his advice is taken, it means that this country is going to go down because if corruption takes away our economy, then we are going to face disintegration because we would have a failed state. So, I was a bit taken aback by that advice when I heard him say it on Channels TV, that we should abandon the struggle to eliminate corruption, that it is a distraction. It is absolutely no distraction.
 Government is going on; Buhari is not the one investigating. He just gives directives and carries on with his work. So, government is going on but we want to be able to fight corruption to achieve two aims; one to recover as much stolen resources as possible so that we can now pump these into areas of the country that require it because this country is broke as we all know; infrastructure, health, labour, employment are in dire need of rescue. Number two is, to establish a culture in which people in government will not engage in impunity and will allow clean process and good governance to prevail so that the country can develop, so that our resources would be directed solely towards the need of the state rather than into private pockets.
 The EFCC chairman, Ibrahim Lamorde is currently being probed by the Senate for alleged diversion of money and property seized from some corrupt individuals. Is this a case of corruption fighting back as some people in the Senate and their close associates have been accused of corruption and under the probe of EFCC?
 I must confess that the timing of the accusation against Lamorde is a little bit suspicious but having said that, I believe that the anti-corruption agency must be like Caesar’s wife, totally and absolutely above suspicion. So once anybody has mouthed any accusation against them or any of their officials, they must come out and clear themselves because if they don’t, they would have no moral or legal basis to entertain reports of corruption and act on them. So there is a very heavy burden on the EFCC now that the chairman and his staff should go and clear themselves so that we can be sure that when taking matters to them, you are not taking matters of one type of people to the same type of people to investigate. In which case we would just be going round in circles, deceiving ourselves, promoting corruption and thinking we are fighting it. So, they have to clear themselves. Without doing that, there is no moving forward for the EFCC. For me, it is a very sad situation.
 The Presidency announced some appointments penultimate Thursday and there is hullaballoo everywhere that the president’s appointments so far have been tilted to the northern part of the country where he hails from. What do you say to this?
 I noticed too that the President’s appointments have been lopsided, that 80 per cent of the people he has appointed are from northern part of the country but I want to give him the benefit of the doubt because these are early days and the first set of appointments are usually people with whom he is going to work closely with. I know he would be conscious of this perception and he must have gone ahead to do it because probably in future, he is going to make more appointments which would reflect more federal character. For the appointment of close aides and those for sensitive offices, he really needs to appoint people he is absolutely certain of; in terms of confidentiality, competence, integrity and so on. I mean those he can vouch for. That’s my own explanation for these appointments because if you look at them, we have Chief of Staff which is somebody who can even operate from your bedroom, he is very close. Then, if you talk of the case of Customs, that is where there are so many problems of corruption. I understand the person he has appointed there is not even a member of the Customs. That shows you immediately that it is not a normal appointment, it is like a task force type of appointment. The only appointment that I would have probably preferred some other name is that of Secretary to the Government of the Federation. But again, the president may have his reasons. So, I would want us to give him the benefit of the doubt. Maybe we should be more critical as time goes on.
 The South-easterners (Ndigbo) particularly feel short-changed about these appointments, especially that of the SGF which they had ‘claimed’ was theirs to balance the equation and they are now crying foul. What do you think?
 They have no right to feel short-changed at all for two reasons. One, if you look at the proportion of those who were elected during the last general elections, hardly was the APC able to get a single person from the South East and what was the reason? It is not that the people there didn’t want to vote. If you have analysed the election in South-South and South-East as I have done, there was a lot of terrible rigging there by the PDP. So, the South-East rigged itself out of influence by putting all its eggs in one basket, the PDP basket. They rigged; there was no question about it. I have done the analysis and what happened there was a great abnormality; it has nothing to do with any election. Those were the areas where they did not use card readers and so on. So they shot themselves in the foot and I think they need to accept that they should have allowed the people to vote naturally and then there would have been distribution of votes between both parties. Number two, my own personal experience as someone who has lived relatively long in this country is that there is no advantage in having somebody who is your next-door neighbour or your village boy in office; there is no advantage there at all. It doesn’t help you. The people of Bayelsa (where former President Goodluck Jonathan come from) today are crying that they don’t have water; Jonathan’s hometown people are complaining that they don’t have water, they have appealed to the Buhari government to provide them with water. Look at Obasanjo’s Ota, the road there is bad, the conditions there are pitiable. So, I think the easterners should just forget about the issue of, ‘appoint one of us’. Rather, they should look at what programmes are going to be planned and implemented in favour of the east. That is what they should be looking at. Forget about the individuals. I am not interested in whether anybody is coming from my area. What is this government going to do in my area? That is what they should be looking for. Is the government going to build the second Niger Bridge? Is the government going to tackle erosion? Is the government going to build roads in the East? Those are the questions they should be asking, not moaning over non-appointment of their people into positions.
 Do they not have the right to feel that they are now being “victimised” for not voting for Buhari in the last elections?
 They are not victimised, and they should not feel victimised. Not giving them political appointments is not victimisation. Nobody is entitled to political appointment; that’s the discretion of the government in power.
 Are you not worried that months after the inauguration, the president is yet to form his cabinet?
 I am not worried. The president is trying to bring people such as himself and the vice president into the cabinet. So you should not have on one side of the table clean men of integrity and another side calculating locusts who are thinking on how much they can eat out of national resources. He wants to have like-minded people, so a lot of screening is going on. He doesn’t want a situation where within one month of the cabinet getting on board, we start hearing of people being sacked. It is true that we cannot get 100 per cent cabinet of angels but there is nothing wrong in trying to get the best we can so that once they take off, the rest of us can relax a little bit and know that these people are working for Nigeria. He said September and I am sure he would keep his word. The cabinet would be announced and I believe when he does that, the wait would be justified.
 More than five hundred days after, the Chibok girls are still in captivity. What do you think is wrong with the case of these girls?
 It is very worrying and I am getting frightened because as somebody noted, our soldiers are clearing out so many areas occupied by these Boko Haram insurgents and the expectation has always been that each time communities of hostages are released, we would see the girls; but all the people coming out have been different types of people, hundreds of thousands of them and none of the girls was there. So what has happened to them? Those of us that are outside government may not know what is going on but I am disturbed. Maybe those in government know where they are, I don’t know. But it is worrying, disturbing and frustrating but I pray to God that those girls would be found so that their parents can at least find joy at the end of the day and not frustration and mystery. So, it is worrying that so far, we have not seen the girls. Even if they have been split, we should expect that when the soldiers liberate a particular area, they would say, ‘oh, we find 30 Chibok girls’ and at least we would rejoice and say, ‘oh, that is part of victory in this great struggle’, but not a single one has been found and that is discouraging.
 Are you worried that the girls might be among the young female suicide bombers?
 I don’t think so because the description of the suicide bombers shows that they are very young girls, 11, 13, not more than 15 but the Chibok girls are about 15, 16, 17. I don’t think they are.
 The president has set a target of three to four months to end the Boko Haram insurgency which points to the fact that he wants to employ military tactics to quell the problem while some people are advocating for dialogue as well. What is your take on this?
 I subscribe to dialogue provided the dialogue is directed towards the release of the Chibok girls, not of the war generally. If it is towards the Chibok girls, yes, because to me that is a very, very sensitive and trying matter to which one is ready to stoop in order to conquer. But if it is just dialogue generally without that condition, it is not acceptable to me. The Chibok girls must be a factor in the issue of dialogue.
 The deadline given by the president to crush the insurgents: do you think it is achievable?
 It is baffling to me as a layman but I respect his military background and as I always say, these people in positions like that have information flowing in to them from all directions; from Chad, Niger, Cameroon, from our military chiefs, from the DSS. So by the time he collates all these, he probably found or he could plot a graph showing that December is a possible date. So I don’t want to question that. But for me as a layman, I would have been sceptical because the Boko Haram insurgents have proved far more difficult than we ever anticipated.
 You recently took a position on the situation in Osun State by condemning the lady judge that submitted a petition to the State House of Assembly calling for the impeachment of the governor. Why did you take that position, as some people are saying it is because you have a soft spot for the APC and the governor is of the APC?
 I have heard about that, and I felt a bit sad. There is so much scepticism, cynicism in the land. Nobody trusts another anymore in this country. Everybody thinks everybody has a motive; you won’t do anything unless you are getting something back. That is how bad we have degenerated and I don’t blame them for saying that. But there are still quite a number of Nigerians who, out of principle, have a belief, have a cause and speak out of conviction, not out of benefit or anything. Yes, I think the APC is a much better entity and organisation than the PDP. I think so but that is not the reason I spoke out against the judge.
 Are you a card-carrying member of APC?
 I am not going to answer that question.
 Why?
 Because it is my own private right and so I am not going to answer it. But I certainly prefer APC to the PDP, there is no question about that.
 So, what is your reason for speaking out against the judge?
 I was shocked that she did all those things she did and the state Judicial Service Commission did nothing, the National Judiciary Commission did nothing, they just allowed her free reign, to be going on a rampage all over the state, and a judge for that matter. I don’t know what word to use with regard to a judge; it is the most disgraceful and embarrassing sort of image that somebody at that level could project to the world. Judges from time immemorial are people of dignity, decorum and respect, who make statement only in their judgments and in the courts and when they leave the courts, you do not hear anything from them, they keep themselves detached from the public, they don’t take part in the rough and tumble of politics. So, they are placed in that pedestal which compels us to respect them. So when you see us bowing and saying, ‘My Lord’, taking orders from them and taking directives and so on without being able to challenge them directly except by way of appeal, it is because of that type of level of dignity and respect and the importance of their job in society. But when that lady decided to become a politician and decided to politically and publicly attack the head of the government of her state, government that appointed her in office, she completely discarded all the respect, dignity and decorum associated with that office. She turned it into, as I said in another forum, she became a street fighter which is a thing that we should never ever expect from a judge. So, as far as I am concerned, the minute she issued that statement and got it published as emanating from her, she has lost the right to continue to be a judge, she has lost that right and she brought the whole judiciary into shame and odium and she should no longer be in that office. I think she should be queried, disciplined and removed as a lesson to all other people that, ‘if you want to be a politician, you be a politician, if you want to be a judge, then know that there is decorum and respect in it’. Who will appear in her court now and not feel uncomfortable? She’s like any other person in the street, not one of those people that we respect very much. I think she desecrated her oath of office.
 we have terms of reference too.
 Have you started work?
 Yes, we have.
 But you have not been formally inaugurated and members are scattered all over the federation.   How do you meet and where do you meet?
 We meet in Abuja. It is a committee; it is not an executive body. We have a secretariat in the Ministry of Justice in Abuja. We have an Executive Secretary, a full-time Professor doing a full-time job; he has a very solid background in this area. Operational staff and a website have also been set up.
 Is there remuneration for the committee members?
 So far there is nothing like that. Definitely, there would be no salary. It is possible there could be allowances for the time one leaves his base to go and have meetings and so on because there are so many things we are going to do. Apart from our meetings, we are going to see people in various offices, including the judiciary. During that period, one could be away for a week or so. I assume there would be allowances paid but this has not been discussed.
 Against the backdrop that corruption has eaten deep into the fabric of the nation, what are the tasks and challenges involved in the committee’s work and how do you intend to tackle the challenges?
 You are right. In fact, it is a frightening scenario because every day when you wake up, something new has happened, another example of corruption has been revealed. It is as if we are just surrounded by corruption. It is like when a city is taken over by refuse, it is a terrible thing. We have been set up to take a systematic look and approach to the problem. We are not an executive agency, we are not going to identify somebody and arrest and prosecute. No. Our job is one of reflection, of deliberation, in fact, of coordination; to coordinate the struggle to wipe out corruption. This is going to involve intensive and very thorough intervention in the various actions that are going on and also in trying to make the administration of justice, as it affects corruption, more effective. So, we are going to look at the administration of criminal justice bill and try to make it as effective as possible. We are going to bring support for the anti-corruption agencies. For example, we are going to interact with them to find out what challenges they are having; be it equipment, so that if it is detection equipment or interrogation equipment that they need and things like that, we then recommend that they should have them. Is it in terms of technical quality and skills of their personnel? In which case they need training in special areas, we are going to look at that. Is it financial challenge? If it is, we may recommend to the government that it should be looked into. Or is it a question of the integrity of the people who are working there?  I am not even talking of the leadership, I am talking of those who actually do the routine work, interrogation and investigation; whether there are some who have been compromised or who may not have integrity, in which case we may need fresh hands that can do the job in an uncompromising manner. So it is a wide-ranging thing and our job is to interface with them: EFCC, ICPC, Code of Conduct Bureau, Code of Conduct Tribunal and find out what problems they have and seek solution for them.
 Some people have actually criticised the setting up of your committee, saying that the anti-corruption agencies like EFCC and ICPC are there to take care of corruption issues in the country. How do you view this?
 As I have said, we are not there to do the work of the agencies  but to examine the state of the struggle, look at the challenges, look at the drawbacks and try to find solutions. I will give you a few examples. At times, the agencies don’t cooperate with each other, they behave like rivals; we want to eliminate that. They should share information. They should cooperate so that where one is weak, the other would provide support; where the other is strong, the second would enjoy that cover. We would also be looking into lost cases. Some major cases have been lost by the agencies in the past, we would look into all that. We would be able to look at the case files, find out what was inadequate in the prosecution so that we can then ensure that whatever it is, it is taken care of so that such does not repeat itself in the future. Not for the purpose of retrial because once an accused has been discharged, you cannot go back. But at least against the future, we would be able to guide against that. So generally, I think this committee is very, very essential at this time because it is doing coordination work, it is doing research work, it is doing mediation work and it is going to do a major work in the area of administration of criminal justice, looking at the efficiency of prosecution, looking at the integrity of the prosecution process, looking at the length of time it takes to complete a case and looking at how prosecution can proceed without being frustrated. It is looking at quite a lot of things.
 Do you think Nigeria needs a special court to prosecute corruption cases as being canvassed by the presidency?
 Yes, a special anti-corruption court will certainly enhance the fight against corruption. It would create speed and also possibly ensure the integrity of the process. But an anti-corruption court cannot be decreed by presidential order. It can only be created through an amendment of the constitution and that takes time. Meanwhile, what we are hoping to see, because it has been done before, is that some judges and justices would be identified because of their reputation and record who would operate from the criminal division of the high courts all over the country and they are the ones who would be handling these cases because they have an established reputation for integrity, for discipline, for industry and for their courage and indeed passion for justice.
 If those who allegedly embezzled money under the last administration come to you secretly to say they want to return part of the stolen funds, would you welcome and protect them?
 Yes, they are very much welcome. If anybody can do that, we would certainly direct them to the appropriate agency where they should return the money and then I assume that there would be some legal processes involved. Since we are not an executive agency, we don’t have familiarity with this but there would be a process through which the money would be returned and what the consequences will be, but I can say confidently that any person who does that is saving the government a lot of cost in terms of cost of prosecution which could be very expensive. Such a person would probably get favourable treatment of some sort. That’s why the new law has a provision for plea bargaining.
 Some have criticised the president on the way he has been governing the country since his inauguration. They say he is just sacking and appointing people at will, trying to set up special courts the way he set up  special tribunals when he was military head of state, and that he has not shed the toga of the military man in him. What is your take on this?
 I don’t think it is fair to say the president is behaving as if we are in a military regime. He is a stickler to the democratic traditions and demands. He has not done anything undemocratic so far. For example, talking of special courts, he has not set up any special court. If he did that, it would be illegal and anti-democratic. That is why the whole idea of special courts has not taken off because as I explained, another arm of government, the legislature, is going to be seriously involved. So, the fact that somebody wants to fight corruption and he is dedicated to that struggle because that is the bane of this country, I don’t see that as something anyone should be unhappy about unless that person is one of those who have bled this country dry. So if I hear anybody saying things like that, I feel like checking his background to see what he is trying to defend.   
 Recently, Rev. Father Mathew Kukah, member of the National Peace Committee led by former head of state retired General Abdulsalam Abubakar, appealed to President Buhari to slow down on the war against corruption so as not to distract his government. Do you subscribe to this?
 I was shocked to hear Kukah say that. I was thoroughly shocked that somebody so eminent, in that high position and holding that type of vocation should advocate the abandoning of the struggle to eradicate corruption in the society. If he is saying that, what does the church stand for? So, it was shocking because if his advice is taken, it means that this country is going to go down because if corruption takes away our economy, then we are going to face disintegration because we would have a failed state. So, I was a bit taken aback by that advice when I heard him say it on Channels TV, that we should abandon the struggle to eliminate corruption, that it is a distraction. It is absolutely no distraction.
 Government is going on; Buhari is not the one investigating. He just gives directives and carries on with his work. So, government is going on but we want to be able to fight corruption to achieve two aims; one to recover as much stolen resources as possible so that we can now pump these into areas of the country that require it because this country is broke as we all know; infrastructure, health, labour, employment are in dire need of rescue. Number two is, to establish a culture in which people in government will not engage in impunity and will allow clean process and good governance to prevail so that the country can develop, so that our resources would be directed solely towards the need of the state rather than into private pockets.
 The EFCC chairman, Ibrahim Lamorde is currently being probed by the Senate for alleged diversion of money and property seized from some corrupt individuals. Is this a case of corruption fighting back as some people in the Senate and their close associates have been accused of corruption and under the probe of EFCC?
 I must confess that the timing of the accusation against Lamorde is a little bit suspicious but having said that, I believe that the anti-corruption agency must be like Caesar’s wife, totally and absolutely above suspicion. So once anybody has mouthed any accusation against them or any of their officials, they must come out and clear themselves because if they don’t, they would have no moral or legal basis to entertain reports of corruption and act on them. So there is a very heavy burden on the EFCC now that the chairman and his staff should go and clear themselves so that we can be sure that when taking matters to them, you are not taking matters of one type of people to the same type of people to investigate. In which case we would just be going round in circles, deceiving ourselves, promoting corruption and thinking we are fighting it. So, they have to clear themselves. Without doing that, there is no moving forward for the EFCC. For me, it is a very sad situation.
 The Presidency announced some appointments penultimate Thursday and there is hullaballoo everywhere that the president’s appointments so far have been tilted to the northern part of the country where he hails from. What do you say to this?
 I noticed too that the President’s appointments have been lopsided, that 80 per cent of the people he has appointed are from northern part of the country but I want to give him the benefit of the doubt because these are early days and the first set of appointments are usually people with whom he is going to work closely with. I know he would be conscious of this perception and he must have gone ahead to do it because probably in future, he is going to make more appointments which would reflect more federal character. For the appointment of close aides and those for sensitive offices, he really needs to appoint people he is absolutely certain of; in terms of confidentiality, competence, integrity and so on. I mean those he can vouch for. That’s my own explanation for these appointments because if you look at them, we have Chief of Staff which is somebody who can even operate from your bedroom, he is very close. Then, if you talk of the case of Customs, that is where there are so many problems of corruption. I understand the person he has appointed there is not even a member of the Customs. That shows you immediately that it is not a normal appointment, it is like a task force type of appointment. The only appointment that I would have probably preferred some other name is that of Secretary to the Government of the Federation. But again, the president may have his reasons. So, I would want us to give him the benefit of the doubt. Maybe we should be more critical as time goes on.
 The South-easterners (Ndigbo) particularly feel short-changed about these appointments, especially that of the SGF which they had ‘claimed’ was theirs to balance the equation and they are now crying foul. What do you think?
 They have no right to feel short-changed at all for two reasons. One, if you look at the proportion of those who were elected during the last general elections, hardly was the APC able to get a single person from the South East and what was the reason? It is not that the people there didn’t want to vote. If you have analysed the election in South-South and South-East as I have done, there was a lot of terrible rigging there by the PDP. So, the South-East rigged itself out of influence by putting all its eggs in one basket, the PDP basket. They rigged; there was no question about it. I have done the analysis and what happened there was a great abnormality; it has nothing to do with any election. Those were the areas where they did not use card readers and so on. So they shot themselves in the foot and I think they need to accept that they should have allowed the people to vote naturally and then there would have been distribution of votes between both parties. Number two, my own personal experience as someone who has lived relatively long in this country is that there is no advantage in having somebody who is your next-door neighbour or your village boy in office; there is no advantage there at all. It doesn’t help you. The people of Bayelsa (where former President Goodluck Jonathan come from) today are crying that they don’t have water; Jonathan’s hometown people are complaining that they don’t have water, they have appealed to the Buhari government to provide them with water. Look at Obasanjo’s Ota, the road there is bad, the conditions there are pitiable. So, I think the easterners should just forget about the issue of, ‘appoint one of us’. Rather, they should look at what programmes are going to be planned and implemented in favour of the east. That is what they should be looking at. Forget about the individuals. I am not interested in whether anybody is coming from my area. What is this government going to do in my area? That is what they should be looking for. Is the government going to build the second Niger Bridge? Is the government going to tackle erosion? Is the government going to build roads in the East? Those are the questions they should be asking, not moaning over non-appointment of their people into positions.
 Do they not have the right to feel that they are now being “victimised” for not voting for Buhari in the last elections?
 They are not victimised, and they should not feel victimised. Not giving them political appointments is not victimisation. Nobody is entitled to political appointment; that’s the discretion of the government in power.
 Are you not worried that months after the inauguration, the president is yet to form his cabinet?
 I am not worried. The president is trying to bring people such as himself and the vice president into the cabinet. So you should not have on one side of the table clean men of integrity and another side calculating locusts who are thinking on how much they can eat out of national resources. He wants to have like-minded people, so a lot of screening is going on. He doesn’t want a situation where within one month of the cabinet getting on board, we start hearing of people being sacked. It is true that we cannot get 100 per cent cabinet of angels but there is nothing wrong in trying to get the best we can so that once they take off, the rest of us can relax a little bit and know that these people are working for Nigeria. He said September and I am sure he would keep his word. The cabinet would be announced and I believe when he does that, the wait would be justified.
 More than five hundred days after, the Chibok girls are still in captivity. What do you think is wrong with the case of these girls?
 It is very worrying and I am getting frightened because as somebody noted, our soldiers are clearing out so many areas occupied by these Boko Haram insurgents and the expectation has always been that each time communities of hostages are released, we would see the girls; but all the people coming out have been different types of people, hundreds of thousands of them and none of the girls was there. So what has happened to them? Those of us that are outside government may not know what is going on but I am disturbed. Maybe those in government know where they are, I don’t know. But it is worrying, disturbing and frustrating but I pray to God that those girls would be found so that their parents can at least find joy at the end of the day and not frustration and mystery. So, it is worrying that so far, we have not seen the girls. Even if they have been split, we should expect that when the soldiers liberate a particular area, they would say, ‘oh, we find 30 Chibok girls’ and at least we would rejoice and say, ‘oh, that is part of victory in this great struggle’, but not a single one has been found and that is discouraging.
 Are you worried that the girls might be among the young female suicide bombers?
 I don’t think so because the description of the suicide bombers shows that they are very young girls, 11, 13, not more than 15 but the Chibok girls are about 15, 16, 17. I don’t think they are.
 The president has set a target of three to four months to end the Boko Haram insurgency which points to the fact that he wants to employ military tactics to quell the problem while some people are advocating for dialogue as well. What is your take on this?
 I subscribe to dialogue provided the dialogue is directed towards the release of the Chibok girls, not of the war generally. If it is towards the Chibok girls, yes, because to me that is a very, very sensitive and trying matter to which one is ready to stoop in order to conquer. But if it is just dialogue generally without that condition, it is not acceptable to me. The Chibok girls must be a factor in the issue of dialogue.
 The deadline given by the president to crush the insurgents: do you think it is achievable?
 It is baffling to me as a layman but I respect his military background and as I always say, these people in positions like that have information flowing in to them from all directions; from Chad, Niger, Cameroon, from our military chiefs, from the DSS. So by the time he collates all these, he probably found or he could plot a graph showing that December is a possible date. So I don’t want to question that. But for me as a layman, I would have been sceptical because the Boko Haram insurgents have proved far more difficult than we ever anticipated.
 You recently took a position on the situation in Osun State by condemning the lady judge that submitted a petition to the State House of Assembly calling for the impeachment of the governor. Why did you take that position, as some people are saying it is because you have a soft spot for the APC and the governor is of the APC?
 I have heard about that, and I felt a bit sad. There is so much scepticism, cynicism in the land. Nobody trusts another anymore in this country. Everybody thinks everybody has a motive; you won’t do anything unless you are getting something back. That is how bad we have degenerated and I don’t blame them for saying that. But there are still quite a number of Nigerians who, out of principle, have a belief, have a cause and speak out of conviction, not out of benefit or anything. Yes, I think the APC is a much better entity and organisation than the PDP. I think so but that is not the reason I spoke out against the judge.
 Are you a card-carrying member of APC?
 I am not going to answer that question.
 Why?
 Because it is my own private right and so I am not going to answer it. But I certainly prefer APC to the PDP, there is no question about that.
 So, what is your reason for speaking out against the judge?
 I was shocked that she did all those things she did and the state Judicial Service Commission did nothing, the National Judiciary Commission did nothing, they just allowed her free reign, to be going on a rampage all over the state, and a judge for that matter. I don’t know what word to use with regard to a judge; it is the most disgraceful and embarrassing sort of image that somebody at that level could project to the world. Judges from time immemorial are people of dignity, decorum and respect, who make statement only in their judgments and in the courts and when they leave the courts, you do not hear anything from them, they keep themselves detached from the public, they don’t take part in the rough and tumble of politics. So, they are placed in that pedestal which compels us to respect them. So when you see us bowing and saying, ‘My Lord’, taking orders from them and taking directives and so on without being able to challenge them directly except by way of appeal, it is because of that type of level of dignity and respect and the importance of their job in society. But when that lady decided to become a politician and decided to politically and publicly attack the head of the government of her state, government that appointed her in office, she completely discarded all the respect, dignity and decorum associated with that office. She turned it into, as I said in another forum, she became a street fighter which is a thing that we should never ever expect from a judge. So, as far as I am concerned, the minute she issued that statement and got it published as emanating from her, she has lost the right to continue to be a judge, she has lost that right and she brought the whole judiciary into shame and odium and she should no longer be in that office. I think she should be queried, disciplined and removed as a lesson to all other people that, ‘if you want to be a politician, you be a politician, if you want to be a judge, then know that there is decorum and respect in it’. Who will appear in her court now and not feel uncomfortable? She’s like any other person in the street, not one of those people that we respect very much. I think she desecrated her oath of office.

The Buhari administration: Prospects and problems

Tatalo Alamu

It is said that thunder hardly strikes twice at the same spot. If the now civilianized former military ruler from Daura is remembered for little else, he will be memorialized as the man under whose watch thunder struck the Nigerian political firmament twice. It is no mean achievement. Let us now elaborate on this political conceit.
In March 1984 and after the first hundred days of his first coming, it was clear that the lean ramrod straight infantry general meant exacting business. Now thirty one years apart, and after another hundred days of the new civilian regime headed by the selfsame but now retired general, Buhari has again shaken Nigeria to its political foundation. A brief historical detour is in order.
At the close of the month of December 1983, a group of senior military officers led by Major General Mohamadu Buhari , as at then the General Officer commanding the Third Division of the Nigerian Army based in Jos, overthrew the  civilian regime headed by Alhaji Shehu Aliyu Shagari. There was widespread jubilation and applause across the length and breadth of the nation. The joyous mood of the nation was captured in the enraptured refrain: “Happy new year, and happy new regime!!”
It is interesting to note that when Buhari was toppled twenty months later in a palace coup spearheaded by the then Chief of Army Staff, Major General Ibrahim Babangida, the applause, if any at all, was muted.  There was no general jubilation except among disaffected factions of the political class. As far as the general populace was concerned, it was a play of giants among military juggernauts in which Nigerians were nothing but spectral spectators.
But as fate and divine destiny would have it, thirty years after his ouster by his colleagues, Buhari has been returned to power as a civilian after another major ruling class implosion and this time on the cusp of a pan-Nigerian revolt against corrupt and inept civilian rule. This was after three storied attempts in 2003, 2007 and 2011 which ended in tears and much gnashing of teeth.
This time around, nothing could have stopped the Buhari momentum as it swept the cobwebs of elite mischief and ancient feuds before it. Never in Nigeria’s history has the national multitude rooted and rallied valiantly for one individual. Since no one can argue with a political volcano, the utterly remiss and renegade Nigerian ruling class quietly slunk away after one last ditch attempt to torpedo the entire process.
It should be noted that the old military coalition which swept Buhari to power was an inchoate, contrary and contradictory amalgam comprising of careerists, rightwing power venders, professional coupists and a sprinkling of genuine nationalists officers. Very soon, the stress and strains began to manifest and it was clear to the discerning that a military showdown was all but inevitable.
It was said that Alhaji Shehu Shagari, the ousted and absconding former civilian president, aborted his precipitate flight around Lafia upon learning of the headship and composition of the new military junta. It was not a revolution, so to say. It was an orderly revolt among military orderlies of the oligarchy.
Demonstrating astonishing political virginity, General Buhari himself did not help matters. A devout  traditionalist obviously insulated from the then prevalent national mood and temperament, he addressed a press conference denouncing those who were insinuating that Alhaji Shagari was brought down to Lagos in chains. This was at a time when Shagari’s deputy, Alex Ekwueme, had been hauled into detention where he developed a beard that would make Nebuchadinazeer wince in fearful admiration.
By the time Buhari was ousted, what was perceived as the less than evenhanded handling of the cases of corrupt self-enrichment and other sensitive national matters had cost the administration considerable elite sympathy particularly among the Southern factions. The powerful ASUU gave up after dismissing the junta as the military wing of the NPN.
Wole Soyinka, soon to be ennobled—or ennobeled—was on fearsome rampage tearing the administration to pieces at every available forum. Two respected civil war stalwarts from the west tore into the administration. In a coup de grace, the inevitable General Obasanjo gave a lecture at UI in which he warned that Nigeria was not the exclusive property of a section and must not be so ruled. It was the beginning of the end.
In retrospect, it can now be seen that just as the military amalgam that originally brought Buhari to power was inchoate and irredeemably conflictual, the civilian coalition that has brought him to power almost thirty two years after is even more inchoate, contradictory and roiling with mutually exclusive political tendencies. It has already occasioned much stress and tension in the polity. The senate is lost to a desperate counter-revolutionary group who do not care a hoot about Buhari’s messianic mission.
It is only a mere hundred days into Buhari’s civilian administration and writs are already flying all over the place. Investigative organs are being legally defanged or disabled on a daily basis. The masses who are still solidly behind Buhari do not own either newspapers or electronic organs of counter-revolutionary dissemination of virulent nation-tearing propaganda and they can only watch in fearful dismay. It is obvious that if thunder can strike twice, so can retrogressive reaction.
What remains is at this point is to take a prospective analysis of the balance of forces, the problems that may fatally entrap Buhari this time around as a result of certain persistent political peccadilloes and the political formations that will shape up in opposition to the retired general in all their structural, systemic, ideological and institutional dimensions. This should serve as a political primer and mnemonic device for the retired general as well as a handy manual for a chronically conflicted nation.
In a brilliant, profoundly ironic comparison of the two Bonapartes, Karl Marx once observed that history often repeats itself, the first time as a tragedy and the second time as a farce. In an interesting gloss on this passage, Terry Eagleton, the notable Anglo-Irish Marxist literary theorist,  has noted that it was not just that Louis Bonaparte was a pathetic parody of his more illustrious uncle but that that was the way Napoleon Bonaparte himself would have appeared had he shown up around that time: A regressive caricature of his former self. In other words, time changes everything and change also must time itself.
It is important to save General Buhari from becoming a self-parodying caricature of his former self. The first time he ruled Nigeria, it was as an absolute military autocrat with all the power, the symbolic aura and paraphernalia of military despotism. This time around as a civilian ruler, he can no longer tap into or avail himself of such wide, untrammeled powers. Military rule is passé and the international community abjures autocratic civilian rule.
But besides all this, and much more importantly, the National Question, in the intervening decades, has been critically exacerbated and Nigeria has become a roiling cage of contrary nationalities clawing at each other to death.  The Nigerian post-colonial state is completely demystified and desacralized. Nothing is sacred or sacrosanct anymore.
President Buhari should therefore not be surprised or miffed if every step he takes to bring succour and solace to Nigerians irrespective of tribe, creed or region is subject to stringent scrutiny and every appointment is viewed from ethnic, religious and regional prism. Many will cock a snook at him just for the fun of it. Others will try to derail him out of bitter primordial malice, and he cannot resort to extra-constitutional measures in a just bid to sanitize the nation without calling into question the fragile national fabric. The Nigeria political elites have never been this bitterly polarized.
Yet it is a scary and precarious situation when a seeming revolution cannot employ revolutionary methods to deal with a historic mess. The former general just has to get on with the job within the circumscribed and constricting ambit of law and order.  Unlike the first time around when he was able to slam a tense somnolence on the nation by sheer military muscle, many more writs will erupt this time around as his sense of justice, evenhandedness and fair play is called into question by ethnic barons and ideological charlatans who have suddenly found their voice after keeping quiet when Jonathan’s misrule appeared to favour their section.
However, one thing Buhari has going for him which his military regime did not enjoy is massive international support and global approval. Having helped to bleed Nigeria senseless through its tacit support for executive pickpockets, the west is now showing some remorse about the fate and tragedy of the greatest conglomeration of Black souls in the world. Buhari should be able to leverage this global opprobrium for looters of our national patrimony irrespective of their status as the internal battle against corrupt enrichment gets underway.
But character is fate as the ancient Greek sages noted.  What may eventually derail President Buhari are certain character traits which may be admirable when viewed in isolation but which when viewed holistically may represent a classic instance of how personal virtues may become political handicaps in the ethnic hotbed and political bedlam of fractious nations.
For example, Buhari’s contempt for the Nigerian political class is legendary .This contempt is well-deserved and shared by many patriotic Nigerians. But such was this contempt that the first time around,  it didn’t allow him to even contemplate a Transition Programme for a return of the country to civil rule. The enemies who would eventually oust him pounced on this.
This time around, the same contempt is driving Buhari to throw the baby away with the birth water by stiffly ignoring the call for another look at the structural misalignment that has hobbled the nation’s march to authentic nationhood. The president sees it as mere political irritation but it may eventually be discovered that without this drastic structural surgery, good governance and probity may simply not be enough.  An opportunistic but expired faction of the political elite has already latched on to this as causus belli, knowing how it resonates with wide sections of the nation.
The other problem is Buhari’s seeming inability to transcend a confining cultural and religious milieu. Nobody can grudge a man for his fidelity to the spiritual and cultural conditioning of his political habitus. This is in the nature of human acculturation. But to rule a fractious multi-national nation like Nigeria requires far more cosmopolitan gamesmanship and metropolitan expansiveness than the president has shown. No one is asking him to admit contrary elements into his inner spiritual chambers, but he needs to widen and broaden his political associations in order to avail himself of the political, economic and spiritual intelligence that he will need in the struggle to redeem Nigeria.
If he has not been told, then he must be told that he could not have come to power without this .That critical political intelligence, economic surveillance, cultural patrolling and intellectual trouble shooting will be quite decisive as the battle to redeem Nigeria shapes up in the months ahead. The first time around, General Buhari did most things right, but left his military flanks exposed which proved fatal.
This time around, President Buhari has been doing most things right while leaving his political flanks exposed which may prove equally lethal. The senate fiasco ought to have taught him a lesson. Even as the benefits of his nationalist reforms are beginning to kick in, he will still need a countervailing patriotic political cadre to shield him from political hyenas and to serve as the conduit pipe and transmission belt of a new national consciousness. It is morning yet after a mere hundred days and whatever the elite carping about posts and postings, Mohamadu Buhari is doing very well.

Buhari needs new ethos and paradigm -Idowu Akinlotan






In its response to accusations of sectionalism and even nepotism in determining federal appointments so far, the Buhari presidency has confidently indicated that balance would soon be restored, itself an admission  of existing disequilibrium. Presidential aides went on further to reassure the country that President Muhammadu Buhari, a changed and firm leader and democrat, harboured no sectional agenda, whether hidden or open. They also added that all the appointments made so far were done on merit, without explaining why merit can’t seem to be widespread, or why it seems to the government expediently localised. There is no statistical proof of how many people are persuaded by the president’s response, but there is at least evidence that most Nigerians, assured by the government’s overwhelming response to the anti-graft war and other laudable steps taken so far, are prepared to give the president the benefit of the doubt.
Why the president did not deem the controversy weighty enough to merit his direct intervention and explanation is hard to fathom. Last week, given the intensity of the migration crisis inundating Europe, not to say the evocative and iconic images of distressed, dying or dead migrants, some of them infants, the British prime minister, David Cameron, felt compelled to urgently and directly respond to accusations of British lukewarmness on the plight of refugees. Germany foresaw the scale of the disaster early enough and indicated preparedness to accommodate more than its fair share of refugees. Britain reacted a little late, but at least Mr Cameron finally stirred himself. A leader cannot react to everything, but he must have the judgement or at least the intuition to know matters weighty enough to require his direct intervention.
President Buhari’s governing machine may just be revving up, as he and his aides have generously asserted. But he has an urgent responsibility to define that machine and open the understanding of the public to its fundamental attributes. Other than his travels to assemble a coalition against Boko Haram, and a few words now and again on his anti-corruption war, he has not made either concrete or symbolic trips to the geopolitical zones of the South to deliver a few great messages about himself, his government, and his country. There is nothing on the ethos of the country, those ennobling characteristics of the nation that manifest in the cumulation of national attitudes and goals. Nor is there anything yet on his governing paradigm, that indispensable fulcrum of policies. But perhaps he is still in deep contemplation.
One hundred days in the life of a government may be an arbitrary figure advertised by unreflective and populist military governments. But it is not so short a period for the public to begin to have a feel of the fundamental direction of the Buhari government in terms of a political manifesto, social charter and economic philosophy. These charters go far deeper than the anti-corruption war he appears besotted to, than his platitudes on the rule of law and other liberties, and than his promises of the good life for everyone, especially the poor. What, in short, these times call for is the enunciation of a new ethos and paradigm for Nigeria. These are the two fundamentals required to drive his vision in the next four years. These are the fundamentals that will define him as a leader and sculpt an image of him in the public mind. These are the fundamentals that will shape and refine the country, and give it a personality in the world, in the same way an individual is defined and shaped by intrinsic ideas and inscrutable personal responses to experiences.
Recruiting advisers and presidential aides, and making other key appointments into his cabinet, are not an end in themselves. They are just a part of the building block. What should engage the president is the kind of building he wants to construct and the use it would be put to. When critics assailed him over the 30 or so appointments he had made so far, accusing him of insensitivity and insularity, it was not because they already dismissed his government. The enlightened among the critics were only alarmed that the appointments did not give an indication of the change and future Nigerians want to see, or that President Buhari possessed the depth and innovation needed to remake the society on a scale that rivals great countries in other parts of the world.
This column advocated this point a few weeks ago. Who are we? What do we stand for? How costly is the life of a Nigerian? What is the leitmotif of our existence? Do we have a leader who embodies the ambition and worldview of Nigeria? This column’s engagement with these issues, especially the recent presidential appointments, is anchored on historical facts. As far back as 6th – 5th century BC, Nebuchadnezzar II, King of Babylon, recognised the importance of widening his empire’s leadership recruitment base by casting his net far and wide to include promising captives of his many wars. The empire boasted of a template to sieve and assess talents from far and wide, a function he obviously placed great emphasis on. It was in that process that Daniel the Jewish captive was discovered. He would later become Prime Minister of Babylon.
President Buhari must possess an acute sense of history, particularly Nigerian history, in order to function above the common mediocrity and self-created restraints that past leaders had entangled themselves with. World history is important to him to the extent that the lives and achievements of great world leaders and countries can ennoble his own actions and inspire him with great and incomparable examples. But to him, Nigerian history must be indispensable to the extent that in one sweeping and wholesome breath he would personify the life and ambitions of Nigeria.
Once a Nigerian leader reaches that esoteric level, he becomes inured to the giant obstacles and barricades — some of them ethnic, and others religious — that create artificial divides between the people. He will then aspire to produce a definition of Nigeria within which he can situate a definition of himself, making the two inextricable, the one personifying the other. He will go on to synthesise the concepts of citizenship and individual rights without which Nigeria can never be great, not even if everyone achieved sainthood in a corruption-free country. Nigeria’s past leaders struggled with depth, unable to do more than enunciate a code of superficial and artificial behaviours for the country, and at various times devote either a department or a ministry to champion what they described as a reorientation movement. But their ethical revolution and national reorientation were nothing but sentimental and wasteful drivel.
A cursory study of Roman history would have shown these leaders how to develop a new ethos, and nurture it. Roman Empire citizenship was so valuable that it was not even lawful for anyone, no matter how highly placed, to strike a Roman without a trial. (A Roman citizen could not be tortured or whipped, nor could he receive the death penalty, unless he was found guilty of treason. If accused of treason, a Roman citizen had the right to be tried in Rome, and even if sentenced to death, no Roman citizen could be sentenced to die on the cross). Paul the Christian missionary had reasons to remonstrate this point with Roman officials during his illustrious proselytising career. But more than two centuries later, Nigerian leaders have been unable to formulate an inspiring, practicable and disciplined concept of Nigerian citizenship, and have consistently sought to hide their incompetence and mediocrity behind the mask of bureaucratic and political skullduggery. Nigerian leaders and their security forces, nearly all of which cannot draw a line between private security interest and national security interest, possess probably one of the worst and most contemptible views of citizenship. Without a revolutionary conception and enforcement of the rights of the Nigerian, it is impossible to harness the country’s energies for national redefinition, growth and greatness, let alone to mobilise the people behind the government for country and glory. Two centuries ago, it meant a whole lot to be a Roman citizen. Today, it means virtually nothing to be a Nigerian.
President Buhari was elected against the wishes of millions of sceptics who never really believed he had changed for the better or was capable of changing. He will be president for the next four years. So, it may be imprudent to give up on him until he gives up on himself. He will of course be criticised, counseled, admonished and reproved until he becomes a much better man and leader, even at 72. If he wants to mobilise the people behind himself, he will need to do more than just fighting corruption, remoulding the economy and instilling discipline. He must fundamentally rethink many national concepts, using a study of historical examples as a stepping stone. He must take contributions from his brilliant aides or his own private readings on how the concept of the German, American, British, French, Russian, and Chinese persons, among others, evolved and were nurtured over the centuries. He can learn from them if he wishes to leave the country a changed nation, far better than he met it.
In a Sunday Times of London extract from his new revelatory and shocking book, The Outsider, due for release this week, the author Frederick Forsyth disclosed how he spied for Britain during the Nigerian civil war. His spying was not much different from the pushy but guileful manner many Western countries’ diplomats ferret information out of top Nigerian business, cultural and political leaders. The disturbing fact is that nearly all Nigerian leaders dissolve into molecules in the presence of white leaders, especially of the industrialised democracies. Though he has not started well, given his hasty visit to the United States even before he had time to recognise his own soul, President Buhari must begin to find ways of hardening his resolve against foreign interferences, and carving out a brave and independent idea of his country and unleashing and propelling the sublime geniuses of its peoples, whether they are writers, artists or musicians. That a leader does not grovel at the feet of white leaders does not mean that, like late Gen Murtala Ramat Mohammed, he is rebellious or defiant. His independent posture can also be interpreted as confident and self-reliant. If Nelson Mandela could do it, other African leaders can also do it, even if not on the same scale.
Eight years of Olusegun Obasanjo was a gross national waste and misadventure. He had the opportunity to lay a solid foundation for Nigerian democracy, albeit a minor component of the needed national ethos. If that was all he was capable of, the country would today be grateful for that modest contribution. But he lacked the intellect and the discipline to fulfill that great and noble mission. Umaru Yar’Adua was a painful, emasculative hiatus. And six years of Goodluck Jonathan proved more than enough to purge Nigerians of any great hope for the future and infuse them with the most enervating pessimism ever. Between the three former leaders, not counting the about 40 years before them, Nigeria has managed to waste 16 whole years.
If the next four years will not be another needless waste, President Buhari must take counsel far beyond his inner, and sometimes limited, reaches. He and his party enthuse about how well he has started. It is not clear what kind of measures they are using. But he needs to conceive and implement fundamental policies that will touch every nerve and organ and hidden crevices in the body politic. He has neither conceived nor implemented anything substantially evocative of the ethos and paradigm his government and this country sorely need. Even the anti-graft battle he is waging has not taken cognisance of the political economy of corruption, let alone devising formulae to ensure a lasting impact on the society, economy and polity.
It is time Nigeria stopped frolicking with the peripherals of politics and government. President Buhari must dig deeper, with the help of his aides and advisers, into the purpose of government to bring out the ethos and paradigm Nigeria needs to fulfill its manifest destiny. Much of the little good Chief Obasanjo did in his eight years in office were quickly reversed because they were neither substantial nor impactful of the lives of the people in an unchangeable, unalterable way. President Buhari will undoubtedly do some good, but whatever things he does seem fated to become meretricious rather than consequential and ramifying — an obsession with provision of milk and bread, etc. rather than life- and destiny-changing ideas and policies in a way no one can dismantle for hundreds of years, not even with a succession of incompetent rulers, such as the Ottoman Empire endured after Suleiman, and Rome fitfully experienced after Julius and Augustus Caesar.

A Soul Search By A Catholic Faithful.

By Petra Iyabo Akinti Onyegbule.


Must have been in my third year or final year in the University when I stopped saying the 'Hail Mary'
I was a Catholic. Staunch one. Baptized. Communicant. Confirmed. I was a member of St Cecilia's Choir of my school chaplaincy. We covered two Masses on a regular Sunday. Damn, I was a member of Block Rosary then Legion of Mary. I prayed the 15 Mysteries and later the 20Mysteries of the Rosary for years. But I stopped saying one of the most important Catholic prayers one day.
Why?
I had no conviction in my spirit to so do.
I recalled that I was taught a reason for the Hail Mary during Catechism. Every Catholic I knew gave the exact same reason. And I figured that if hundreds or thousands or millions or billions had the same reason for doing the same thing, I should search myself and get a reason before continuing.
I still haven't found that reason.
In the same vein, I received Holy Communion for years without going for Confessions. It simply got to a time I stopped going for Confessions. You can't teach me that after Crucifixion when Jesus hung on the Cross the Temple Veil rent in two to symbolise easy access to God the Father then turn around and tell me I need someone to absolve me of my sins when I can easily go to God in prayers, confess my sins and receive pardon.
You see...
I am not good with dogmas. I never have been. I doubt I ever will.
Issues of faith have always been personal. And even now that I have resumed Church going, I still choose what I practice.
Did you ask why I still go for Mass? Oh, because the Catholic Church still appeals to me over others. The Gospel and practice of Social Justice is given a very prominent place in the Church. And for me, that is the whole essence of Christianity as Jesus would approve:-
Feed the hungry;
 Shelter the homeless;
 Clothe the naked;
 Comfort the lonely;
 Tend to the sick;
 Fight for the oppressed;
 Help the poor;
 Strengthen the weak;
 Empathise with others;
 Bury the dead.
Just be your brother's keeper. Loving your neighbor like yourself. Even when it is not convenient.
That is the old time religion. That is Christianity the Catholic way.
It trumps any form of new age Christianity.
The old time religion is good enough for me. Reason I love the Catholic Church. But they should miss me with all them dogmas and some prayers. I ain't got time for those. Well, until God tells me I should.
Have a great Sunday, folks. Good morning.
Evans Adetokunbo Emmanuel,that chat inspired this.



100 Days: Official corruption down by 50 percent – Garba Shehu


By Bashir Adefaka
Mallam Garba Shehu, one-time President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), is Senior Special Assistant to President Muhammadu Buhari on Media and Publicity. In this interview, Shehu gives reasons Nigerians should eschew sentiments about the administrative style of his principal as, according to him, Buhari will not be judged after four years based on ethnic or religious benchmarks but on performance. He, however, says appointments will go round according to the Constitution as the President is a law and order person. He also speaks on Buhari’s 100 days in office, corruption, the economy, etc. Excerpts:
Garba Shehu
Garba Shehu
Nigerians are divided in their reactions to President Muhammadu Buhari’s appointments which many people described as pro-North. How are these decisions expected to take Nigeria to achieving the set goals?
President Buhari is President with responsibility for the entire Federal Republic of Nigeria. He is not a sectional leader. Appointments will be made one step at a time. Others are still coming and it will even run like that throughout the four years of the mandate of the administration. What people should have on this matter is patience. Those who feel they have not been reached will definitely be reached. A government that has a lifespan of four years should not be judged by its action on day one. No. It should be that by the time the President says, ‘Now, I have finished my appointments’, they should be able to look at it and pass judgment as to whether he was fair to all sections of the country or not.
The Constitution of the country protects every part in terms of representation, in terms of clear guidelines as to Federal Character, in terms of representation to give a sense of belonging to everybody.
President Muhammadu Buhari is a law and order person. He is a Constitution-oriented person. He will not fail Nigerians and he will do what is right. We think that much of the anger that is coming is emotional and premature because there are thousands of appointments that can come. And then on the aggregate, people will look at it and judge.
Let me give you an example. When former President Goodluck Jonathan took over, in the first 50 appointments he made, the South -West was not represented. There was a document widely circulated; and even translated into Yoruba and was being aired on local radio stations in the South West and people were being told, “This is not your government. This is what they are doing.”
In the appointments President Buhari has made so far, people should, first and foremost, take consolation in the fact that those he found in the offices, he was not in a hurry to fire them quickly just because he felt he did not appoint them. This is the first time we are witnessing this kind of attitude to governance in Nigeria. This country has a spoilt system by which a new government will fire everybody in office so that they could bring in their own people. President Buhari is doing his own on a case-by-case basis insisting that whoever is there for the good of the country and is adding value to the nation, it would be unfair to carelessly fire him. And this is essential because four years down the line, when Nigerians come to assess what nature of governance President Buhari has given to this nation, the record of success will not be measured by the number of ethnically or religiously based appointments he made. He will be
measured by how many jobs he has created, how much of the prevailing corruption in the country he has curtailed, how much of the infrastructure including power and roads he has fixed and how secured we are because he will be asked whether he has eliminated Boko Haram. These are the things the judgment of his administration will be based upon and on these he is not wavering. He has given 100 percent attention to all of them and people who are kind to him should give him the environment that he needs in order to do more.

How is the President taking the public outcry against his anti-corruption campaign, considering the fact that one of the cardinal reasons he was voted into office was to fight corruption before it kills Nigeria?
Well, it must be disappointing not being appreciated but, beyond all of that, President Buhari is not the gallery kind of politician, who wants to get applause by being populist in his actions. He is looking at the bigger national interest and he believes that he is making a huge sacrifice.
Given all of the service he had rendered to this country, assuming things were going right for the nation, he would have been happier enjoying his rest somewhere. But he ran to be (civilian) President of this country three times and didn’t make it until the fourth time when Nigerians felt it was the right time for him to come and govern them. Things have changed since then. If he had come in 2003, I would say things were bad. Now, things are rotten so much so that there is far more work to do than there were in 2003. So, he is making a huge sacrifice to bring back the nation to the point of sanity and clean all the mess. Yes, corruption is a cancer that has eaten deep into the fabrics of the nation. Without it being addressed, there will not be development in the country. Foreign investments will not come, better life will not come into Nigeria, education will not run well, economy will be shackled, undermined and
infrastructure will not work well.
Look at what is happening with electric power. As I speak to you now, there are so many parts of the country that are enjoying 24-hour power supply. Some,16 hours, some 20 hours daily. Not many people thought this was possible until it came under President Buhari. And people will be shocked to learn that this government has not started to pump money into this thing, yet, it has started to work.

Then what did he do to make it so?
It is the body language of the President and doing the right thing so that all the laziness and sabotage in that sector took flight. We now have far more generated power than we had ever generated in this country. It is not to say that it is adequate for 170 million people but, given the narrowness of the distribution, the power that is being generated today is far more than what the system of generation can handle. So, that poses the next challenge, that is, to expand and renew generation per grid and then make more power to be distributed. So that with the national grid system, if they call Abuja and say, ‘We have more power for you’, they will be glad and say, ‘Oh, pump it’, so that they will give it to people for them to enjoy.
So, we are getting somewhere and the President promised during the campaign period that if he was voted into office, from the day he was sworn in, official corruption would go down by 50 percent.
Voluntarily, people relinquished 50 percent of the corruption that prevailed in the country and that is what has happened.

A member of the House of Representatives recently alerted over a particular distribution company covering his constituency in Oyo State, and its territory extends to Abeokuta, Ijoko, Ota areas of Ogun State, how they are making epileptic power the order of the day whereas other Nigerians are enjoying. Don’t you think things like this will sabotage President Buhari’s effort on power if nothing is done to really check these DISCOs?
They have their own system. Under the system put in place by the National Council on Privatization, distribution companies are supposed to be fined for even taking light thereby not allowing the people to access the power that is allocated to them from the national grid. I want to believe that such penalty will be meted out to them for failing in discharging their duties to the people once found to be so.

The Central Bank of Nigeria reportedly said the economy was at this state because there were no fiscal directions….?
(Cuts in) Nobody will tell you that there is no fiscal direction. President Buhari knows where he is going. Look at what is happening in the country with oil, in terms of failed price, which has come down from $120 to $43 per barrel and the prediction is that, it may even fall further. With sanctions on Iran being gradually removed, by the time Iran resume their place in the oil market, they will pump more oil and the price will still come down, coupled with the fact that this country has a record of unprecedented oil theft that President Buhari is trying to curtail and eliminate eventually. Therefore, the earnings of the country are down and a responsible government must do whatever it can in order to reduce the wastage of foreign exchange. Government is trying to manage that.
Look at the issue of importation of rice; billions of US dollars expended on this, on a commodity that is locally growable and is available. Seven states have already taken the challenge under this government and they are saying, ‘We can provide Nigeria with rice to export beyond our capacity to consume’. But there are other things that are so frivolous and annoying just like where Nigerians buy tooth pick from China. So, what they (CBN) are saying is, ‘Manufacturers or somebody setting up industry or a productive venture, going overseas on medical, school fees and all of that, don’t even go to the parallel market. Come to the CBN, we will give you forex. But if it is frivolous items that they have listed and advertised, no, go elsewhere and source your foreign exchange’. And that is why even when oil price has gone down, our foreign reserve has risen.

But in its own assessment, the main opposition party, PDP, said the economy had worsened under the Buhari’s 90, 100 days administration. How do you react to that?
It depends on their judgment about assessing an economy. May be they are talking about their personal economy that it is worse than it used to be. They ran an economy in which they put government money on the table and shared it. This is what President Buhari has stopped.
Nigerians should be patient with Mr. President. By the time he addresses the nation on the recoveries that are being made in the oil sector, in the national security sector that has come under probe now; of procurement of weapons and this Air Force jet that crashed killing pilots of the Nigerian Armed Forces! …because people bought equipment that were left unattended to, you see, by the time President Buhari will address the nation on all these, a day will come when people in the street will ask, ‘Are you PDP?’ and you will reply, ‘No, I am not PDP’. Yes. And it will be so because of the shame to answer the name of PDP.
So, the economy of the PDP is under threat. The economy of the Nigerian nation is being revived.

What could you really point to of this government’s achievements in the last 100 days?
It is too early to assess the government or any government in terms of its failure or success in 100 days. But 100 days are sufficient enough to know and understand a leader and his government on where they stand on issues of the day; where they are coming from and where they are going. So, there is enough on the table for Nigerians to see and understand President Buhari, where he is going to and he has given clear indications as to where he stands on issues of the day.
He would not steal money and would not allow others to steal. He would reinstate our international relations, which had been mismanaged. America, Europe, even our neighbors, now we are friends with everybody. President Buhari would be business friendly. Foreign investments will come because he is bent on creating a secured environment. He is going to defeat terrorism. He has given three months’ timeline to the service commanders and they have accepted the challenge. They are saying, ‘Mr. President, we can even do it in shorter period of time’. They are doing it and it is ongoing. So, infrastructure is being revived. We just talked about power now which industry is happy about. And the thing then is to continue to expand the generation and distribution of power and this is there in the APC manifesto of more than 20,000 megawatts in four years. We hope that we will get there.
There is going to be massive transformation of agriculture and mining, because those are where the jobs are, so that all these young people will be cleared off the streets by the jobs in agriculture and mining unless they are not willing. Already we are enjoying dividends of peace. Neighborhoods are becoming safer. People are sleeping nicely and dreaming sweet dreams because security is getting better. More of these will come. So, President Muhammadu Buhari has given indication and I think, by-and-large, 90 percent or more of Nigerians are happy and are identifying with the direction he is going.
There would be a few people, as I said, especially PDP, who are not happy. How will they be happy? Governor Adams Oshiomhole said somebody stole $6 billion. That person will be a fool if he doesn’t bring out one billion, two billion (Naira) to go and compromise public opinion and try to corrupt the judiciary with that kind of money. So, we expect attacks would come. These are people who pay for Buhari to be attacked, but he would not be deterred because he is determined to remain on course.

When do we have our ministers?
The ministers will come.