Monday 24 August 2015

It’s sad, said Sa’ad - Sam Omatseye


It’s sad, said Sa’ad
It’s a pity that Bishop Matthew Kukah was the only cleric who stuck out his neck for Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. It’s also a pity that the only one who does not want to be a hypocrite is on the burner of fiery criticism.
It’s also a pity that corruption, the bane of our history and cultural fabric, was played down by Nigeria’s most intellectual man of God.
But these were not the most telling of my experiences last week. I debated GEJ with a prominent writer, and he defended the scum of his era. His case: Nigeria created Jonathan and Nigeria had to live with him. Was Jonathan a corrupt man, I asked? He wallowed into meaningless obfuscation. He would not accept that his administration was bad. Neither would he agree that his government misruled this country. He said he was good for Nigeria.
After that conversation and the gaffe from Kukah, I told myself that no ruler in Nigerian history has corrupted fine minds like Jonathan since the IBB era.
The philosopher David Hume once asserted: “The corruption of the best produces the worst.” He reeled out this line in respect of religion.
In the same week when all sorts of foul charges were pelted at the door of Jonathan’s regime, the ex-president was photographed bouncing off a private jet. He wanted to see animals at a Games Reserve in East Africa with his wife and others who followed him on another private jet. The same week when the Immigration boss was suspended for corrupting the process of employment, the NPA was reported to have spent N160 billion of N162 billion it made last year. The NPA story also tells us that most of their dealings were undervalued, a code word for corruption.
Kukah, a constant motif in Nigerian debates, is a master of the rigmarole. You hardly know where he stands on an issue. He navigates a warren of narratives, entices you with his folky ability to spin a yarn, props up the pros and cons with almost equal poise, and berths in a never-land. A few times he is caught in a position, he is exposed. He did that when he profiled the ethnic groups in the country. And now this.
He probably needs to read Jesus’ admonition that “let your yea be yea and your nay nay.”
Why Kukah’s case is sad is that I expected all those Christian clerics who did not have enough of Jonathan as a son of God to say something. Did Jonathan not visit all of them? Did they not endorse him? Was it not because of them that his numbers went up in the Southwest? Was he not doling out prophet’s offerings in dollars?
Are they not aware of all the revelations now? Is curse not in the house of the thief, according to scriptures?
Why did they leave Kukah alone to say what all of them probably thought? Did they not robe Buhari in Boko Haram clothing? Was Buhari not the devil? Or have they changed their minds, or are they rethinking them? Many of them who claimed to hear from God, did they hear wrong?
“He that hath my word, let him speak it faithfully,” wrote Prophet Jeremiah. “What is the chaff from the wheat?” Did Jesus not say, “I have not sent them, depart from me, ye that work iniquity?”
Was it a mistake? Why not repent openly? Prophets can err, but they owe it to their flocks to own up. None of them has gone back to their flock to discuss what happened in the Jonathan era? Was it the veil of Satan, or they said what they did not hear?
Why has any of them not asked the CAN leader Ayo Oritsejafor to speak in the spirit of contrition about the waywardness of their prophesies and injunctions.
Kukah’s peace committee, as Tatalo Alamu noted, was not intended to shoo Jonathan out of power. It boomeranged with Buhari victory. They erred by asking Buhari to follow the rule of law. He had not flouted it or shown any sign he was going to. When outrage was bursting out ears about the sums of money allegedly stolen, it was out of sync with the Gospels and human dignity to use rule of law as veneer. Then Kukah showed their true colour when he said Jonathan did a spectacular thing, so we should move on.
The good voice of the week came from the Sultan of Sokoto, Sa’ad Abubakar III, when he asked that all thieves should go to jail. That is the sort of thing Jesus would have said.
History is replete with men of God who associated with rulers of decay. Recently, the era of George W. Bush was marked by clerics who paraded the White House. Eventually his ranking among people fell. The man who had mentioned Jesus as his role model left office as a liar and “murderer.” The same clerics fell into moral filth and disgrace.
Kukah did not lose his way, I think. The fog just cleared and our eyes just opened to his vision of Nigeria. Clerics are good on the pulpit, but we should not be pupils of their conduct. The Bible is replete with men of great revelations who erred in conduct from Abraham to Peter the rock.
“If I had served my God as I have done my king, he would not have given me over in my grey hairs.” Those were the words of Cardinal Wolsey who mortgaged his sacerdotal conscience to King Henry VIII of England. Henry VIII was a monarch for life. GEJ reigned only for about eight years. So the clerics returned to their duties. Shakespeare’s rendition of the quote hits the bull’s eye. Since most of the clerics have not ruined their callings. Here is Shakespeare’s rendering in his play Henry VIII: “Had I but served my God with half the zeal I served my king, he would not in mine age have left me naked to my enemies.”
The bard of Avon anticipated Kukah who is now being roasted by his enemies. Wolsey did not follow the law. Henry the VIII who wanted to break with the Catholic Church to have a divorce and marry a Boleyn sister, met resistance in Thomas More as Robert Bolt’s dramatised in his play, A Man for All Seasons. Thomas Cromwell was More’s counterpoise as shown in Hilary Mantel’s novel, Bring Up the Bodies. Both books shed light on the critical time in English and world history. It pitted men of God against worldly opportunists and their kings. Robert More alone survives today as a man of conscience.
I enlist this column with the Sultan. Probe and jail. The Jonathan era was a corpulent corpse. It stinks and infects. Ebenezer Babatope, no role model, says Jonathan was pure. Technically maybe. But not morally. If you preside over rottenness, you cannot be free of its stench. But if there was a law against foolishness in leadership, GEJ will go to jail. But he will have to explain to us as a people how all of these happened on his watch. Just as the CAN and its members should explain how their ‘eyes of understanding’ did not see what the lay voter saw of the corpulent corpse of the GEJ era. Lying is corruption. It’s time for all to be true to themselves. As Shakespeare wrote in Henry VIII: “Corruption wins not more than honesty.”

Sunday 23 August 2015

BACK TO OUR ROOTS.

 

 
dele-momodu-backpage-Real.jpg - dele-momodu-backpage-Real.jpg
PENDULUM BY DELE MOMODU, Email: dele.momodu@thisdaylive.com

Fellow Nigerians, I had cause to visit Yakooyo, a very small town in the State of Osun days ago. I had not been here I’m sure in over two decades. As tiny as Yakooyo is, this rural settlement boasts of one of the most famous military icons in Nigeria, Lt. General Alani Ipoola Akinrinade. For those who may be too young to remember this great veteran of many exploits, let me make a brief introduction. Born on October 3, 1939, General, as we all fondly call him, started his early life in his home town but travelled out for his secondary education at Offa Grammar School before joining the Army as a cadet in 1960. He later attended the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, in the United Kingdom from August 1960 and was duly commissioned as Second Lieutenant in the Infantry Corps on December 20, 1962. He attended the Infantry Officer Career /Airborne Course in the USA, the Staff College, Camberley and Royal College of Defence Studies in the United Kingdom…
The General rose rapidly: Lieutenant in 1963, Captain in 1965, Major in 1967, Lt. Colonel in 1968, Colonel in 1972, Brigadier-General in 1974, Major General in 1976 and Lt. General in 1979. The attractive, affable, amiable but stern General occupied many positions in the Army notable of which are: GOC of 1 Infantry Division 1975-1979, Member Supreme Military Council during Murtala/Obasanjo regimes 1975-1979, Chief of Army Staff and eventually, Chief of Defence Staff, before his voluntary retirement in 1981. Space and time would not allow me to shower enough encomiums on this gentleman officer and Statesman but I had the pleasure of meeting him at home this week in the company of my very good friends, Prince Adedamola Aderemi and Senator Tokunbo Afikuyomi, as well as some members of the Aderemi royal family. This visit was more in the form of a reunion and an opportunity to relive old memories, as the trio of Prince Aderemi, Senator Afikuyomi and myself had worked assiduously and tirelessly in England in various ways and forms during the NADECO days, with several other NADECO strongmen like late Papa Anthony Enahoro, Prof Wole Soyinka, General Akinrinade, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Chief Odigie Oyegun, Rev. Peter Obadan, Prof Bolaji Akinyemi, Dr Kayode Fayemi, Dr Wale Oshun and their ilk, in the fight for the actualisation of democratic freedom and ideals in Nigeria. We spent more than a couple of hours tapping into his cerebral brain and drinking from his fountain of wisdom and knowledge, whilst enjoying his wisecracks. Trust me, you can never get tired of chatting with this General of Generals.
General Akinrinade earned my utmost respect during the NADECO days when some of us took to the forests to escape from the maximum military rulers of the time and we served our exile years together. His commitment to the reinstatement and enthronement of Democracy was total. He risked everything including his safety and personal comfort and that of his family. In those ugly years, he and Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu committed stupendous resources to the battle for the soul of Nigeria and the General lost his prime possessions in the course of the struggle. He has remained steadfast ever since and he is currently championing the cause of Yoruba unification and continues to be a most vociferous voice for the advancement of his people. Today, I remember the endless meetings at his famous apartment at The Quadrangle near Edgware Road and it was in that spirit we drove with my colleagues to Yakoyo to pay homage to this proud son of Africa and to pick his ideas on the on-going developments in the Yoruba polity especially.

The General did not disappoint. He was his usual ebullient self. He looked as fresh and calm as a cucumber. Although just only recently arrived at home from farming that afternoon because we had called at short notice to alert him that we were on our way, his skin appeared flawless and he was as usual mentally alert. It is a measure of the simplicity and humility of this great man that he was willing to receive us in his home despite the short notice that we had given him and his pre-occupation with the work he was doing on the farm.
Once we settled in with him, he took us on a tour de force of the Nigerian trajectory from the past to the present. He was perfectly in sync with us despite our wide age differences. I met a man at peace with himself and his God.
That journey ignited something in me. It was a spark that catapulted me back to my roots. If I refer to Yakoyo today as a township, it is as a result of the wonderful contributions of its most celebrated son, Alani Akinrinade. Alani, with due respects, is every parent’s dream. He has given a lot back to his community as evidenced by the fact that the roads of this provincial small town are well tarred and maintained in contrast with some of its neighbours.
Entering General Akinrinade’s private abode is something else from the moment you enter through his gates as your senses are titillated to expect the experience of a lifetime. The driveway into Alani’s paradise instantly reveals a great mind at work. The trees are well manicured and the flowers and plants properly maintained. As if to demonstrate the splendour of the place a proud peacock struts its stuff beside the dazzling blue swimming pool.
The General’s home is not your simple country home though. He and his brothers have a massive farm homestead which boasts of a major poultry farm and a gari factory that is almost second to none in quality. From the gari factory, the brothers maintain a steady and significant source of income through exportation to Europe, the United States and indeed Asia.
Truth is, the serenity and tranquillity of the place got me very jealous. The rustic setting of the surroundings was surreal for someone who has lived in Lagos and other cities of the world. Approaching the homely plantation I had seen the good fold of Yakoyo going about their daily business in a simple but clearly contented and peaceful manner. The hustle and bustle of a city was totally lacking and you could palpably sense the kinship, friendliness and support structure engendered by the communal spirit in which the people live.
I realised that Lagos in particular has kidnapped most of us and kept us in a gilded cage. We live in expensive ghettos and think we are enjoying. Believe me, real enjoyment belongs elsewhere in rural areas like Yakoyo.
From its name, Yakoyo (pronounced ‘ya ko yo”) means, “visit us and eat to your heart’s content”. You can imagine the confidence that gave birth to the generosity of the populace of the town which is clearly inherent in the name given to the town. Farming must have been a major preoccupation of the people. They must have imbibed the adage “bi ebi ba ti kuro ninu ise, ise buse” (once food is available, poverty is reduced). That was what came to our minds as we walked into the welcoming arms of our great mentor. Despite our protestations that we were coming from a family gathering where we had been adequately nourished with food and drinks our genial host would hear nothing of it. We were therefore dutifully plied with champagne of various hues, red wine and soft drinks by loyal staff who demonstrated their adoration and respect for their boss in the way in which they efficiently dealt with our requests, such that we did not want our stay to end.
We spent good time learning from this amazing teacher about the military, politics, social interaction and business. I was most touched when the kind General bemoaned the plight of university lecturers and the hard times upon which they had fallen. He noted that in the late 70’s and until the early 90’s, he hosted lots of University lecturers and had cause to showcase their diverse talents to visiting dignitaries and businessmen. At that time the lecturers were smart, confident and content because they were reasonably well paid and could afford the good things of life like decent homes, nice serviceable cars and above all proper education for their children. Now the reverse is the case as most university lecturers live a pitiale existence and have lost confidence in themselves.
When our short but highly informative lecture session was over, we were simply not ready to leave our host and his delightful home, but nightfall was beckoning. We had a long-winding road, at various stages of construction and re-construction, to traverse all the way to Lagos. We left with good memories of a Paradise lost and wished we could set the hands of the clock backwards and relive our lives all over again. We drove out and joined the famous Ife-Ibadan dual carriage Expressway. It was anything but express or indeed dual carriage as we dodged not only potholes and near gullies but also oncoming vehicles that had to leave their own side of the road because what we were experiencing on our side of the road was child’s play compared to seeming road failure on the other side. Still we didn’t mind the inconvenience. Something must take you back home and indeed something took us back to that cradle of civilisation. In the fullness of time, you will appreciate what we all collectively vowed to do henceforth.
Oh, how can we ever forget the trip to Osogbo on Tuesday night as we contemplated relaxing after a hard day of meetings and consultations. As we raced towards the Osun State capital, our tongues salivated to the prospect of Mama Ope’s food canteen where we were determined to deal ruthlessly with those stubborn goats and the orisirisi. We didn’t bother going to our hotel first to refresh. It was that serious. I had not been to that joint in years. Wow, the gbegiri was heavenly. I felt a taste totally different from the fake ones mostly served in our big cities. The palm-oil was refreshingly tasty. The ewedu was organic and straight from the farm. The amala was light and healthy. This is the life, I thought. I should have brought my son Eniafelamo along to do justice to these tasty dishes.
Now you can feel why I feel like the Odyssey band singing: Going Back to our Roots…

Kukah: The devil at work on a priest?

 Tunde Fagbenle  


Tunde Fagbenle
Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah is not new to controversy. Back in his younger days in the 90s as a Reverend Father in Lagos, controversy appeared to be his second name. He courted it. But most often, he was known to speak for and on the side of the oppressed, the masses. He was thus loved. He was the young, audacious Father who dared speak truth to power. And in those days, military power!
Then one day, Father Kukah woke up and spoke without much of discretion in an interview he granted the press, such that this column, in its April 14 edition, concluded that the Father forgot to say his prayers before he began the interview.
Father Kukah had, in the eyes of most Yoruba, denigrated the entire ethnic group in his specious characterisation of the major ethnic groups in the country. Whilst describing the Igboman as “hard-working,” and the “Northerner” (the whole agglomeration of them) as imbued with special dignity, all Kukah saw the Yoruba people bringing to the national table was their “sense of extravagant celebration.” All hell was let loose on poor Kukah, a friend I’d known from way back in London when he was still accumulating priesthood learning.
Father Kukah got transferred to Sokoto not long after that gaffe and he also rose in rank to become a Bishop of the Catholic Church. A measure of Kukah’s national prominence and respectability was how often his name came up in intellectual circles, pre-2015 elections, as one such leader Nigerians should have as president.
Our Bishop resurfaced during the heat of the 2015 elections when Nigeria looked down the precipice of war and disintegration, and almost no one saw how such calamity could be averted. A number of distinguished Nigerians from different tongues and walks of life got themselves together, probably with the prodding and backing of powerful countries such as the USA and Britain, self-appointed themselves “National Peace Committee” (NPC) with the mission to broker peace between the two major contestants for president and secure assurances of both parties to “protection” of the victor and the loser — whichever way the pendulum swung.
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Our Bishop Kukah is a member of that group of eminent Nigerians that include former military head of state, retired General Abdulsalami Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar III, Ayo Oritsejafor (president, Christian Association of Nigeria), clergymen John Onaiyekan and Nicholas Okoh.
Speculation is rife that at that point members of the committee, as well as important international community, knew one or two things. One, that in all probability, Buhari, with the new political arrangement masterminded by Tinubu, would emerge victorious.
Two, that with the way things were in the country and the depth of rottenness, it was not desirable for Jonathan to continue in power lest there soon would be no more country to “milk.”
It is further speculated that part of the “bargaining chip” with which the NPC was armed in wresting that “noble” act of conceding defeat from Jonathan was a full dossier of the extent of loot he and his cronies have stacked in foreign banks or invested in foreign lands and the NPC’s ability to wrest assurance of “immunity from prosecution” from a victorious Buhari.
Speculation goes further that whilst Jonathan gave his commitment to the deal, Buhari probably cleverly spoke in “generalisations” of readiness not to go after Jonathan but to observe “the rule of law.”
Further speculation is that whereas retired General Buhari had mere general notions of the level of rot in the system under Jonathan, the wanton extent of it now seeing since assuming the reins of power is maddening enough to force repudiation and make one jail anyone, even one’s mother!
This is the crux.
Infuriated that anyone, any Nigerian, could so much “hate” the country to commit the sort of atrocities tumbling out of the cupboard, and also backed by the mood of the people baying for blood regardless of whose ox is gored, President Buhari does not see himself bound by any “senseless” undertaking to “let sleeping dogs lie” – dogs that have swallowed the seeds to national prosperity.
In Buhari’s view, it is heart-wrenching enough to let the top dog lie, certainly not all the other dogs. But waking up all the other dogs would necessarily wake up the top dog. Wahala!
Former President Jonathan, it is speculated, is concerned that one side is about breaching the terms of the deal that saw him accepting electoral defeat and, unprecedentedly, congratulating the victor. The task of the NPC is an unpleasant one. They know the truth, or enough of it, yet have decided that a bargain is a bargain and whatever is now seen or not seen, the deal must be honoured, at all costs.
At all costs?
Yes, says Bishop Kukah, the spokesperson and reportedly the motivator of the eminent NPC group. And this is where Kukah has once again incurred the wrath of Nigerian masses. And he has done so in a manner that, perhaps, may do his reputation deep damage.
Hear him: “The singular decision that Jonathan took (of conceding defeat) is what has kept us as a nation. So, I think that even for that singular act alone, Nigerians must be appreciative of what President Jonathan did… even if he stole all the money in the world.”
Yes, you heard him right, “even if Jonathan (had stolen) all the money in the world.” What could inform this of our dear priest? The religious injunction that, “man must not live by bread alone?” Or that parable in which Jesus Christ ‘embraced’ the sinful prostitute and challenged anyone who had not sinned to cast the first stone? What, for Christ’s sake? Or is it the sheer knowledge that few Nigerians, even amongst his hallowed group, were cleaner than Jonathan who ever had such opportunity?
Right now, Nigerians are up in arms against Kukah and his now-turned-unwelcome group. In a rather unsparing Editorial, The PUNCH newspaper insists that Kukah’s position “also raises larger question about our values.”
To be sure, President Jonathan is not and could not have been “where the rain began to beat us,” as our late Chinua Achebe would put it. Jonathan is not the first or only living president or head of Nigerian state to have done great damage to our national coffers and psyche. Some would even argue that he may not be the worst. We would not know. But the country is at a juncture of change, of restitution, of rebirth. And as The PUNCH editorial avers: “Under Buhari, Nigeria has a rare opportunity to make a break with the oppressive yoke of corruption. And in waging the war, there should not be any sacred cow. There must be no room to tolerate crooked public officials and those who hope for windfalls from powerful friends in high places.
Matthew Hassan Kukah and his eminent NPC group have done well by bringing us peace, perhaps time to stay in their cassocks and give Nigeria the chance to reorder its existence, away from the impunity of the past into a brave new world of zero tolerance for corruption. This war cannot be waged, talk less won, without making examples by jailing those high and mighty, who by their inordinate greed and wanton recklessness, have brought the country to its knees.
And that’s saying it the way it is!

Ex-Heads of State will protect Jonathan from persecution —Kukah

 Tobi Aworinde


Bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Sokoto, Matthew Kukah
How would you rate former President Goodluck Jonathan’s performance in office?
This should be the subject of many books. I think too many of us have gotten carried away by the political propaganda and wars by both the All Progressives Congress and the Peoples Democratic Party, in which both Jonathan and (President Muhammadu) Buhari were subjected to different characterisations. But we must get past all that. Jonathan’s presidency was not perfect and there will never be one. We all believe that he could have done a lot of things differently, but I believe he did his best. It was, in our eyes, far from what we expected. But we must move away from the narratives of propaganda to the realities now. History will judge Jonathan and I worry that we are allowing talks about probes and so on to becloud our judgment of what he did right. If we cannot identity the good things, how can we identify the bad things?
Former President Jonathan did not have the rough muscles you need to govern a country like Nigeria. His work to give us a credible electoral machine, his ability to tame his ambition; all these are things we cannot ignore. The mismanagement of our resources is a real challenge, which we must face and the government must take up very seriously. People have the mistaken notion that some of us are against the probe or that we are shielding Jonathan. What have I got to gain by shielding Jonathan, now that he is not in power? President Buhari’s concern should be with the choir of hypocrites and cheer leaders who are clamouring around him now. If Jonathan is guilty of theft of state funds, that should be dealt with but it should not distract us from whatever else he may have done well. He was a good man and, sadly, if bad (or good) things happened under his watch, we must let everyone take his or her own share of the blame or praise.
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In specific terms, what do you think Jonathan’s administration will be remembered for?
God alone knows, but he will be remembered as a great Nigerian statesman who put God and nation first. And that is indelible mark of honour which money cannot buy. It is a mark of character and honour.
If you think those around President Buhari are hypocrites, are you saying they are also corrupt and should be probed too?
I did not imply that those around him are hypocrites, but I imply that there are hypocrites all over and they would have been with Jonathan if he had remained (in office). They would have been castigating him as a religious bigot and so on. The hypocrite knows what is right but just pretends. All the talk about transparency and fighting corruption, President Buhari knows that he has not raised an army of the righteous yet and this is why he must be careful. Age, experience, certificates, old networks, etc. have nothing to do with it. Honour is a scarce commodity in Nigeria.
My main worry is that this probe thing is a distraction because it has not been spelt out yet. In any case, the nation cannot stop till probes have been concluded. In my view, the President showed his hand too early. Everyone knows what the General (Buhari) stands for and that is precisely why he was elected. It is much like the Pope saying now that I have been elected, I will preach the gospel. That is precisely why he is there. So, my worry is that the probe talk will soon become the theme song of those like the Roman lynch mobs on the streets who just want blood. And (it is) the blood of other people, not those of their fathers, uncles, aunties or townsmen and women. I think the President could have developed a template for doing this and simply roll it out when he is ready. Now, my worry is that it will become a distraction and sooner than later, ethnic, religious and regional chauvinists will get in the way. After all, he tried and jailed many people for 50, 80, 90 and 100 years. Some of them have finished their jail terms and they are with him in the APC or in the PDP now. So, this is the conundrum we are in.
What then is your candid advice for President Buhari on probing corrupt activities by the last administration?
He already has the experience but as he has admitted, he is wearing a new garb of a democrat. He knows that these probes will not be easy, especially given that from our experience, the more you steal the more you can find enough national and international lawyers to frustrate things. Have we not been waiting for almost 20 years now for the late (Gen. Sani) Abacha’s loot? It is a long road to travel and I believe that the President must never allow the bad to become the enemy of the good. We all must defeat the ogre of corruption which has consumed our past, destroyed our present and threatens our future. But this dragon will not be slain with just one arrow. President Buhari can lay the foundation, but winning the war requires more than him. Fighting corruption requires scientific skills; an understanding of the causative factors, that is all I am saying. We all will be the beneficiaries but it will take time to wean those who have been brought up in the milk of corruption such as we all are now. I do not like the words ‘fighting corruption’ myself. I think the corruption is a symptom of our semi-primitive state of existence. Only development can defeat corruption, not threats, moral exhortations or lachrymal denunciations.
Should President Buhari just forget about the stolen monies kept in places and move on?
How can he or anyone forget? But first, where are the places where the monies are? Identifying the location is the first step. The problem is, these monies are stolen and they are not necessarily lost. The challenge is to find those who will help us find them. But finding them is just the beginning of the problem. The real problem is getting the loot back because it — the loot — is sustaining banks, corporations, businesses, industries and careers abroad or in the safe havens and these people (countries) will fight back with everything. You think these banks will just wire this loots to you just like that? They have more lawyers, better lawyers than our entire country. It is almost 20 years now and we still have not seen the Abacha loot. All we hear are stories, since (former President Olusegun) Obasanjo’s time. I am just pointing out difficulties and not discouraging anyone; but there are choices to make. The President has only four years; he has to decide on how he will conserve his energies and which battles to fight, when and how. Our people love drama, but theatre has only a passing use for us now. He does not have a Supreme Military Council of Generals to throw people into jail. He has a National Assembly to deal with and there are still lingering problems with that august body. The President needs help in clearing the debris and banana peels ahead.
Should monies only be recovered and the looters be left unpunished?
I was with the Oputa Panel and I have also studied some part of the justice system as it concerns issues of human rights, reconciliation and justice. We can put all the people we want in jails but what will that do? We can even kill them, but then, what next? The African mind is not so much tuned to punitive justice but we tend to focus more on integrative and restorative justice. The theft has denied us development. So, Buhari can and should learn from ex-President Obasanjo who got back so much of the loots after he came in without any noise. I recall him saying that even pastors helped to bring back loots from repentant parishioners. I believe the President, using the intelligence resources available, should consider surprise as the most vital tool in this fight. My worry has not been about not probing as some of my critics falsely think. I have been saying ‘think, plan and execute.’ If you make so much noise, vital evidence, data and files will be destroyed by collaborators in the civil service or the relevant offices. The President has not named his team in this battle yet and he needs to court whistleblowers and wean them from the looters who may still have control over them. We must all know that loyalties have not changed yet.
Many Nigerians have expressed their displeasure with your statement on a live breakfast television programme recently, where you said, if the incumbent president probes the former president, it could be the incumbent’s turn tomorrow.
I consider myself a public intellectual. My job is to stir the hornet’s nest, generating new ideas and pointing the way forward. I am quite lucky that I have the chance to air my views. You sound as if I was against the former President being probed. My point is that no one knows what will happen tomorrow and a routine procedure like a probe should not be made to sound like a mission of vengeance. What is more, can you honestly tell me what will happen tomorrow? Did Obasanjo know he would end up in prison? Was Gen. Buhari not detained himself? Some of us are concerned with the future and we do some reflections. I do not just talk, I try to think and I make mistakes; my views are not gospel and people are free and welcome to nourish me with new ideas. But it is sad when people turn ignorance and prejudice into marketable commodities.
I believe the Office of the President is a ‘semi-sacred’ office and we must respect it, even if we mistakenly put a scoundrel there. We can respect the office and still punish the occupant if he misbehaves. And Americans did some of this with, say, President (Richard) Nixon and even the way they handled (Bill) Clinton. There is the tendency to divide us into those who support presidents and those who do not. I was labelled a PDP and APC supporter; some of those looking for food said I was against Jonathan and so on. I actually feel vindicated when I hear people accuse me of one thing today and another tomorrow.
Nigerians must have heroes and heroines; people whose names will inspire some awe, not because they are saints but because of what they have done. Even if Jonathan goes to prison, the world will not forget that he saved our country from doom. I am saddened that some food-is-ready, fly-by-night supporters of Buhari, who are not interested in Nigeria but angling for positions, want to place the exigencies of the moment ahead of the nation. Their fanaticism endangers and blurs the path for both the President and country.
Nigeria has received overwhelming international acceptance under President Buhari. Why do you think this is so?
God knows. But again, this is the reason why I sound so impatient. I am not stampeding the President as some people think. What I am saying is that this goodwill is like snow; like ice, it could melt. The international community has a short attention span and we Nigerians have far more enemies than we understand. It is a pity if we think that everyone is happy with how the elections went. If the enemies sense that Nigerians are unsure, are still quibbling, are still incoherent, before you know what is happening, the drumbeat will change. Buhari will be accused of running an Islamic and northern agenda; he will be accused of persecuting Christians, ignoring this or that zone, and so on. This is what happens when you allow a vacuum, which nature abhors. I am genuinely concerned that we do not fritter this goodwill because all it takes is a small problem; earthquake or a major disaster somewhere, and attention will turn away from us.
Do you then think Nigeria’s recent closeness to the United States should be reconsidered, as some analysts have said?
I do not think that the closeness to the United States, if you call it so, is newly found. Remember that we were the first to receive the American Peace Corps in the 1960s. We should worry that Nigeria did not build on the tremendous goodwill of that great country. Go back to the visit of Sir Tafawa Balewa; Google it and see the reception. TIME Magazine made him ‘Man of the Year,’ the first African to achieve that feat. America had very high hopes for Nigeria but we blew it. Nigerian presidents have been welcomed in the White House far more than any other country in Africa or the developing world. Remember they had offices in Lagos, Kano, Kaduna, and so on. We could obtain our visas in Kaduna. What happened? Only a foolish country will refuse the hand of friendship of the most powerful and most friendly nation in the world.
How would you rate Buhari’s first three months in office?
I do not know what to say because there isn’t much on the table. It is gratifying that the President has moved decisively to take on the challenges of Boko Haram, for example. But I wished that by now, we (would have) had some skeletal portfolios such as the Chief of Staff, Secretary to Government of the Federation and so on. But, he knows best and we await the childbirth.
Don’t you think he needs to take his time to appoint the right people to work with in order to have round pegs in round holes?
The President can take all the time in the world; it will never be a guarantee of the quality of his choice. Jesus prayed before choosing his disciples; he knew every man’s character, but Judas was in the crowd. I hear Nigerians harping on choosing the right people. How do you measure the right people? Is my ability to write a good article, the fact that I went to Oxford, Cambridge, and Yale, all evidence that I am a good material? I think all the President should do is appoint people, read the riot act, lay down the minimum of what is tolerable and sack people when they fall short. But there will always be traitors. After all, from what one hears, the transactional costs of access are already beginning to manifest. The opportunity that access offers will be abused by aides and so on. President Buhari, for all these years, has not mixed with people. So, he has to rely on pieces of paper and whispers, most of which will be based on personal interests.
The President will not change the entire bureaucracy, the security and other agencies. It is action that will recruit us into this battle, not some mere look in the face or pieces of paper or pedigree. Today’s saint can become the worst crook. It is what happens when we sit on that seat and the pressures to do good, to help in the name of in-laws, schoolmates, traditional or religious rulers, and so on take their toll; when they offer you their daughters because you are now a minister, these are the pressures. The President should be concerned with raising a hard-core, concrete architecture that will guide public office holders and set the bar high, rather than all the talk about quality of persons. Labels do not tell us how a drink tastes. I heard him say that when he was Minister for Petroleum, the Federal Executive Council had to approve his estacode. All those policies are what matter most. People will fall in line when they see laws and punishment.
You have expressed your concerns about Buhari’s anti-corruption campaign. In specific terms, what are your grievances?
President Buhari has not told anyone how his anti-corruption war will be fought. The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission are Obasanjo’s vehicles. The last vehicle Gen. Buhari used was the Military Tribunals, whose consequences we know. For now, the President has said he will fight corruption but the strategies are not clear yet. So, I do not know how and why people have already started speaking of (an) anti-corruption campaign.
Personally, I have not expressed concerns beyond the fact that due process is important and must define how we go. I am still convinced that we do not need to hear so much lamentation because the case has already been made. It is quite sad that the media has deliberately continued to distort this issue of probe. I do not know where the media got and started spreading this baseless rumour about our committee, for example, pleading on behalf of former President Jonathan not to be probed. Since he left government, I have neither spoken with nor seen ex-President Jonathan until we met him on Tuesday (penultimate week). In our discussion with him, he stated clearly that he was not against any probe but he was pained by what seemed to be like acts of victimisation and persecution. Jonathan is a former President and if he needs shelter, his brother former presidents are there and alive. And they are in a better position to protect the office of a former president with the architecture of respect and integrity. We must be careful not to play into the hands of those dictators who, for fear of persecution and humiliation, have decided to cling on to power at all cost and at the risk of destroying their people.
Who are these dictators you are referring to?
African dictators, of course! They are all over the place, bringing shame to Africa and diminishing their people, breeding hatred and war by their greed. If you do not treat an ex-president well, those ones who want to go to their grave from the throne will say, ‘You see, we told you, if you leave here, you will go to jail.’ I am against any perceived injustice to anyone at any level and we will speak out when it occurs.
Do you think the league of ex-presidents is there to shield any one of them found by the government to have committed a crime against the state?
No, you can see from what President Bush Jr. did when the disaster of Katrina took place. He pulled out his father and President Clinton to go out and work for America. I have said it over and over; we are blessed to have six living and strong former Heads of State in Nigeria. No country has anything like this. We must learn to treasure what we have, but the sad thing is that for us in Nigeria, no one deserves respect except those who have money and influence or are in office.
What then is your take on the belief by some Nigerians that most of these former military Heads of State were coup plotters and ineligible to be regarded as true leaders?
Did President Buhari not come to power through a coup? In 2007, when I wrote an article to clarify what Gen. Buhari was alleged to have said about Muslims voting for Muslims, I had reactions. Some Muslims abused me and accused me of having deceived and misled Gen. Buhari; some Christians accused me of breaking ranks and making a case for a man who ought to have been tried and jailed. Those who have changed their jerseys and are not Buhari apparatchiks, were they not the same people who abused Gen. Buhari and harassed us at the Oputa Panel for not ordering them to be imprisoned? I laugh when I think of these things. But, as I said, I try to think carefully before I talk. It often takes many years but my critics often find a way of coming around to my arguments. I do not speak out of malice and, sometimes, we may not make our point clearly or even correctly. I am happy that even people like (Prof.) Wole Soyinka have come round now to join the Jonathan train. It is progress.
Copyright PUNCH.

Presidential Directive On Light Weapons: Defence Industries In A Shambles

 

Investigations by LEADERSHIP Sunday have revealed that the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) is currently in a shambles and in no state to produce weapons, as recently directed by President Muhammadu Buhari.
President Buhari had during the graduation ceremony of the National Defence College in Abuja, earlier this month, directed the Ministry of Defence to produce a plan for the establishment of a military industrial complex for the local production of weapons for use by the nation’s armed forces, to end the current overdependence on other countries for military equipment and logistics.
“The Ministry of Defence is being tasked to draw up clear and measurable outlines for development of a modest military industrial complex for Nigeria.
“In this regard, it is to liaise with strategic ministries, departments and agencies to re-engineer the defence industries Corporation of Nigeria to meet national military hardware and logistics requirements,” the president said at the event.
On the heels of the directive, the president also directed the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) to partner with DICON and commence the manufacturing of light weapons it has designed.
Laudable as this may seem, sources at DICON informed LEADERSHIP Sunday during a visit to the complex at the heart of Kurmin Gwari community in Kaduna South local government council that unless government does a complete overhaul of the industry, it does not have the wherewithal to carry out the directive.
Findings by our correspondent revealed that the defence industries currently, only produces civilian items such as coat of arms emblem for cars and offices, staff of office for chiefs, ceremonial swords, ballot boxes, head frame type A & B complete with accessories, windmill, hand pump, spare parts and maces for State and National Assemblies.
The gigantic structure housing DICON is well fenced and manned by armed soldiers, with the inscription, “Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria” at the top of the main entrance.
The structure is the ordnance factory of the defence industry with its administrative headquarters along Ahmadu Bello Way in the heart of Kaduna city.
LEADERSHIP findings revealed that DICON was established by an Act of Parliament in 1964, for the purpose of manufacturing arms and ammunition for the nation’s military and security agencies. Consequently, a West German manufacturing firm, Fritz Werner, was assigned the task of providing technical expertise and setting up the ordnance factory in Kaduna.
The first technical partner of DICON was Fritz Werner of Western Germany, who designed and built the Kaduna Ordnance Factories in 1964 with production capacities including, 5,000 units of BM 59 Rifles per annum, 18,000 units of SMG 12 per annum, 12,000,000 rounds of 7.62mm x 51 per annum and 4,000,000 rounds of 9mm x 19 per annum.
On 22nd January, 1979, the Federal Government signed an agreement with Steyr Daimler Puch AG (Defence Division) of Austria. The agreement provided for the construction of a factory building in Bauchi State, complete with all utilities, roads, rails and furniture for the production of Armoured Personnel carriers (APC).
The factory was designed to assemble in eight hours/day shift, the following, 300 units/yr 2 axles (4×4) Pinzgauer, 1 ton payload, 200 units/yrs 3 axles (6x) Pinzgauer; 1.5 ton payload, 140 units/yr Armoured Personnel Carriers; 45 unit/yr Command vehicles (APC); 10 units/yr Motor Carriers (ACP) and 5 units/yr Ambulances (APC). Factory buildings, utilities, roads and workshop equipment were all completed and commissioned since 1982.
The factory building was to be utilised by the Nigerian Army for the maintenance and rehabilitation of armoured fighting vehicles and APCs under a contractual arrangement.
In order to remain in business, DICON decided to use its equipment to produce civilian items such as rural water supply equipment, industrial spare parts and furniture for sale to the general public.
Studies show that the Nigerian Civil War which occurred between 1967 and 1970 necessitated the tripling of the above production rates and the Kaduna factory was thus able to make a significant contribution to the war effort.
But since after the war, the lucrative arms market for DICON ended, making its peers like the Brazilian Defence Industries Corporation that was established the same year leaving it far behind. The Brazil Defence Industries Corporation now manufactures military helicopters among other high calibre armaments.
DICON at present
Insiders in DICON told LEADERSHIP Sunday that the defence industry is “as good as dead,” owing to decades of neglect and abandonment.
A staff of DICON who spoke on the condition of anonymity, as he was not mandated to speak on the matter said, “DICON is zero in terms of weapon and ammunition production. We have two lines but the old line is completely down. The new line is actually okay but the immediate past Director General refused to allow production of ammunition.”
Why Chinese experts abandoned new production line
The staff informed our correspondent that some Chinese experts were engaged to work on a new production line for DICON but abandoned it along the line.
Explaining why the line was abandoned, he said, “the old line was used to produce weapons that are not up to AK 47 and then a new line was installed by Chinese experts. The former DG did not allow the Chinese experts who actually undertook the contract of installing the new line to further train us on how to use the equipment/machines to continue production. They (Chinese contractors) waited and left without putting the new line into use because of lack of raw materials. We can only produce ammunition on the new line; the old line is completely gone.”
He added that for the first time in 13 years, the industry had a single production because “we tried to test run the machines on the new line that was installed by the Chinese but the Chinese experts left for lack of raw materials.”
Further checks by LEADERSHIP Sunday revealed that except for the test run of the new line and subsequent production of the OBJ Rifle in 2007, no production had been carried out.
“Since 2007 when we produced OBJ rifle, and the production of bullet proof jackets commissioned by former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2012, we have not produced any military hardware in DICON. After that production, nothing has happened again for the past three years.
“In fact, DICON as it is now cannot produce weapon any longer except there is a serious turn around,” he added.
How prepared is DICON to carry out the presidential directive?
Though, efforts to get DICON’s management, headed by Brigadier General DIO Ehiorobo, to speak on the level of readiness of DICON to match action with the presidential directive could not yield positive result, sources at the industry said it could come to life with political will.
According to DICON’s Public Relations officer, Mr. Abdullahi Kurfi, General Ehiorobo who recently took over from the former Director General, Major General ER Chioba, would require ample time to study the industry to know the state of things before he could talk to the press. He therefore pleaded for more time to allow the new DG settle down to work.
Meanwhile, our source at the industry said, “the truth is that the military has succeeded in killing DICON, the industry is completely dead as we speak. The only way the government can bring DICON alive is for the Federal Government to think of starting it all over again. There is nothing in DICON apart from the new line that was installed by the Chinese people.”
“Staff welfare is poor; we have not been getting our allowances for a long period of time,” he added.

Saturday 22 August 2015

MEET OBA EWUARE THE GREAT : ONE OF THE WORLD’S MOST ILLUSTRIOUS ANCIENT KINGS


By Naiwu Osahon




Oba Edoni (1295-1299 CE) and Oba Udagbedo (1299-1334 CE) made no impact on Ubini. Oba Ohen (1334-1370 CE) whose murder of his Iyase, the traditional prime minister of Ubini land, led to a rebellion that brought his reign to an end with his stoning to death. Oba Ohen was succeeded in turn by four of his sons. Oba Egbeka 1370 CE, Oba Orobiru, Oba Uwaifioku and Oba Ewuare the Great who consolidated, developed, and expanded the kingdom through innovative leadership ideas, closely knit, disciplined community organization, warfare, and conquests. He ushered in the period of warrior kings, which lasted into the 16th century CE, traversing the reigns of Obas Ozolua, Esigie, Orhogbua and Ehengbuda.

Oba Ewuare the Great (1440-1473 CE) was himself forced into exile and nearly would not have ascended to the throne. When Oba Orobiru died, members of the Edion’isen (king makers) where uncomfortable with Oba Ohen’s third son’s strong and independent streak and did not want him (Prince Ogun) to become the Oba. When the hostilities building against him over his right to the throne was getting unbearable, with death penalty hanging on his head, he fled into the woods to save his life, taking his junior brother, Uwaifiokun, along with him. He did not know at the time that the Edion’isen favoured Uwaifiokun over him to rule.

After three years of living wild and aimlessly, with the toll beginning to tell on him, he decided to send Uwaifiokun to the city to discreetly find out what the feelings were about the Ubini throne that had been vacant since he and his brother escaped into the forest. When Uwaifiokun arrived at Chief Ihama of Ihogbe’s home, the chief excitedly rushed him to meet with the Edion’isen who enthusiastically received him. Asked about his elder brother, Prince Ogun, Uwaifiokun lied that he had not seen him for a long while. The king makers then offered him the throne which he quickly accepted, thus betraying his brother’s trust.

Prince Ogun was upset by the betrayal and started plotting to take the throne from his junior brother. Ogun’s relative, Azuwa, living in Uhunmwun Idumwun in the eastern outskirts of Ubini, using the Iha divination, told Prince Ogun that he would win his throne. He listed what Prince Ogun had to do to reverse the animosity of the Edion’isen because ordinary Ubini people were routing for him, although thinking he was already dead. Royal ancestors and the gods of the land were angry over the injustice done to him, and many people had begun to leave the city in fear of the wrath of the gods.

Prince Ogun was told that he would meet a pregnant woman, a hunter, and finally an old woman living opposite the market place, who would each influence the process of his gaining the throne. He promised Azuwa great reward if Iha’s predictions came through. News of his visit to Uhunmwun Idunmwun soon reached the Ubini monarch who quickly dispatched troops to the area to try to capture him.

Prince Ogun escaped through Ikpe territory, deep into the hinterland. At Igogogin bush, where he retired to spend the night, he heard the moaning of someone that appeared to be in pains. Obviously, he was dreaming, but it was very vivid. He was shocked that he was not alone in the forest. On investigation, he found that the moaning person (a tree) required help to relieve it of worms ravaging its trunk. Ogun wasted no time in doing just that and as reward, the tree asked him to make a request because he, the tree, was the spirit of Ase that could grant anything.

The spirit placed an object at Ogun’s feet and asked him to pick it up and make a demand of it. Ogun, unbelieving, playfully asked the object to make the tree bothering him, to shed its leaves and die. The tree promptly shed its leaves and died. Ogun woke up and found the object by his feet, and that he had reclined against a tree that had shed its leaves and died. The tree was full of life when he chose to recline on it for the night, he thought. He picked up the object and asked another tree near-by to shed its leaves and die. The tree promptly did.

He went to Ekae village where he lived for a while and gave birth to the Evbo Aigbogun people, then he moved on. In the meantime, the monarch’s troops, acting on reports of sightings, were raiding villages around him. They almost caught him when they trooped past him in a forest were he was hiding. He plucked a large green leaf and put it in his mouth, and in demand of his ‘Ase charm,’ the leaf rendered him invisible, (or looking like a shrub) to the troops. Hours later, when the danger had subsided, he called the leaf that saved his life, Ebe Ewere.

At the base of the tree where he had spent the night, blood had dropped all over him. When he carefully looked up, a leopard was snoozing up a branch of the tree after eating its prey. He killed the leopard with one arrow shot. On the ground by the tree where he had slept, he found he had laid his head on a snake coiled up neatly as his pillow through out the night. He killed the snake too. A little while later, at a blind corner along the bush path near where he had slept, a pregnant woman was approaching him, going to her farm, not knowing someone was there. She struck her toe against a stump and screamed in lamentation, “what bad omen is this? The spirits are angry, ancestors are taking lives. Ogun the rightful heir to the throne must be found to ascend the throne before peace can return to the land.”

The sudden manifestation of Prince Ogun on the bush path startled the woman who did not recognize the prince. After Ogun had introduced himself, she was happy to repeat herself, thus re-assuring Ogun that he was loved by the ordinary people of Ubini who were hoping he was not dead yet. Ogun was delighted with what he heard and promised to declare the area where the woman farmed at Ugbekun, Royal farm land in her honour, with all the labour she would need provided by the state from season to season.

Ogun then decided to head for Ubini. Close to Umelu junction, he heard a hunter who was resting under a tree shade, talking aloud to himself: “I am going home with these killings, but with no one to share them with. O! Ihama and the five Edion, you have put our land in great peril. The ancestors visit the sins of your hatred of Prince Ogun on our people. What shall we do?” Ogun surprised the hunter with his presence, introduced himself, and thanked the hunter for his comments. He named the tree the hunter was sheltering under, the Okha n’Ohue. Source of good omen. Remembering Iha’s predictions about his encounters on the way to the throne, which appeared to be coming true, Ogun decided to head through stealthy paths for the market place in the city.

At Unueru quarters, the Royal army almost caught up with him. He hid and resisted using his ‘Ase charm’ to destroy the army because he reasoned they were his people, his future subjects. Later that night, he retired to Chief Ogieva Nomuekpo’s home, hoping to find respite there from the troops haunting him. The chief expressed fear of the troops and hid Ogun in a dry well in his compound. The chief covered the mouth of the well with leaves and in betrayal left to alert the Royal army about his catch.

While Ogieva was on his way to invite the Royal army to come and arrest Prince Ogun, Edo, the head servant of Ogieva’s household, alerted Prince Ogun about his master’s diabolical plan and helped the prince to escape from the well with a ladder. Ogieva returned with the Royal troops to find that Edo had helped Ogun escape. The troops killed Edo on the spot.

Prince Ogun in the meantime, had found his way to the hut of the old woman opposite the market place in the city. She was a powerful mystic, poor, old, and childless. She hailed from Eyaen village in the present day Oduwawa cattle market area on the Benin-Auchi Road. The name her parents gave her was Uwaraye. As a young woman, during the reign of Oba Ohen, Prince Ogun’s father, she married Chief Azama of Ihogbe district, as his second wife.

Uwaraye was considered indolent by her husband because she could not cook. She could not get pregnant either. Azama’s first wife, Arabe, handled the domestic chores and gave birth to all the children of the household. Azama soon nicknamed Uwaraye, Eke’Emitan, corrupted to Emotan, meaning lazy bones. She had a redeeming feature though. She was good at helping to (nurse) or take care of the brood of the household.

As the children of the household reached the age when they no longer required close supervision by adults, Emotan who could make ‘evbarie’ (a soup seasoning condiment made from fermented melon seeds) and spin threads from cotton bolls, began taking these plus some herbal products to sell at a stall opposite the city market. When her husband died and she could not return to her parent’s home because they too had died in old age earlier on, she set up a hut to live in at her trading post opposite the market place. Her hut soon became a popular make-shift nursery for the children of families patronizing the market. She attended to the children’s health and other needs flawlessly without charging fees and the kids’ parents soon could not have enough of her services.

It was in her nature, therefore, to agree to have Prince Ogun as her guest and to help him take his throne. During Prince Ogun’s first night at the hut, the Royal army raided the market neighbourhood, searching possible hideouts, including Emotan’s hut. He was invisible again. As soon as the army moved their search from the hut to other areas in the vicinity, Ogun sneaked out, avoiding the path of the army, and headed straight for the palace where he killed his brother, Oba Uwaifiokun. The news of his action soon spread around the city. Ordinary citizens were supportive of his action, insisting that it was Ogun’s right to do what he did and expressing joy and hope that the tragedies of the recent past would soon end because justice had prevailed.

Emotan sent word to Ogun to stay put in the palace and consolidate his hold while she continued spiritual work outside to win empathy and love for Ogun. Within a few days, the Edion’isen had come round in support of Ogun, eventually crowning him as the Omo N’ Oba Uku Akpolokpolo, Oba Ewuare. Iha divination’s title choice of ‘Oworuare,’ alias Ewuare, could not have been more apt because it means, after the heat, the cooling effect of rain.

Oba Ewuare appointed Emotan as the Iyeki (that is the leader of the authorized Ekpate guild) tasked with security matters in the market and with enforcing market rules. Emotan died not too long after Ewuare’s ascension, so the Oba decreed that she should be buried in her hut. Later the grave was marked with an Uruhe tree and her deification as the conscience of justice was ordered by the king. Every celebratory procession in Benin pays homage to the burial site.

The first Uruhe tree (marker) survived for some three hundred years before it fell. The replacement Uruhe tree survived for about one hundred and fifty years before an Iroko tree was planted to support it. A severe storm fell both trees on their, around one hundred years’ anniversary together. Oba Akenzua II, in cooperation with the British Colonial authorities commissioned in 1954, a life size bronze statue of Emotan as a young woman, sculpted by Mr. John A. Danford, in his Chelsea, London, studio in 1951, from a miniature model cast by Igun Street artists.

Oba Ewuare, in continuation of the fulfillment of the promises he made to reward those who helped him win the throne, installed Azuwa as the ‘Iha man mwen’ of Igun, meaning the Ihama of Igun. Oba Ewuare bought the corpse of Edo from Ogieva and had it exhumed. He gave the servant posthumous freedom and ordered his reburial underneath the altar of Ukhurhe Edion at the Aro Edun, the entrance to the palace’s inner tower, an ultimate place of honour.

Then, he invited the people of Ubini to join him in honouring a bondsman who gave his life for him to live. He changed the name of the city, language and kingdom, to Edo. This was later expanded to Edo O’Evbo Ahire, meaning Edo the city of love, in appreciation of Edo’s love that saved young Prince Ogun’s life and gave Edo kingdom her greatest king.

The present day elegant ceremonial costumes of the kings and chiefs of Benin originated from Ewuare’s reign. Ewuare restored the annual cycle of royal ceremonies, the most important ones being Ugie Erha Oba, in honour of royal ancestors and Igue, to strengthen the mystical powers of the king.

Oba Ewuare’s vow to propitiate his head and give thanks to his ancestors with a major spiritual event if he gained the throne, is the genesis of the Igue festival, which started three years into his reign. The Igue festival is the leading spiritual festival of the Edo. It is a two week long thanksgiving festival to the head, as the focal point of anointing and the centre of the human person. The head symbolizes both the sacredness of creation and of the spirit entity in man. To quote the Isekhurhe, “it is to the head you raise your hands, in respect and adoration.”

The Oba goes into seclusion for spiritual purification during the period. Igue activities include Igue ivbioba, Igue edohia, Ugie ewere, Otue igue Oba (chiefs paying homage to the Oba) Igue Oba and Ugie emobo (when the Oba comes out of seclusion.) The incantations used at the Igue festival were developed by the Ihogbe family.

During the festival, Edo people say prayers, cleanse themselves of their sins, bring members of their extended family together to bond, share gifts and blessings, feeding on the food of atonement and thanksgiving. The Ewere leaf that saved Ewuare’s life in the bush when he was nearly caught by the Royal troops, has its day of lavish use, with the leaves taken by youths from home to home around the city. They tear pieces of the leaves and paste them on the heads, particularly the foreheads of people, to show joy. At that moment of sharing, the salutation is ‘Ise Logbe’ (Happy New Year) and the reply or response is ‘Ogbe man vbe dia re’ (Many happy returns.)

Oba Ewuare the great, was the most dynamic, innovative and successful Oba in the history of Edo kingdom. Under him, Edo was completely transformed religiously, politically, socially, physically and militarily. Ewuare re-organized the government of Edo by centralizing it and he set up three powerful palace associations of chiefs. The political elite of the kingdom was made up of titled chiefs and members of the royal family.

The seven highest-ranking chiefs, who were, in fact, descendants of original elders of Edo, were constituted into Uzama with leadership authority next to the king. The brothers of the king who tended to be potential rivals were sent as hereditary rulers (Enogies) of administrative districts. The mother of the king was given the title of Queen mother and set up in her own palace in the town of Uselu just outside the city.

The palace, which did not have a permanent site in previous reigns, was constructed on a massive scale covering several acres of land at its present location and turned into a beehive of activities as the political and spiritual nerve centre of the vast kingdom. The Edo have a saying that in the Oba’s palace there is never silence. The complex includes shrine areas, meeting chambers for a variety of groups of chiefs, work spaces for ritual professionals, royal artists and craftsmen, storehouses, a large wing called Ogbe Ewuare, residential sections for the Oba’s numerous wives, children and servants.

While the expansion activities in the palace was going on, the civil engineering work to dig the City’s inner moat was embarked upon. Oba Oguola’s outer moat, hugging the Ogbe river valley, kilometers away from Okoo village, left the palace rear exposed. Ewuare’s moat was less than a kilometer from the palace’s rear and so provided additional security for the palace.

A seventeenth century Dutch engraving from Olfert Dapper’s Nauwkeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaansche Gewesten, published in Amsterdam in 1668, described the palace thus: “The king’s palace or court is a square, and is as large as the town of Haarlem and entirely surrounded by a special wall, like that which encircles the town. It is divided into many magnificent palaces, houses, and apartments of the courtiers, and comprises beautiful and long square galleries, about as large as the Exchange at Amsterdam, but one larger than another, resting on wooden pillars, from top to bottom covered with cast copper, on which are engraved the pictures of their war exploits and battles, and are kept very clean. Most palaces and houses of the king are covered with palm leaves instead of square pieces of wood, and every roof is decorated with a small turret ending in a point, on which birds are standing, birds cast in copper with outspread wings, cleverly made after living models.”

The city’s houses originally built with poles or palm ribs and padded with mud were rebuilt with packed mud. The city was re-planned and neatly laid out, with roads radiating from the center. It was divided into two distinct segments with Ore ne Okhua, constituting the public sector, and the Oba’s sector (Ogbe) the other. The population of Ore ne Okhua was organized into wards with each specializing in a peculiar craft or ritual services in allegiance to the king. My grandfather’s home shared fence with the palace at a point in Ogbe. He must have had a significant role in the palace to warrant his living so close. I have not investigated this. I am his reincarnation

The arts, particularly brass casting, flourished during Oba Ewuare’s reign. He set up a war machine that extended Edo notion of kingship, objects, aesthetic, ideas and power, across the West Coast of Africa and through dominance lent their name to the Bight of Benin. At its height, the Edo controlled vast Yoruba land with populations several times larger than that of Edo and exerted considerable influence on eastern Yorubaland, maintaining trading connection with Oyo. Owo (Ogho in Edo), Ekiti, Akure, Ondo (Udo in Edo), were all Edo towns. The kingdom established Lagos, where it set up a military camp of occupation which it called Eko and extended its dominance from there all the way to the Republic of Benin, Togo and eastern Ghana.

Edo Empire extended through most of Delta state to Ahoada in the east. Ika (Agbor), Aniocha, Asaba were all in the Edo Empire. Onitsha across the River Niger was an Edo town established by Ogbogidi, an Edo military generalisimo. The kingdom’s dominance cut through Igalla in the north to the fringes of Kogi state. The Edo spread their culture and traditions, particularly their Obaship ideology and system, by sending royal brothers to rule over tributaries, or holding hostage, sons of conquered chiefs to be trained in Edo, or by sponsoring candidates for thrones of conquered territories. Objects such as Ada and brass masks, were introduced to vassal lords as emblems of their authority, and these symbols have endured in virtually all the territories that experienced Edo control.

Even in places outside direct Edo influence, such as parts of the Niger Delta area, the reputation of the Oba of Edo was such that leadership disputes were brought to him for arbitration and the winners took back home, Edo regalia to form part of their leadership traditions. However, the frontiers of the Edo Empire were constantly expanding and contrasting as new conquests were made and as vassals on the borders, rebelled only to be re-conquered.

It was towards the tail end of Oba Ewuare’s reign that the Portuguese first made their visit to West Africa in 1472. Oba Ewuare the great died in 1473. At the actuaries on the bank of what is today known as the Bight of Benin, the local people the Portuguese met there, when asked about the kingdom in the interior, told the Portuguese it was called Ubini. The Portuguese abbreviated this to Benin/Bini because they could not properly pronounce Ubini. When the Portuguese arrived in the kingdom of Benin, they were stunned by what they found on the ground in terms of level of administrative sophistication, social engineering and military activities. They found a monarchy dating back many centuries, with complex structure of chiefs and palace officials presiding over a kingdom that was expanding in all directions and a highly developed kingdom with unique and very sophisticated political, artistic, linguistic, economic, cultural and military traditions in the process of territorial conquests.

Edo kingdom was in the throes of great conquests and had healthy, disciplined citizens; well planned and laid out streets, a palace extending over kilometers of territory and a king and his nobles, civilized to their bones. The Portuguese felt honoured to be accepted by the Bini and quickly entered into treaties of cooperation with Oba Ewuare, exchanging emissaries and trying to trade. There is a hint that they tried to preach Christianity to the monarch but were not rewarded with favourable response. It was taboo to talk about alien Gods in a civilization ruled by vibrant African Gods. It was during Oba Ewuare’s reign, however, that an Aruosa (Edo faith) delegation visited Portugal in 1472 as guests of the Portuguese faith, with mutual respect.

A British adventurer called Ling Roth, was the first to refer to Benin as great, a tribute not only to the extent of the Benin Empire but also to the elaborate, detailed and efficient administrative machinery the people had evolved.

One of the military commanders who made strong impact in Ewuare’s expansion conquests and maintenance of vassal territories to the West and across the Niger to the East was a formidable personage by the name Ezuku. He was probably Ibo, judging by his praise-name: Ogogobiaga. He was merciless, fearless and impartial in dishing out punishment and miseries to opponents. He was set up in camp at Ogan, the village across Orhionmwon River from Abudu town, facing Ika vassal territories. From there he monitored activities including possible rebellion and commercial traffic from eastern flanks and beyond, of the Edo Empire. When Ezuku died, he was deified.

Another very successful military commander of the Edo army at the time, was Iken. He was probably more successful than Ezuku, but was never acknowledged, honoured, or rewarded for his valor by the monarch. His problem at that early stage of Edo’s conquest of foreign lands was probably because he was a son of the soil. Here was a native son vanquishing and beheading alien kings, signing treaties, and turning kingdoms into vassal territories of his monarch. His feats were enough to propel him to the top of leadership in his native land, if not immediately as king, at least, as an alternative voice or a strong contender, challenger, aspirant to the throne, in the eyes of the people. His feats were definitely enough to make him the Iyase, (i.e. leader of all the chiefs, second in command to the Oba) and prime minister of Edo land.

His spiritual prowess, intimidating aura of success, abundant confidence, pride and bravado, were too strong for the chiefs, scared that he would not only be too powerful if made the leading chief or even just a chief, both of which he had earned in war exploits and trophies, but that his influence would almost totally eclipse theirs. The chiefs did not have this problem with Ezuku because Edo people do not give their chieftaincy titles to non-indigenes. Shoving Ezuku to the outskirts of the kingdom with dignity and respect was enough to keep Ezuku happy and in check.

Iken was not only deprived of honour and respect for his military victories for Edo people, he was relatively poor compared to the chiefs, and he had only one wife who unfortunately could not give him a child. The Oba, who routinely dished out lavish gifts, titles, and his daughters in marriage to lesser achievers in the society, appeared not to reckon with Iken, perhaps because no one, not any of the chiefs, would put in a good word for him in such matters in the palace. If anything, they played the devil’s advocate at every opportunity against Iken.

Iken gradually began to worry more and more about how he was being treated by the society he had served so well and was ready to die for. One day, he decided he had had enough. He would no longer go to war for Edo people, socialize with them and their chiefs, or even visit the palace for whatever reason. He began rebuffing invitations from the palace, ignoring entreaties and visits by emissaries, regardless of the quarters from which they came. This was happening at a time when the vassal kings of Akure and Ekiti were refusing to continue to pay due tributes to the Edo monarch, and were even threatening war.

The palace needed Iken to deal with the two rebelling vassal kings so the palace began pestering Iken with messages, invitations, and visits by respectable emissaries, until he succumbed, visited the palace, and agreed to take on the rebelling vassal monarchs. By the time he was ready to go to war, Ekiti Oba had withdrawn his threat and returned to being a loyal vassal to the Edo monarch. As soon as he left Edo with his troops for Akure, Edo chiefs immersed themselves in extensive wizardry, intended to prevent Iken from returning to Edo alive, even if he succeeded in the war against Akure.

Akure battle, laced copiously with witchcraft, was tough. Several lives were lost before Iken could subdue the Akure army. After beheading their king and sending trophies of his triumph to the Edo monarch, he embarked on an inspection tour of his conquered territory, Akure. At the Akure palace, a pretty daughter of the Akure king played on his libido, offering him favours right there and then, and pretending to want to serve as war booty and the nucleus of a new harem. He fell for the bait but had to remove his clothes, including his spiritual war regalia responsible for his invincibility in war, to be able to get down with the princess. As he was about to climb on the bed naked with the princess, her accomplices pounced on him to machete him to death.

When the news reached the Edo monarch, and he found out the role his chiefs had played in the matter, he was sorry. He then created the title of Edaiken (Eda-iken) (meaning holding forth for Iken, or looking after Iken’s household, affairs, and interests) until he returns, as the title for the Crown Prince and Oba in-waiting of Edo kingdom.

Oba Ewuare initially considered adopting the Ogiso succession format of first son inheriting the throne so, he made his first son, Prince Kuoboyuwa, the Edaiken, and appointed his second son, Prince Ezuwarha, the Duke (Enogie) of Iyowa. Ezuwarha was not happy about not being allowed to aspire to rule after his senior brother’s turn. After all, that was how his father became king, he reasoned. In a quarrel over the issue, the two brothers died on the same day. After a prolonged mourning period, accompanied with elaborate rites for the two dead sons were called off, Oba Ewuare consulted the oracle and was advised to blend the bloodlines of the Obas with that of the Ogisos, to ensure stability in the succession issue.

The search for a maiden of marriageable age and descending directly from the last Ogiso, produced Omuwa from Udo town in Ovia. She gave Oba Ewuare, two sons, Ezoti and Okpame. Oba Ewuare had another son, Olua, by a different mother from Omuwa’s children. Oba Ewuare asked his chiefs to do a personality assessment of who would make the best Oba from among his three sons. The chiefs could not recommend any of the children for the throne.

They described Ezoti, the oldest of the three sons, as stingy and likely to plunge the kingdom into prolonged hunger if he became Oba. Olua, the second in line, was described as a spend thrift (okpetu kporozo) who would take less than three lunar months to squander the Oba’s wealth, built up over a number of centuries, on silly and irrelevant programmes just to look good in the eye of the public. As for Okpame, they believed he would plunge the kingdom into endless warfare because his only passion, and things that gave him happiness, had to do with the sword.

Oba Ewuare, perplexed that none of his sons would make a good Oba, decided to stop bothering with innovations and return the kingdom to the “equality of siblings” process, which would guarantee the three sons, ruling in turn.

Naiwu Osahon is a Nigerian historian and academic.

Senate Committees: APC, PDP senators at war


FROM FOLASHADE AD­ETUTU-KOYI, ABUJA
Senate President Bu­kola Saraki and his deputy, Ike Ekwerema­du have relocated to London, United Kingdom, to compile the list of chairmen and mem­bers of the 57 standing com­mittees of the Upper Legisla­tive House.
Chairmanship of commit­tees in the parliament is keenly contested as those considered Grade ‘A’ are usually given to loyal members of the House leadership.
Sunday Sun gathered that the Senate President left for the United Kingdom shortly after Senate adjourned plenary to September 27.
His Deputy, Ekweremadu reportedly joined him last week.
An aide to the Deputy Sen­ate President, who declined to be named, confirmed that his boss left Nigeria on Tuesday, August 11. “He actually went abroad on holiday with the family,” while another hinted that “he met with the Senate President in the United King­dom.”
A ranking member of the Senate All Progressives Con­gress (APC) caucus told Sun­day Sun that the two presiding officers “relocated temporarily abroad to avoid unnecessary pressures from our colleagues over the composition of the 57 Standing Committees. But, the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) caucus in the chamber is set for a showdown with the ruling APC.
At the moment, there are strong indications that the Sen­ate leadership has concluded plans to share the chairmanship of the 57 standing committees equally between the APC and their counterparts in the PDP.
An opposition Senator privy to the arrangement alleged that the Senate President, “as part of his campaigns during the heady days before the inauguration on Tuesday, June 9, pledged to share chairmanship of juicy committees with members of the PDP as part of the deal for supporting his ambition…”
Before he travelled abroad, Saraki asked Senators to indi­cate their choice of committees by picking forms to that effect from the Clerk of the Senate, Mr. Biyi Durojaiye and indi­cate five committees where they wished to serve as soon as possible.
A senator from the South West geopolitical zone, pointed out that the current plan by the leadership of the Eighth Sen­ate to adopt the provisions of the controversial amendments made to the Senate Rules in the allocation of committee chairmanship to Senators, was a grand design to favour the op­position.
He restated that “the amend­ment was a drastic departure from the Senate tradition, re­garding the allocation of head­ship of more committees to members of the majority par­ty,” and expressed worry that “some APC Senators might lose out in the process, and end up sharing the positions equally with PDP members.”
He continues: “The con­troversial amendments made to the Senate Standing Orders (2015, as amended) have made it mandatory for our leadership to share headship of the com­mittees equally among the six geopolitical zones.
“Specifically, Order 3 (4) of the same orders state that, ‘The appointment of Senators as chairmen and members of Committees shall be carried out in such a manner as to re­flect the six geopolitical zones of the country and there shall be no predominance of sena­tors from a few geo-political zones’.
“This means that the lead­ership of the red chamber will allocate its committees equally among Senators, irrespective of political party affiliation, especially now that Senator Ekweremadu is obviously in charge of Selection.”
Further checks also indicat­ed that each geo-political zone might get at least, nine commit­tee chairmanship seats out of the total 57 Senate committees.
The controversial amend­ments were a radical departure from what was obtainable in the 2011 version of the Senate Standing Order, which made members of the majority party to enjoy juicy committees.
A close observation of the committee distribution in the 7th Senate revealed that former Senate President, David Mark, allocated them in favour of the PDP caucus in the chamber.
For instance, in the Seventh Senate, it was observed that the South-South got 14 chair­manship slots; followed by the North-Central, South-East and North-West, which got 10 each.
The South-West, with many members in the opposition, got the least chairmanship posi­tions with only five seats while the North-East, also with many senators in the opposition, got seven.
The current arrangement, based on the provisions of the controversial Senate Standing Orders of 2015 shows that the majority party, APC which has more members, mainly from the North-west, North-central and the South-west will not enjoy special preference unlike the PDP in the Seventh Senate.
Regardless, Senate Leader, Ali Ndume told newsmen last week that chairmanship and membership of standing com­mittees would be announced in September when Senate re­sumes in plenary.
Already, four committees have been constituted, adhering strictly to the rule on geopoliti­cal spread, with both the APC and PDP Senators sharing the chairmanship slots on equal basis.
The committees are, Senate Services headed by Senator Ibrahim Gobir (APC Sokoto East); Rules and Business, which has Senator Babajide Omoworare (APC Osun Cen­tral ) as Chairman; Ethics and Privileges, chaired by Samuel Anyanwu ( PDP Imo East ); and Public Accounts Commit­tee with Senator Andy Uba (PDP, Anambra South) as Chairman.
However, Senate spokes­man, Dino Melaye insisted that chairmanship of the stand­ing committees would be shared with special preference for the APC caucus, as the par­ty in the majority.
“There is no way PDP Sena­tors would have equal number of committee chairmanship seats since they are not in the majority. But we would carry everyone along because the Senate does not belong to any particular party,” Melaye said.