Features of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria

Differences between 1963 and 1979 constitution of Nigeria Features of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria: The 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria is the current and legitimate constitution of the country. It was recently amended in 2011, and since after then, there has not been any changes or amendment made on it. Before the drafting of the 1999 constitution, Nigeria has had many constitutions, which in one way or the other, contributed in the drafting of the 1999 constitution. A critical analysis of the current 1999 constitution of Nigeria shows that it is only a development of the previous constitutions (that is, the 1960, 1963 and 1979 constitution). Nonetheless, all these constitutions has different features. The content of the 1960, 1963 and 1979 constitution of Nigeria is obviously not the same as the current 1999 constitution. In light of that, i will be listing and discussing the characteristics or features of the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria in this article. I strongly urge you to read this work painstakingly so that you will be able to grasp everything contained in it. Features of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria Features of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria Table of Content hide 1. Features of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria as amended 1.1. 1. Preamble 1.2. 2. Separation of power 1.3. 3. Presidential system 1.4. 4. Fundamental Human rights 1.5. 5. Federalism 1.6. 6. Sovereignty 1.7. 7. Supremacy of the constitution 1.8. 8. Independence of the Judiciary 1.9. Conclusion 1.10. Check Out Related Contents Features of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria as amended Below are the features of the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria: Preamble Separation of power Presidential system Fundamental Human Rights Federalism Sovereignty Supremacy of the constitution Independence of the judiciary Above it just a highlight of the features of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria. As we continue a detailed and clear explanation of these features will be given. 1. Preamble Just like other constitutions Nigeria has had in the past, the 1999 constitution of Nigeria contains a preamble. Simply put, a preamble is a short preliminary statement or remark, especially an explanatory introduction to a formal document or statute. In addition to this, the preamble of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria shows the acceptance of the content of the 1999 constitution by Nigerians. It is written to capture the true spirit of the nation and confirm the assent of the constitution. Generally, a preamble is a very essential part of every constitution because it shows that there was popular participation in the making of the constitution. In other words, a constitution with a preamble by the people is a constitution that is not forcefully imposed on the masses. 2. Separation of power Another striking feature of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria is separation of powers. As a democratic nation, the principle of separation of powers is inevitable and thus, supported by the constitution. The principle of separation of powers states that there should be a division of power between the three arms of government. This is to avert the rise of tyranny in the land and to ensure accountability. Section 4, 5 and 6 of the 1999 constitution are the major provisions that supports this political theory. Section 4 provides that the legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be vested in a National Assembly for the Federation, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives. The above section gives the legislature the right to Make laws for the country. Section 5 and Section 6, delegates power to the Executive and the legislature respectively. 3. Presidential system The 1999 constitution retained the presidential system initially introduced in the 1979 Constitution. A presidential system is a system of government where an individual who is called the president is vested with the real executive power as well as ceremonial functions. The president is usually elected for a term of 4 years in Nigeria. The sections relating to the president is section 130 – 140. The constitution also provides for the qualifications of the president. 4. Fundamental Human rights The 1999 constitution contains the Human rights available to the citizens of Nigeria. Human rights can be said to be those inalienable rights available to a human being. Nigeria is one of those countries that have codified their human rights into their constitution. This is to make sure that the rights of every citizen is adequately protected. The fundamental human right of Nigerians can be found in chapter 4 of the constitution. Some of them include the right to life, freedom of speech, right to own movable and immovable property etc. 5. Federalism The 1999 constitution provides for federalism, this is a system of government where by power is shared between the states and the central government. It does this through the various lists (exclusive, residual and concurrent list). The items in the exclusive list are within the control of the Federal government, residual list is meant for states and both state and federal government control items in the concurrent list. 6. Sovereignty Simply put, sovereignty is the state of making laws and controlling resources without the coercion of other nations. It is one of the features of the current 1999 constitution of Nigeria because the constitution provides so. Nigeria officially became a sovereign state in 1960 when it was totally free from the British and clolonial influence. Thus, the feature of sovereignty was also present in some of the past constitutions of the country. 7. Supremacy of the constitution The 1999 constitution also provides for the the supremacy of the constitution. This simply means that the constitution of Nigeria is Supreme over all laws in the country and any law that is inconsistent with the Constitution shall to level of that inconsistency be null and void. See section 1(1) and Section1(3). Section 1(1) of the 1999 constitution provides that the constitution is supreme and its provisions shall have binding force on the authorities and persons throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Accordingly, section 1(3) states that If any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this constitution, this constitution shall prevail, and that other law shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void. 8. Independence of the Judiciary Independence of the judiciary is a theory that postulates that the judicial arm of the government should be totally independent from other arm of the government. This concept tends to replace dictatorship and unaccountabilty by ensuring that the actions and decision of the government is checked. It is even so during military regime in Nigeria because the powers of the judiciary is not fused with any other arm of the government. In practice, it is quite pathetic that there is no clear independence of the judiciary in Nigeria because of corruption, tribalism and other factors which I already mentioned in my article about the factors that hinders independence of the judiciary in Nigeria. Features and characteristics of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria as amended Features and characteristics of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria as amended Conclusion So far, i have highlighted and discussed the major features of the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria. Some of these features are obvious and currently feasible in our system, whereas some are not. Nevertheless, it is important that you know them so that you will be able to clearly differentiate between the 1999 and other previous constitutions the country has had in the past. Edeh Samuel Chukwuemeka, ChMC Edeh Samuel Chukwuemeka ChMC, is a Law Student and a Certified Mediator/Conciliator in Nigeria. He is also a Developer with knowledge in HTML, CSS, JS, PHP and React Native. Samuel is bent on changing the legal profession by building Web and Mobile Apps that will make legal research a lot easier.

Guns, Blood and Nigeria’s Borderless International Borders. – Kayode Ogundamisi

In 2008 the research topic for my 2nd Masters programme was titled "International Small Arms Regime And The State:" The focus was on Africa and Nigeria. Professor Peter Gowan had pulled me to his office and said "Do you really want to do it?" I told him I suspected Nigeria was going to be the next Ground Zero in small arms proliferation. My research topic was inspired by my own experience. I had resigned as Secretary General of the Pan Yoruba self-determination group, the Oodua People’s Congress. The founding principle of the OPC were mainly to unite peoples of Yoruba heritage, protect and defend Yoruba interests in the Nigerian federation, promote Yoruba culture, campaign for true federalism by encouraging autonomous regions and ethnic nationalities to seek self-determination and resource control within the Nigerian federation. Myself, Dr Beko Ransome Kuti who was elected Treasurer and a couple of others had been invited by the OPC leadership to help ‘sanitise’ the organisation. The organisation was before our arrival bugged down with factional conflicts. The few years I spent within the OPC exposed me to a lot of practical realities about conflicts, its management, how a simple disagreement between citizens can suddenly escalate and grow into communal conflicts with attendant violence, it also exposed character of the Nigerian State and particular the manipulative nature of elite politics. Having failed to stem the tide of violence within the OPC and with first-hand knowledge on armed conflicts. I had always wondered why how it was so easy for none state actors to procure arms in Nigeria. Thus my research topic was going to genuinely seek knowledge. Those who know me from my University of Jos days can attest to the fact that theoretical academic exercise wasn’t my forte. Practical social science research was more appealing. Back to my dissertation topic. Dr Marko Bojcun spotted my topic by "accident". If I had not met Dr Bojcun, my work would have just been an "academic exercise". Marko it was who linked me with contacts. I was privileged to visit 4 core small arms supply routes in 4 different European countries. One of the trip led me in uncovering Nigerian players in the international small arms market. The Bosnian Connect: A contact in Bosnia linked me up with a Nigerian player. He was then reputed as one of if not the most important Nigerian player in the illegal small arms trade. We met and he assisted in my research work. He claimed then he doesn't supply Nigerian clients out of principle. Impressive, well connected and well-travelled, he made a good impression on me and you have to sometimes pinch yourself to remind yourself that he was dealing in items that may have caused the death of hundreds of thousands of innocent people across the globe, particularly Africa. But, he was convinced this was business, he wasn’t responsible for what end users do with the ‘commodity’. Anyway it later turned out he had lied to me about not supplying arms in Africa. I only found out by a twist of faith in incidents related to the bombing that took place in Abuja, the Nigerian capital on the 1st October 2010. I was at the eagle Square, I was invited to the ceremony marking Nigeria’s Independence as a guest of the Nigerian information Minister Dora Akunyili. I was actually in Nigeria entirely for a scoop we were working on for Sahara Reporters. Mrs Akunyili always made it a point to reach out to those who may be seen as opposed to the government to take part in national events. At the Eagle Square a bomb went off, I was with my friend Egghead Odewale, I was recoding the ceremony at the centre of the square, but we rushed from the square towards the sound, we were just outside the venue when the 2nd bomb went off, we later discovered they were car bombs. The Abuja bomb incident led the Nigerian secret police Directorate of State Security Service to raid some homes across Nigeria, just by chance whilst preparing to leave Nigeria I saw the DSS spokesperson Marilyn Ogar displayed some recovered arms and military hardware on TV. I recognised something. Those arms, hardware, something familiar. Something recognisable in some of the items I had come across years back during my research and exchange of samples and photographs with my Nigerian contact for my research work. I put a call through to the Nigerians arms dealer I had met during my research, we had maintained contacts over the years, mainly exchanging views on the state of Nigeria and particularly the degradation in the Niger Delta region. He did not need to say much, he said he made an exemption to the rule to protect the people of the Niger Delta. Not that I was surprised but it was the ease of bringing the supplies into Nigeria. Not just AK47. But Rocket Propelled Grenades, military hardware, special forces helmet, night vision google, bomb-making explosive materials, camping materials. Some came in through Nigerian Ports, others via the 'Fayawo' (Yoruba street slang for smuggling) route. Ease of doing business worked best for arms dealers. Easier to import bombs than import bread. Nigeria’s borderless international borders: The North. The insurgents in the Northern part of Nigeria have the Americans to thank the Americans for destabilizing Libya and North Africa, A large number of fighters of Nigerian heritage who had been guests of Libyan Presidents Ghaddafi’s training camps found home within emerging terrorist in Northern Nigeria, they came with free arms, experience and resources, those in countries neighbouring Nigeria chose Nigeria rather than go back to their country of origin. Small arms proliferation in the North and basically amongst North state actors in Niger, Northern Nigeria and Chad increased. Frontline states in Northern Nigeria maintain artificial international borders. So one could excuse the ease of small arms coming in from North Africa. Let us take Borno and Sokoto State as a case study, at least I have visited both states and saw things for myself in the Nigeria’s so called international border areas. Borno borders the Republic of Niger to the north, Lake Chad (and the Republic of Chad) to the northeast, and Cameroon to the east; at least in one of the borders that I visited, there are no physical structures dividing Nigeria from the neighbouring countries, these are vast mass lands with people settled in hamlets across ungoverned territories, you only need to approach the official border which is usually a wooden plank on the road and a small building to stamp your passports. Sokoto state borders the Republic of Niger to the north, during my visit to the border area enroot Niger, what was described a border was basically 3 small buildings, few custom and immigration officers and a lot of commercial activities stretching miles with movements in and out on both sides, myself and my minders were the only one who bordered to approach the immigration to stamp passports. Historically the people on either side of the Niger and Nigerian lines are the same people, they do not recognise borders and move on moto cycles taking goods in and out, this are easy traffic routes for arms, drugs and contrabands, the same is applicable when I got to the Republic of Niger side. Nigeria’s borderless international borders: The South. Southern Nigerian borders are not as secure as most Nigerians would like to believe. I will restrict myself to what I have experienced. I live in Ayobo and from my house to the Idi Iroko an international border between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin, it has taken me less than 3 hours drive at dead night, at the Idi Iroko border, you can chose to go trough the official border area but I know of at least 13 on official routes, 2nd car importers have over time created artificial routes and Nigerian Customs and Immigration are unable to catch up. They have mostly resigned themselves to collecting ‘rents’ from the smugglers. Idiroko illegal border routes is a blessing to the people in Ipokia local government of Ogun State in Nigeria. Some of the locals act as guides and minders if you want to avoid the official border posts or have something to hide with the aim of avoiding the prying eyes of security agents. The Nigeria-Benin border is one of the most porous in Southern Nigeria. Closing the border can affect big merchandise but not for the supply of small arms that can be dismantled and moved in adaptable casings. Lagos Sea and Airports: An illegal arms dealer once confirmed how the Nigerian airport NAHCO Cargo area is a soft spot for arms smugglers, the arms cartel in the facility are reputed to run like a cult, feared and influential. To them it is business and nothing more . At the Lagos sea port a “runner” will sometimes send 7 containers, tease customs to discover 2 containers as a form of distraction and that is still good business for the supplier, and good public relations for the officials, everyone wins, mainly eastern European small arms main source suppliers add the “test run” cargo into the price so you lose nothing really. The C problem: Corruption: Officials usually turn a blind eye at our ports, the small arms trade is very organized, it is a cartel. those involved don't see weapons of mass destruction, they see merchandise and profit. They are in our ports, customs, immigration, and military. The I problem: Institutional incompetence. Nigeria usually send 'Military intelligence officers' to its embassies across the globe, one would expect MIO’s at Nigerian embassies in small arms supply countries to gather actionable intelligence for tracking, tracing and interception, sadly this is not the case. They hardly monitor the activities of gun runners and Nigerians importing arms to cause harm against Nigerians in Nigeria. National Intelligence Agency (NIA) Rather than focus on criminal activities, possibly one of the have very well paid officers. NIA officers are posted across the globe doing everything but the job they are paid to do. If Nigeria is to stop the menace it must review the activities of the intelligence community to work for the Nigerian people. DSS: To be honest, the DSS is probably the most effective security apparatus only if they focus on disrupting crime against the state, particularly criminal gangs, they can embed within gangs and plant human sources, SSS did it so well against us in the student's movement in 80's. SSS in the past planted moles within the student and pro-democracy movements in Nigeria. In local government areas, your driver or house help could be an SSS operative, we saw how the SSS sourced the driver to Kudirat Abiola and turned him into an asset. The problem isn’t that we do not have intelligent officers but that they are used for sadistic purposes. Gone are the days when SSS would have human intelligence even with groups as radical as Boko Haram. The L problem: The loyalty problem is when all our security apparatus are primed by governments in Nigeria from the military era to the civilian governments to focus on the survival of elected officials than the survival of the state. Nigeria has over time diverted the best of its crime-fighting organs away from intercepting crimes to the protection of people in government. Years back I met with a Nigerian NSA (Now late) and then later met a COAS, they served in the same government, the meeting held in the UK. I desperately raised my concerns but came out of both meetings depressed, knowing those who are appointed to protect Nigerians are as helpless as those they protect. It is the same TODAY! Not a lot has changed, Guns are easy purchase: So those alarmed that bandits (TERRORISTS) are brandishing military-grade weapons, are detached from the Nigerian reality, light and small arms are easily purchasable in Nigeria. All you need is to ACTIVATE a contact and delivery is assured almost risk-free. The Nigerian government should in addition to other strategy focus on CUTTING THE SUPPLY CHAIN OF SMALL ARMS. Nigeria right now is a weak point in the West African illegal small arms supply route, apply the same strategy as you do on drug dealers. Cut the head of the snake. Boko Haram and co may depend on captured arms, but I doubt if Nigeria has taken time to look at its stock, an audit of the National armoury to stop bad eggs who sell to willing buyers. A serious local, state and national strategy should be considered before it is too late, that is if it isn't too late. I have left out particular details, hoping those in government will take the hint and strategize. For those complaining about my grammar. Sorry, wish I could do better. I hope you the grammar did not make you miss the bigger picture. The main message. May Nigeria WIN!

Criminal elements planning attacks on airports, says FG

The Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) says it has received an alert from the ministry of aviation over planned attacks on airports across the country. Advertisement This was contained in a memo signed by S.M. Mamman, FAAN deputy general manager of administration and logistics, and addressed to airport chiefs of security. According to the document seen by TheCable and dated April 9, 2021, airports on the list include those in Kaduna, Maiduguri, Sokoto, Kano, Abuja, and Lagos. “I am directed to convey an alert from the Ministry of Aviation regarding security threats by criminal elements against Airports in Nigeria and to request for the immediate enumeration of necessary countermeasures for the protection of Airports/Facilities under your purview,” the memo reads. Advertisement “Specifically, the Airports top on the list for which criminals are considering carrying out attacks include those in Kaduna, Maiduguri, Sokoto, Kano, Abuja, and Lagos amongst others. However, all airports are hereby alerted and requested to operate at a heightened threat level.” The airport chiefs have been directed to “submit a list of existing and additional countermeasures to address the threats, along with their cost implications where applicable”. Also, they are expected to urgently convene an emergency meeting of airport security committees “to review the status of airport security, jointly recommend appropriate measures and share responsibility for effective implementation”.

Weapons Are Flooding Into Nigeria As If There Is War — Professor Bolaji Akinyemi

Professor Bolaji Akinyemi Says, Reveals Source Of The Arms by Jake Clifford Weapons Are Flooding Into Nigeria As If There Is War — Professor Bolaji Akinyemi Says, Reveals Source Of The Arms Professor Bolaji Akinyemi is a well-known Nigerian who has served as a former diplomat and accomplished scholar. Responding to questions on the Arise Television Morning Show, the Professor of Political Science and International Relations spoke candidly about the state of the nation, especially in light of the recent invasion of the country’ s correctional center and police headquarters in Owerri, the capital of Imo state. On the current state of insecurity in Nigeria and the country’s international reputation Akinyemi: I’m Akinyemi, and I’m Nigeria has always been a lucky country, and that luck continues to work in the sense that the rest of the world is too preoccupied with Myanmar’s problems to notice Nigeria’s misfortunes. In the United States and around the world, COVID-19 is causing problems. So it’s not like the rest of the world isn’t concerned about our problems, as evidenced by the fact that when Biden and Harris were calling African leaders, Nigeria’s foreign minister was also calling ours. As a result, we’ve been demoted to the third division. This is extremely upsetting to those of us who have worked in the field. Other Africans are unconcerned because, as Nelson Mandela recently stated in an interview with a Nigerian journalist, until Nigeria gets its act together, the world will not accord black people their rightful status. So the proper insult to Nigeria was to all blacks, and we must remember that everything we do in this country has an impact on blacks all over the world, because we are the only authentic African country capable of lifting blacks by their bootstraps into, if you will, first-class status. I said the only genuine African country because, while I acknowledge the existence of South Africa and Rwanda, we are Africa’s sole power. We are the only African force capable of bringing Africa from third to first world status, to borrow Lil Kwan Yun’s words. What are your thoughts on General Abdulsalami Abubakar’s claim that Nigeria has six million weapons and that they have killed 80, 000 people? According to Dr. Ekomo, a security expert, the six million weapons figure is understatement. Akinyemi: I’m Akinyemi, and I’m My name is Akinyemi and I am from Nigeria Yes, I agree with Dr. Ekomo that that is a bit of an understatement. A task force was established by President Jonathan. I’ m not sure whether it was a task force or just a task committee on this issue, but they classified the report, and it wasn’ t made public because I was a member of the Boko Haram committee. We were able to obtain a copy of the final product, and the material was unsettling. As if Nigeria were a war zone, weapons are pouring in. Perhaps it will be a battleground; perhaps they are foreshadowing events to come. The moment Ghaddafi was destabilized, and you might argue that it wasn’ t Ghaddafi alone who was destabilized, but you see, at the time Libya was Ghaddafi and Ghaddafi was Libya, but the moment he was destabilized, the weapons depots were robbed, and those arms simply came down south, where Nigeria, with Boko Haram flexing its muscle, was seen as a legitimate ground for the arms to be used. They conducted a risk assessment of Nigeria’ s problems and concluded that we were not on our way to a wedding, but rather to a tumultuous future in this region. Different organisations that had been supported by wealthy individuals had funds available to them. I want to obtain the arms, which is why you in Nigeria have accepted those arms with reverence. And you’ ve seen how beneficial that estimate was to them, not to us, because from the Boko Haram rebels in the North- East, you now have herdsmen, bandits, or whatever you want to call them all over Nigeria, and the weapons are still pouring in. Now you wonder, what are we going to do about it, and I dare say I’ m not in the business of criticizing government or criticizing anybody. There is nothing we can do about it. Read more at: https://weetalknaija.com.ng/news/weapons-are-flooding-into-nigeria-as-if-there-is-war-professor-bolaji-akinyemi-says-reveals-source-of-the-arms.html

Ibadan-Kano Rail: Work Starts Soon – FG

The Federal Government on Friday stated work would soon begin on some selected rail projects for which contracts have been awarded. The government listed some of the rail projects to include the Ibadan-Kano, Port Harcourt Maiduguri, Kano-Maradi and Lagos-Calabar rail lines. Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, disclosed this while speaking in Abuja at the annual ministerial briefing on programmes, projects and activities of the Federal Ministry of Transportation and its agencies. He was joined at the briefing by Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed and Minister of State for Transportation, Gbemisola Saraki. The Minister said government has solved the financial problems associated with the rail projects. Amaechi said: “We have awarded the following contracts and we are about to start and we have even tried to solve the financial problems. This is because we have the problem of having to hire consulting engineers. “The ones we are about to start are Ibadan to Kano, that we are waiting for funds from China. “We are about to start Port Harcourt to Maiduguri, we are waiting for the cabinet to approve consulting shares. We are also to start the Kano-Maradi and Lagos to Calabar.” He added: “But one thing that is unique about these contracts is that the President early enough directed that all rail lines must stagnate at the sea ports. “That is why there may be a bit of adjustment in the pricing of Kano-Maradi because we have to adjust it to link up to Kano-Lagos so that it can terminate at Lagos seaport.” Amaechi said the 185.5km Lagos-Ibadan double standard gauge line with extension to Apapa seaport was nearing completion while the 186km Abuja-Kaduna and 302km Warri-Itakpe standard guage lines had been completed and were functional. He frowned at the ticket racketeering perpetuated by some employees of the Nigeria Railway Corporation and directed the management of the NRC to deal decisively with anyone found culpable. Amaechi, however, stated that with the introduction of the online ticketing system on the Abuja-Kaduna train service, the NRC had been able to raise its earnings by about N50m after deducting its operational cost. On the refund of loan, the Minister said the government had “paid a total sum of N420.46m into the escrow account from revenue received from Abuja-Kaduna train services over the period of the ERGP (Economic Recovery and Growth Plan 2017-2020).”

The fight for Mid-West…By Nowamagbe A. Omoigui, MD, MPH, FACC Columbia, SC, USA’

By crsdigest - April 11, 2021 The struggle for the creation of Midwestern Region was an epic in every sense. At the peak, the Edoid nationalist movement became like a tsunami, bringing down every obstacle in its path to fulfilment. It remains the longest , sustained war of self determination in Nigeria, full of promises, bridge building, individual and group heroism and betrayals, spreading across about forty years, ending with a chaotic mass evacuation on a short notice and a victory in the court of law. On August 9, 1964, during the first anniversary of the region, the first Governor, Chief S J Mariere, had this to say, “I do not think that it is an exaggeration to say that if, in any sense, one single person could be said to be responsible for a turning point, Oba Akenzua II must be classified as one such person…I invite all present to drink with me the toast of Midwestern Nigeria. I am sure that, in some special way, we will be drinking the toast of Oba Akenzua II, Uku Akpolokpolo, Omo n’Oba n’Edo. We will also be drinking the toast of other potentates of Midwestern Nigeria who, in diverse ways and fashions, in several nooks and corners, in places low and high, in circumstances difficult and easy, have contributed their quota towards our successful deliverance into the promised land, whose first anniversary today we celebrate… We must also remember those great men and women who toiled and sweated on the journey to this land of our fathers but died in harness when already the land was in sight. Today, I am sure, that the spirit of late Senator Dalton Ogieva Asemota and the soul of Chief Gabriel Esezobor Longe will specially rejoice in their abode in the great beyond…” One of the chief ironies for me in the saga was that the man who moved the first motion for the independence of Nigeria and who founded the Midwest Party in the 50s, Chief Anthony Eromosele Enahoro, as Chairman of the Midwest Regional Committee of the Action Group, became a chief obstacle to the Midwest nationalist activism during the final years. Chief Enahoro refused to explain to me why he chose party over region when I engaged him on the golf course in Benin City in 1990. I asked why he became Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s main agent for stopping the emergence of Midwestern Region. He rather asked me when I was born. Well, I was born a few days after we won that landmark victory. When I suggested that perhaps if he and Chief Awolowo were not in detention during the Plebiscite, they could have sabotaged the referendum, the chuminess between us came to an abrupt end. He had given me his autobiography, The Fugitive Offender, the evening before. “I’ve said all I need to say in black and white. Now, I’ll like to enjoy my golf.” So I wrote on his golf for Crown Prince magazine. But the two chief obstacles, Awolowo and Enahoro were indeed in detention during the 13 July, 1963 referendum. Their unfortunate incarceration presented a fortunate doorway to emancipation. Another irony was that Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, Balewa’s Minister of France, who was one of the major enablers of the emergence of Midwestern Region and Tafawa Balewa whose nod he managed to secure were both slain by the 1966 coupists. Well, first coupists. Many may not be aware, but by 1906, Southern Nigeria was run as three provinces— Western, Central and Eastern, along with the Lagos colony. The Eastern province was run from Calabar, the Central Province from Warri, and the Western Province from Lagos. The Central Province consisted of Aboh, Agbor, Asaba, Awka, Benin, Forcados, Idah, Ifon, Ishan, Kwale, Okwoga, Onitsha, Sapele, Udi and Warri districts. The Great Benin Kingdom was sacked, looted and burnt in 1897. The wealth of the kingdom shipped to Europe and Oba Ovonramwen exiled to Calabar. After his death, Prince Aiguobasimwin was crowned Oba Eweka II on July 24, 1914. Though the ceremony was colourful and memorable, the monarchy under the colonial Benin Native Council was a far cry from the powerful institution of his fathers. Following the amalgamation of Southern and Northern Nigeria, the River Niger was used for creating regions instead of nationalities. The Edoid nation was fluxed under the Western Region. Even within the Benin province, the colonialists engineered competition between the new elite led by Iyase Agho Obaseki and the Oba. The Palace was deliberately emasculated in favour of colonial proxies. However, the historical, cultural and linguistic bonds remained. Therefore, in 1926, Oba Eweka II requested the British to bring all the Edoid and Anioma areas together in one region, on the basis of their linguistic and cultural affinity. On record, the Oba Eweka II request in 1926, was the first articulation of a Midwest agenda, following the dissolution of the old central province. The first pan-Edo association called the Institute for Home-Benin improvement emerged in 1932. Its mandate was to represent the “Edo speaking people of Nigeria viz: Benin City, Ishan, Kukuruku, Ora, Agbor, Igbanke, Sobe etc.” A year after, in February 1933, ‘Ovbiodu’—the fond name for Oba Eweka II— joined his ancestors and the burden of rallying the Edoid nation fell on the shoulders of his heir, Oba Akenzua II. Meanwhile, in Lagos, during the catalytic Second World War, a visionary Herbert Macaulay led the charge against the British usurpers until his untimely death in 1946 when Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe took over the leadership of the NCNC. Oba Akenzua II was cautious about external alliances because they were a threat to Edo National aspiration. Apparently, the new westernised elite had imbibed the culture of oppressing and exploiting other nationalities for gain. As the British began to share power with them, they began to take advantage of the Middle Belt, the COR peoples and the Benin-Delta nation. Anthony Enahoro and Gaius Obaseki, for example, became disillusioned with Nnamdi Azikiwe, for Ibo leanings after Macaulay’s death. This is apparent in the Owelle’s quote in 1949: “It would appear that the God of Africa has created the Ibo nation to lead the children of Africa from the bondage of ages….” Meanwhile, Obafemi Awolowo introduced the dimension of cultism—initiating men on the rise into the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity in other to use them to frustrate nationalist activism in his domain. Thus Gauis Obaseki was elected the Oluwo of the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity (ROF). The ROF was founded in 1914 by the Anglican Archdeacon Ogunbiyi. It had as founding member, the influential Egba prince who became the first Minister of Justice, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola. He too referred me to his book. Why do they do that? The fraternity became an instrument of intimidation and of subverting the legitimate Midwestern aspiration. This eventually led to a counter initiative, the formation of the Owegbe society which the government soon banned. Having struggled to place a literate young Iyase in a position of power in order to deflate palace autocracy, the people found that the Ogboni fraternity was too powerful and sinister for their comfort. Being the Iyase in the council and the Oluwo in the Ogboni, the members began to dominate the councils and to infiltrate all walks of life in Benin. To the progressives, it was unacceptable. At the Warri and Benin provincial conferences of 1949, all Edoid people (including Urhobo) supported calls for a Midwest Region. When Benin and Warri delegates attempted to raise the issue at the Western regional conference on Constitutional reform that year, they were prevented from doing so. Therefore, with Oba Akenzua II in the lead, they walked out. Both Obafemi Awolowo and Nnamdi Azikiwe expressed preference for a Tri-State Nigeria at the All-Nigeria Constitutional Conference in Ibadan in January 1950, preparatory to the take-off of the MacPherson Constitution. Back in Benin, Oba Akenzua II stated for the records that Midwesterners were seeking freedom, “not only from the white man, but also from foreign African nations… Steps should now be taken without further delay or fear to move the British Government to repair the damage they have done, by restoring the national status of Benin-Delta Province before they transfer power back to the Nigerians from whom they have taken it.” Mr. JIG Onyia of Asaba moved a motion, which said inter-alia: “Be it resolved, and it is hereby resolved that: We (the peoples of Benin-Delta Province) in a conference holding at Benin City this 18th day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and fifty three, demand as of right an immediate creation of a separate State for the peoples of Benin-Delta Province…” The Benin Delta Political Party (BDPP) was created, under a President General (Oba Akenzua II) and six Vice Presidents (Ogirrua of Irrua, Emeni of Obiaruku, Ovie of Ughelli, Momodu of Agbede, Ovie of Effurun and Ogenieni of Uzairue). Members of the Executive Committee were D.E. Odiase, T.O. Elaiho, G. Brass Ometan, J. W. Amu, J. D. Ifode, J. Igben, Martins Adebayo, John Uzo, H. O. Uwaifo and Barrister Gabriel Edward Longe. Chief Oweh later replaced JD Ifode. Other BDPP stalwarts included Onogie Enosegbe II of Ewohimi, E. A. Lamai of Fugar and Martins Adebayo of Akoko-Edo. Humphrey Omo-Osagie was invited to lead the Otu-Edo. The new party was dedicated to the “unification of all Edo-speaking peoples of Nigeria.” The new party was to promote “a sense of nationalism among the peoples of Benin” and combat threats to our “national unity.” Otu-Edo later entered into an alliance with the NCNC at the national level. Meanwhile, at the local level in Benin, the Ogboni allied with the Action Group founded by Chief Obafemi Awolowo out of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa in Yoruba land. The council election, which took place in December, 1951 was fierce and brutal. There were waves of violence, arson and murder, in an uprising against the Action Group/Ogboni. Beginning in July, but with its high point on September 6th, farmers who opposed the Ogboni were mobilised and proceeded to burn down the houses of leaders of the Ogboni in villages all over Isi district. Many were detained, charged to court, fined and even jailed. From this point on, Oba Akenzua II, supported by the Benin and Warri (Delta) legislative delegation, began openly touring Benin and other Divisions of Benin province as well as the Delta province to campaign for the Midwest (Central) region. At the next Benin Provincial Conference at Ogwashi-Uku in June 1952, attended by pro-Midwesterners like JO Odigie of Ishan, Chike Ekwuyasi of Benin and Dennis Osadebay of Asaba, separatist sentiments were strongly expressed, resulting in the creation of the “Central State Congress”. Western region government was criticised for the decision to spend 225,000 pounds in Awolowo’s home province of Ijebu with a population of 383,000, as compared with 169,000 pounds in the Benin province with a population of 624,000. In July/August 1953, Councilor J. Osadolo Edomwonyi moved a motion in the Benin Divisional Council praying the Constitutional Conference in London to include on its agenda, the creation of a separate region for the Benin and Delta provinces. The motion was overshadowed by a bitter fight between Obafemi Awolowo of the Western region and Nnamdi Azikiwe of the Eastern region over excision of Lagos on one hand and Southern Cameroons on the other, creation of new States was overruled at the London Constitutional conference. When he returned from London, Chief Omo-Osagie briefed Oba Akenzua II, who then made arrangements to host a conference of traditional and political leaders of the Benin and Delta provinces on September 18, 1953 in Benin City. Chief Humphrey Omo-Osagie come to power that year and aligned the “new elite” with the “traditional leadership”. This made possible the subsequent unified role of Benin as the heartland of the agitation for the creation of the Midwest. When the Western House of Assembly opened in January 1952, 21 out of 24 Midwesterners were allied with the NCNC while three – S.O. Ighodaro, Arthur Prest, and Anthony Enahoro – were allied with the Action Group. The Alake of Abeokuta, rose to speak and made it clear that the “voice of the West” did not include the delegates from Benin and Delta. Chief Awolowo got his rivals in the NCNC and Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) to accept certain fundamental principles which would guide creation of new regions and which would be enshrined in the proposed new constitution. These requirements included a two-thirds majority consent of the legislature of the concerned state from which the new state was to be created, as well as the federal parliament; that ethnic groups that chose not to separate could stay with the original state; and that both the proposed new state and the residual state from which it was created should meet tests of viability. For the Midwest in particular, Anthony Enahoro proposed that rather than a new Midwest region, the Midwest would be managed under a “Ministry of Midwest Affairs” concurrently under his supervision as the Western region Minister for Home Affairs. Chief Awolowo accepted this concept. By the time the conference came to an end, delegates from the three major ethnic groups had agreed that in addition to tough legislative requirements at federal and regional levels, a plebiscite should be conducted in the area of any proposed new state to determine if 60% of registered voters in the area wanted a new state. NPC, NCNC and Action Group drew up a Joint Proposal which was submitted to the Nigerian Constitutional Conference, in London, June 1957. A Commission of Inquiry was recommended to ascertain the facts about the fears of minorities and consider what safeguards should be included in the new constitution. This came to be known as the Willink Commission. Its members were Henry Willink, Gordon Hadow, Phillip Mason and J.B. Shearer. It arrived in Nigeria on November 23rd, 1957 and held public sittings and private meetings from December 8th to 23rd at Benin and Warri. It left for the UK on April 12th, 1958 and eventually submitted its report on July 30th, 1958. The outcome of the London Conference agigated members of the MSM. Chief Omo-Osagie, for example, said, “The people of the Midwest would willingly submit to the use of nuclear weapons, devastating bombs or machine guns to annihilate them, rather than remain in a self governing West.” The Willink Commission reported that the sentiment was almost limited to Benin City. The report was rejected. The nationalists insisted on creation of the Midwest region, but left open the possibility of a “Provincial Commissioner for Benin and Delta provinces” at the federal level – an option the Action Group rejected outright. The Western region passed what was known as “amendment No. 4” to the local government law of 1957, which gave it new powers by which it could manipulate the control of local councils. The combination of the local government and chieftaincy laws, control of customary courts and heavy handed use of tax assessments was then exploited in an aggressive drive by the Action Group to take control of the Benin and Delta provinces. Meanwhile, the political profile of key Midwesterners was rising. Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh of Warri emerged as the Minister for Labor and Welfare (NCNC), a position which gave him access to northern leaders. Other Midwesterners like H. Omo-Osagie, James Otobo, V. I. Amadasun, Oputa-Otutu, Shaka Momodu, FH Utomi and others also became more prominent in party and legislative affairs at regional and national levels. The Oba who had been banking on Chief Awolowo’s assurance became skeptical and decided to abandon the Action group, resigning his position as a Minister without portfolio. By so doing, he realigned the traditional establishment with the “new elite” for the final push to secure the Midwest. Eventually Festus Okotie-Eboh got Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu and Alhaji Ahmadu Bello of the NPC to agree in principle to make an exception for the Midwest based on its unique history. Festus Okotie-Eboh was given a chieftaincy title in Benin— the Elaba of Uselu. Chief Humphrey Omo-Osagie, with whom Oba Akenzua II had had ups and downs, was conferred with the title of Iyase of Benin. When Chief Awolowo was confronted with his commitment in the Western regional House of Assembly in 1955 by approving the Sowole motion, he replied that he was no longer bound by that motion because the country was under colonial rule at the time. The comment confirmed suspicions that he did not support the creation of the Midwest – under any circumstances. On April 4th, 1961, what is now known in history as the first Midwest motion was moved and carried by voice acclamation in the federal House of Representatives. The motion ran into legal trouble later because no formal count had been taken, as constitutionally required. The April 1961 Midwest motion in the federal legislature was followed by initial approval in June 1961 in the Eastern region and in September 1961 in the Northern region. It had become obvious that the first Midwest motion was inadequate because no vote count was taken. Therefore, on March 22nd, 1962, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa introduced the second Midwest motion. The Federal House of Representatives and Senate approved the second Midwest motion by 214-49 on March 24, 1962. Six days later on March 30th, 1962 the Midwest referendum Bill was passed. It was followed on April 17th and 18th by the Midwest Parliamentary Bill which specified the addition of Akoko-Edo, Warri and Western Ijaw areas to the proposed Midwest. No sooner did this vote take place than Barrister S. O. Ighodaro, Attorney General of the Western region, went to court to challenge the validity of the Midwest Parliamentary Bill and the Eastern region’s approval of the federal Midwest Bill. On April 4th, the Eastern region passed the second Midwest motion, followed on April 5th, by the Northern region. On April 13th, a counter-motion was passed by the Western House of Assembly, opposing the federal Midwest motion. *In May 1962, a crisis erupted between Chiefs Obafemi Awolowo and Samuel Akintola. This crisis had many causes, one of which was a struggle for control over spending of the Cocoa Marketing Board investment funds built up during the Second World War. Then there was the undercurrent of a serious conflict between their wives. On April 19, 1962, one day after S. O. Ighodaro went to court on behalf of the Akintola government to challenge the Midwest motion, Chief Akintola was expelled from the Action Group by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. V.E. Amadasun drove to Lagos to inform the Midwest community in the federal government of the chaotic development, which led to the eventual declaration of a State of Emergency in the West on May 29. Under the “emergency administration” of the West led by Senator MA Majekodunmi, a fresh number of pro-Midwest Midwesterners became ministers, including Mark Uzorka, T. E. Salubi, Webber Egbe, A. Y. Eke etc, with Oba Akenzua II and the Olu of Warri as “advisers.” It was the emergency administration in the West which gave the Western region’s approval for the Midwest referendum to proceed. In May, there was an All-party Midwest conference in Benin at which Senator Dalton Asemota of Benin was made Chairman of the Midwest United Front Committee (UFC). The conference resulted in the creation of many committees to plan for the future Midwest. In addition to the UFC, these committees were the constitutional and legal, finance and general purposes, civil service, delimitation, and minority protection committees. In June, the Majekodunmi regime filed a motion to withdraw the court cases that were pending against the Midwest motion. Both motions were eventually dismissed in July by the Supreme Court. At another meeting in the Oba’s Palace, a 75 man Midwest Planning Committee including all Midwest legislators at regional and federal levels was created. It too was chaired by Senator Dalton Asemota, assisted by EB Edun-Fregene, JAE Oki, Dr. Christopher Okojie, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, Dennis Osadebay and Humphrey Omo-Osagie. Various sub-committee chairmen were Olisa Chukwura for the constitutional and legal, Chief A. Y. Eke for the finance and general purposes, J.I.G. Onyia for the civil service, Chief Obasuyi for delimitation, Ja Isuman for the Plebiscite, and Chief Odiete for minority protection. Unity and commitment were in full force. About one week later a new political party called the Midwest Peoples Congress (MPC) was formed. It was allied to the Northern Peoples Congress and led by Apostle Edokpolo. A week later on September 22, Chief Awolowo and many others were arrested for an alleged plot to overthrow the government of Prime Minister Balewa. Chief Anthony Enahoro escaped into exile but was extradited back from Ireland to Nigeria in May 1963 to stand trial. With the Promised Land in sight, there was need for all resources to be mobilized for known and unknown threats during the referendum. Therefore, Oba Akenzua II wrote a letter to the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Midwest Affairs on October 2nd, 1962, in which he requested the lifting of the ban on Owegbe society. The close of an epic struggle was at hand. My birth as well. With unity and security on the home front, all hands were now on deck for the final push. The Akintola government was reinstated on January 1st, 1963 as Premier. On January 21, Mr. Gabriel E. Longe, from Owan district of the Afenmai Division was appointed the Supervisor of the Midwest referendum. No non-Midwesterners were given any significant roles in the exercise. Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh was the link man to the Prime Minister to make sure there were no mistakes at federal level. On February 23rd, Midwestern dissenters from the Action group and elements of the Midwest State Movement and NCNC entered a secret pact to make sure the Midwest referendum was hitch free. Faced with a choice between the party and their region, and urged on by appeals from Senator Dalton Asemota, many opted for their region. Thereafter, Oba Akenzua II resumed his tours of the Midwest to garner support for the “Yes” votes. He was quoted as saying, “Whoever does not drop his or her ballot paper into the WHITE ballot box will be condemned by future generations.” On May 2nd, tragedy struck. Senator Dalton Ogieva Asemota, Chairman of the Midwest Planning Committee died suddenly. Once it became apparent that the referendum was indeed going to be held, a tactical HQ was established at the Oba’s Palace, Benin City. Representatives of the Midwest State Movement met there regularly for briefing. This was a war of liberation, advised the Oba, no stone must be left unturned to ensure victory in this last push. Midwest patriots like the late Israel Amadi-Emina, Senior Divisional Adviser for the Benin and Delta provinces to the Western region Government were in regular attendance, at a risk to their civil service careers in the western region, explaining the inside mechanics of Action group rigging methods. It was from him and others in the system that all the administrative traps in the 1959 voters’ register were learnt, including fake names that had been planted there at the time of the voters’ registration in 1959. Without knowing the number and identity of the fake names, he explained, it would be impossible to get 60% of those registered. It was not the intention of those who wrote such difficult clauses into the constitution that any new region would ever be created. Word. Fleets of Armels buses were leased by Chief Humphrey Omo-Osagie and sent around the Benin province for operational support. The Otu-Edo party machine went into high gear. Prince Shaka Momodu and his “militia” were on alert. The Owegbe society was completely mobilised. The Urhobo Progress Union used every avenue known to man, including churches, to mobilise voters. Turn-out at ward level all over the state was planned to be close to 100% to make up for unknown ghost voters. Records were meticulously collected from hut to hut and house to house and recorded with entries for “Total Electors”, “Total entitled to vote (based on the 1959 federal register)”, “Number of people dead (since the 1959 federal elections)”, “Number of people that have left the area (since the 1959 federal elections)”, “Number of people likely to vote ‘Yes'”, and “Number of people likely to vote ‘No’.” On this basis detailed plans were made to target potential “No” votes to convince them otherwise, through education, direct lobbying, and traditional sanctions. From June 5th until 25th, massive campaign tours were undertaken by the MSM, led by Dennis Osadebay. On July 1st, Michael Okpara, Premier of the Eastern region, came on tour to encourage the people of the Midwest to vote “Yes”. Also in attendance during the referendum were many other NCNC national leaders who were made interim divisional team leaders. They included GC Mbanugo, TOS Benson, RA Fani Kayode (who had since decamped from the AG), RA Akinyemi, KO Mbadiwe, Akinfosile, as well as Okotie Eboh and Omo Osagie. On or about July 10th, with all the signs pointing to a successful referendum, even Chief Obafemi Awolowo, leader of the Action Group, faced with dissension within the ranks of the Midwest Action Group, sent a note from prison to his supporters urging them to vote “Yes.” —As edited, with additional reports, from “BENIN AND THE MIDWEST REFERENDUM OF 1963” By Nowamagbe A. Omoigui, MD, MPH, FACC Columbia, SC, USA’ Being a speech delivered on Friday, December 20, 2002 at the Oba Akenzua II Cultural Complex, Airport Road, Benin City on the occasion of the Fifth Late Chief (Dr.) Jacob Uwadiae Egharevba (MBE) Memorial Lecture and Award Ceremony, under the distinguished Chairmanship of S. A. Asemota Esq. (SAN), sponsored by the Institute for Benin Studies. Available @ http://www.waado.org/nigerdelta/ethnichistories/egharevbalectures/Fifth-Omoigui.htm

Before Nigeria breaks up…

by Simon Kolawole There was a time in my life when my biggest worry about the Nigerian union was the likelihood of a break-up. I worried about the process: would it be peaceful? I didn’t think so. No president would watch the country disintegrate under his watch without putting up a fight. But that would mean another civil war. We have fought a civil war before and there was nothing delicious about it. In recent times, I have also heard tales of war horrors from Liberia, Sierra Leone and Sudan. They scare me stiff. Most importantly, I used to worry about the consequences of balkanisation on ordinary Nigerians who could be uprooted and dislocated from places they have always known as home. Today, my biggest worry is no longer the possible balkanisation of Nigeria. After all, if Nigeria breaks up, would it be a first in the history of mankind? The way we talk about break-up in this country, you would think it is unknown to the human race and we are about to invent something magnificent. The almighty USSR broke up, didn’t it? Eritrea came out of Ethiopia and South Sudan left Sudan. Life goes on. While there are those who genuinely believe the current structure of Nigeria is not working and needs a fundamental change for the greater good, there are also those who are campaigning for an outright break-up completely out of spite. Whatever option we settle for, life will always go on. My biggest worry, the way things are going, is the somalisation of Nigeria, which I wrote about recently. By somalisation, I mean a descent into prolonged chaos and anarchy. The Federal Republic of Somalia — a country with one ethnic group, one tongue, one religion and virtually one sect (Sunni Islam) — became unthinkably divided along clan lines as it began to descend into anarchy in the 1990s after a military coup. The Somali armed forces could not contain the various armed groups. UN efforts failed and by 1995 its forces withdrew, leaving the country in the hands of armed gangs who competed for power in the absence of a functioning national government. It is a very sad story. With the Nigerian security agencies showing seeming helplessness as criminal gangs, terrorists and secessionists strike daily, we should be worried more about a prolonged state of lawlessness and ruin than the possibility of a break-up. It would appear these criminal gangs have carved out their own portions of Nigeria where they are operating without let or hinderance. When soldiers are running away from the battlefield and complaining that the enemy has superior firepower, when bandits are killing randomly by the minute, when police stations are being attacked and prisons are being flung open with so much ease, somalisation should worry us — far more than balkanisation. Nigeria has been inching towards disorder for quite a while, but it appears we accelerated badly in the last few years. I don’t think the anarchy has ever been this widespread, even though I know I could be accused of wild exaggeration. Insurgents, bandits and kidnappers in the north, kidnappers, rapists, separatists and gunmen in the south… I don’t think our security agencies have been this stretched since the end of the civil war. The attacks on police in Imo state and Akwa Ibom have lengthened an already horrifying list of lawlessness across the country. Every day, we wake up asking: where next? My biggest pity is for the hapless and helpless Nigerians seeing hell daily. The recent attacks on police stations and prisons in Imo state in which thousands of inmates were freed strikingly followed patterns established by the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) and Boko Haram. In 1999, OPC targeted police stations in the south-west, particularly in Lagos, before President Olusegun Obasanjo reined them in by using a combination of soft and hard powers. In 2009, when Boko Haram began to transform from a religious sect to an armed group, its initial attacks were directed at police stations and DSS offices in Borno state. They have gone on to become a formidable rebel force with military-calibre arsenal. We can all feel the consequences. I have no doubt in my mind that most of those we call “bandits”, “gunmen” and “herders” today are products of the Boko Haram insurgency — that’s if they are not actually their agents. Boko Haram — whether the Abubakar Shekau faction, or the one referred to as the Islamic State in West Africa (ISWAP), or any other faction at that — definitely needs funds to sustain operations, including buying arms and feeding the insurgents and their captives. That is a huge budget running into billions of naira monthly, even by conservative estimates. Through banditry and kidnappings, they achieve two things: exerting terror on the populace and extorting ransoms to fund their budgets. The insurgents have also succeeded in fuelling ethnic agitations in Nigeria which are threatening to boil over. In the south-west, northerners are bearing the brunt of the conduct of criminal gangs who engage in kidnapping and rape. The entire Fulani ethnicity has been issued with quit notices and attacked. This is raising ethnic tensions. Some Yoruba nationalists are also seizing the opportunity to amplify their call for the balkanisation. Some have declared Republic of Oduduwa. Ethnic tensions are high and ethnic militias are having a field day. The Boko Haram guys must be having fun in their cocoons because whatever they are doing to damage Nigeria is obviously working very well. In the south-east, which has a no-love-lost relationship with President Muhammadu Buhari, the activities of these criminal gangs have been interpreted as a Fulani jihad being executed to conquer Igboland. If you dismiss this interpretation with a wave of the hand, then you are far away from understanding the sentiments on the streets. And that will be totally unhelpful. There is a standing instruction by the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), the south-east separatist group, that Fulani herders should be chased out of the region. The attacks on police stations and prisons, no matter who is behind them (IPOB has denied having a hand), can only worsen the somalisation situation. There have always been political explanations for the perennial violence in Nigeria in the last two decades. I recall that in 1999-2002, there was insecurity across the country: ethnic and religious riots in the north and violence by armed gangs and ethnic militias in the south. The first interpretation then was that there were agent provocateurs at work trying to truncate our “fledgling democracy” and bring the military back to power. If that was true, then we managed to scale the hurdle. At least, we have enjoyed uninterrupted civil rule for almost 22 years now. The violence and insecurity have not stopped, though. Instead, things have only got progressively and frightening worse over time. Another political interpretation of the insecurity is that violent agitations are a means of getting power in Nigeria. In the heat of the Boko Haram insurgency under President Goodluck Jonathan, I read an article (I can’t remember the author) suggesting that it had an ethno-political motive. The author said there was a belief that the Yoruba got power in 1999 because of the agitations of Afenifere, NADECO and OPC. He further argued that power moved back to the north in 2007 as a result of the Shari’a riots that pushed the country to the brink of religious war. He also thought a VP candidate was picked from the south-south in 2007 to pacify the Niger Delta militants. His overall argument, then, was that Boko Haram was set up to destabilise the Jonathan administration so that power could return to the north after their notional eight-year tenure was cut short by the death of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in May 2010 — three years into his first term. The author warned that using violence to gain power was a dangerous and an unhealthy trend for Nigerian politics. (I hope I have not misrepresented the author’s arguments and views because I have not been able to find and re-read the article since then). Some analysts believe that some of the ongoing violence and agitations in the country are aimed at securing political power in 2023. While I admit that there could be some truth to the author’s thesis (I, however, do not believe Boko Haram was set up to return power to the north, given the little I know about their origins and evolution), I am more disturbed with the inability of the Nigerian state to halt the somalisation. No matter the politics or demographics of it, this carnage has to be stopped urgently. I am not saying the balkanisation campaigners should stop their job. That is above my paygrade. But before Nigeria breaks up — if it has to break up at all — government still has the constitutional responsibility to protect life and property. This “on your own” situation is, to put it mildly, depressing. One frustrating thing about Nigeria is the inability of many ethnic leaders to see that the state of insecurity is a threat to all of us. Helpless and hapless Nigerians are being killed all over the country. No ethnic group is spared. No religion is exempted. But the framing of the issues is such that the impression is being created and sustained that it is a campaign by one section of the country against the other. I wouldn’t be amazed if it is only a few Twitter warriors that are politicising the insecurity. Do they know any better? But when you see supposedly educated and enlightened people peddling divisive theories and falsehoods just to score cheap political points, you have to shake your head. For one, I no longer worry about Nigeria’s break-up. There is nothing falling from the sky that the ground cannot accommodate. However, for the record, I continue to strongly believe in one Nigeria. It is not because I am such a wonderful patriot; it is simply because I have spent time observing how ordinary Nigerians relate with one another. We do not have differences that cannot be managed with political sagacity. The obstruction to national unity, I maintain, is political mismanagement. But even if Nigeria is eventually going to break up, we still deserve, for the time being, government protection in this Hobbesian state of nature, where life is “poor, nasty, brutish, and short”. AND FOUR OTHER THINGS… HAZARDOUS WASTE It has emerged that a Nigerian doctor is paid N5,000 as hazard allowance monthly — while a senator gets N1.2 million to buy newspapers. Senator Shehu Sani once told us that a senator gets roughly N13.5 million monthly as “running cost”. A rep takes home N8.5 million, we were told later. This is outside what they rake in from MDAs for “oversight” and “public hearing”. That is just one arm and one tier of government. Our problem is not that difficult to decipher: we are run by a greedy and selfish political class who do everything to feather their own nests while caring little or nothing about the people they are supposed to govern. Fix politicians and you will fix Nigeria. Simple. ADAMU DAMNED President Buhari surprisingly removed Mr Mohammed Adamu as the inspector-general of police last week after controversially extending his tenure in February. This is a little bit baffling because the tenure extension was to end in May. We had enough prior notice of Adamu’s retirement date and he could have handed over to the most senior officer instead of getting an extension. It would really be pleasant if the president can be setting key performance indices for his appointees so that we can know the basis on which some people get extension or renewal, and why some are dropped. The new IGP, Mr Usman Alkali Baba, has his work well cut out as insecurity spreads nationwide. Uphill. Advertisement KOGI PRISON Kogi state is known for intimidating those with COVID-19 symptoms into silence. Doctors are not allowed to diagnose or report COVID cases if they love their lives. However, something equally dangerous is going on. If we do not oppose it, it may become a trend and this democracy will be further undermined. Anene Victor and Emmanuel Larry, two anti-Buhari protesters, were arrested in Lokoja, flogged, secretly arraigned before a magistrate court for “treasonable felony” and “inciting public unrest” and are now cooling off in Kabba prison. If anti-Buhari protesters could be treated this way, I do not expect any demonstrator against Yahaya Bello, the state governor, to be alive. Scary. TURKEY’S CHRISTMAS The proverb that turkeys do not vote for Christmas is being challenged in Nigeria as the country continues its romance with electricity-powered cars. We should assume that Nigeria, an oil-producing country that lives large on petrodollars, would not be enthusiastic about the gradual phase-out of vehicles powered by fossil fuels. But not only have we launched the first locally assembled electric car in Nigeria, we have also unveiled the first 100 percent solar-powered electric vehicle charging station — a collaborative project of the National Automotive Design and Development Council (NADDC) and Usmanu Danfodio University, Sokoto (UDUS). Suicidal?