Eight Things To Know About Late OPEC Scribe Barkindo By Samuel Oamen.

Secretary-General of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) Mohammed Barkindo is dead. The Group Managing Director (GMD) of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited, Mele Kyari, announced his demise in a tweet in the early hours of Wednesday. 1. Mohammed Sanusi Barkindo was born on April 20, 1959. 2. Barkindo completed his bachelor’s degree in political science from Ahmadu Bello University (Zaria, Nigeria) in 1981. 3. He bagged Master of Business Administration degree from Washington University in 1991, Prior to his MBA, in 1988 and earned a postgraduate diploma in Petroleum Economics from Oxford University. 4. He was awarded an honorary doctorate from Federal University of Technology Yola. 5. He was Secretary General of OPEC, from August 1, 2016 until his death. 6. He served as Acting Secretary General in 2006, represented Nigeria on OPEC’s Economic Commission Board from 1993 to 2008, led the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation from 2009 to 2010, and headed Nigeria’s technical delegation to UN climate negotiations beginning in 1991. 7. Barkindo visited Buhari at the Presidential Villa on Tuesday, July 5, 2022. 8. He died around 11 pm on Tuesday, July 5, 2022.

PANDORA PAPERS: Inside Peter Obi’s secret businesses — and how he broke the law

Peter Obi serially violated the law by failing to declare to the Code of Conduct Bureau the companies and assets he tucked away in secrecy havens. Taiwo-Hassan AdebayoByTaiwo-Hassan Adebayo October 4, 2021 in Headline Stories, Investigation/Special Reports, Pandora Papers 11 min read Peter Obi, the ex-governor of Anambra State in Southeastern Nigeria, is widely regarded in Nigeria as an advocate of good governance, openness, and transparency. In addition to speeches on his governance records and statistics-laden prescriptions for Nigeria’s development, he likes to talk about how hugely successful he became in business before diving into politics. In speeches and in printed literature, Mr Obi is never shy, reeling out his numerous business affiliations and accomplishments. On his website, for example, the former governor said he “was chairman of Next International Nigeria Ltd, then chairman and director of Guardian Express Mortgage Bank Ltd, Guardian Express Bank Plc, Future View Securities Ltd, Paymaster Nigeria Ltd, Chams Nigeria Ltd, Data Corp Ltd and Card Centre Ltd.” On that same platform, the former governor also described himself as the youngest board chairperson ever appointed by Fidelity Bank Plc, a 34-year old Nigerian lender listed on the Nigerian Stock Exchange. But beyond the facade of priggish speeches and appearances, an investigation by PREMIUM TIMES has now shown that Mr Obi is not entirely transparent in his affairs as he likes Nigerians to believe. The investigation is part of the global International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ)-led Pandora Papers project. The project saw 600 journalists from 150 news organisations around the world poring through a trove of 11.9 million confidential files, contextualising information, tracking down sources and analysing public records and other documents. The leaked files were retrieved from some offshore services firms around the world that set up shell companies and other offshore entities for clients, many of them influential politicians, businesspersons and criminals, seeking to conceal their financial dealings. The two-year collaboration has so far revealed the financial secrets of not less than 35 current and former world leaders, more than 330 public officials in more than 91 countries and territories. Mr Obi is one of the individuals whose hidden business activities was thrown open by the project. Indeed, he has a number of secret business dealings and relationships that he has for years kept to his chest. These are businesses he clandestinely set up and operated overseas, including in notorious tax and secrecy havens in ways that breached Nigerian laws. PREMIUM TIMES contacted Mr Obi with written questions and had an in-person interview with him weeks ahead of this publication. The former governor admitted that he did not declare these companies and the funds and properties they hold in his asset declaration filings with the Code of Conduct Bureau, the Nigerian government agency that deals with the issues of corruption, conflict of interest, and abuse of office by public servants. He said he was unaware that the law expected him to declare assets or companies he jointly owns with his family members or anyone else. The Pandora Papers, the biggest cross-border collaboration of journalists in history, is an investigation into a vast amount of previously hidden offshore companies, exposing secret assets, covert deals and hidden fortunes of the super-rich – among them more than 130 billionaires – and the powerful, including more 30 world leaders and hundreds of former and serving public officials across the world. The confidential documents also feature a global cast of fugitives, convicts, celebrities, football stars and others, including judges, tax officials, spy chiefs and mayors. The leaked records came from 14 offshore services firms from around the world that set up shell companies and other offshore nooks for clients like Mr Obi, who seek to shroud their financial activities, often suspicious, in secrecy. Peter Obi, his daughter and a secret business Mr Obi has two children- a daughter, Gabriella Nwamaka Frances Obi, and a son, Gregory Peter Oseloka Obi. Sometime in 2010, more than four years after he became governor, the politician developed an appetite to set up his first discreet company in the British Virgin Island. He named the company Gabriella Investments Limited, after his daughter To set up what has now become a convoluted business structure, Mr Obi first approached Acces International, a secrecy enabler in Monaco, France, to help him incorporate an offshore entity in one of the world’s most notorious tax havens noted for providing conduits for wealthy and privileged corrupt political elites to hide stolen cash to avoid the attention of tax authorities. Tax havens are politically and economically stable offshore jurisdictions or countries with extensive laws and systems that provide little or no tax obligations, but enable high secrecy and privacy protection for foreign individuals and businesses. Mr Obi also paid Acces International to provide nominee directors for the company. Nominee directors are residents of tax havens paid to sit on boards of companies to hide the identities of real owners of offshore firms. So, after accepting a brief from the then governor or his representatives, Acces International officials headed to the British Virgin Island, a notorious tax haven, where it contracted a local registered agent – Aleman Cordero Galindo & Lee Trust (BVI) Limited (Alcogal) — to set up Gabriella Investments Limited for Mr Obi. The 36-year old Alcogal is a Panamanian law firm that went on to open overseas subsidiaries offering company formation and registered agent services in BVI, Seychelles, Belize, and Bahamas, and the preparation of corporate documentation in relation to the companies formed. It also provides trust services through its subsidiary trust companies in Panama, BVI, and Belize. After extensive documentation, Gabriella Investment Limited was born on November 17, 2010, with registration number 1615538. Two figureheads – Antony Janse Van Vuuren and Lance Lawson — were appointed its first directors while ultimate control resided with Mr Obi. On the same day the company was incorporated, the nominee directors met and issued 50,000 shares of Gabriella Investment in favour of Hill International Holding Corporation, a shell International Business Company operating under the laws of Belize, another tax haven. The director of the company is Mr Van Vuuren, also one of the directors of Gabriella Investment. It is unclear what businesses Mr Obi transacted with the entities but in some communications, they were sometimes referred to as investment vehicles. Mr Obi told PREMIUM TIMES the offshore entity is the holding company for most of his assets and that the business structure he adapted was to enable him to avoid excessive taxation. “I am sure you too will not like to pay inheritance tax if you can avoid it,” he told the reporters who interviewed him. The Memorandum of Incorporation of Gabriella Investment said it was set up to carry on or undertake any business or activity, including trading of any commodities or goods, to do any act or enter into any transactions. Recalibrating the structure and bringing family under the umbrella Mr Obi has since rearranged his offshore businesses. First, he renamed Gabriella Investment. Beginning February 10, 2017, the company became known as PMGG Investments Limited in what is a combination of the first letters of the first names of Mr Obi’s nuclear family. P for Peter (ex-governor), M for Margaret (the ex-governor’s wife), G for Gabriella (the ex-governor’s daughter) and G for Gregory (the ex-governor’s son). Mr Obi has also now created a trust known as The Gabriella Settlement, an entity also registered in the BVI. According to Fidelity Investments, a trust is a fiduciary arrangement that allows a third party, or trustee, to hold assets on behalf of a beneficiary or beneficiaries. Experts believe that trusts are traditionally used for minimising taxes even though they can offer other estate plan benefits as well. By the current structuring of Mr Obi’s wealth and offshore businesses, The Gabriella Settlement, which appears to hold all or a majority of his assets, is the sole shareholder of PMGG Investments. In turn, a New Zealander entity, Granite Trust Company Limited is the sole trustee of The Gabriella Settlement. Sam Access International, the Monaco-based secrecy enabler Mr Obi first hired in 2010 to set up his offshore structure, was until August 23, 2019, the sole shareholder of Granite Trust. Antony Janse Van Vuuren, who has acted as a consistent and perpetual director for almost all of Mr Obi-related offshore entities popped up again, making the filing that brought in another Monaco-based company, Rhone Acces Sam as the sole shareholder of Granite Trust. However, Rhone Trust and Fiduciary S.A., a Swiss entity, is the ultimate holding company for Granite Trust. *Mr Peter Obi and his Man Friday* A central and recurring figure in former Governor Obi’s network of offshore companies and on whom the politician appears to place immense trust is Antony Janse Van Vuuren, a 70-year old South African based in the principality of Monaco in France. Experts in Illicit Financial Flows consider Monaco a tax haven because of its generous tax laws and policies. According to KPMG Multi Family Office, the principality of roughly 30,000 inhabitants does not charge wealth tax, property tax, investment income tax, and capital gains tax. It also does not tax dividends and directors’ fees and unless they are French nationals, resident individuals are not subject to personal income tax while inheritance tax is zero per cent for spouses and direct beneficiaries. It is unclear if it was this mouth-watering tax regime that attracted Mr Obi to Monaco. What is however clear is that, in 2010, four years after he became governor, the politician or his representatives hired Monaco-based Acces International, where Mr Van Vuuren has been partner and director for 25 years, to help him create a secret and intricate scheme for managing his assets. Mr Obi told PREMIUM TIMES that British Lloyds Bank’s advice informed his offshore structure decision. From Monaco in France to Tortola in the BVI, to Wellington in New Zealand, and to Geneva in Switzerland, Mr Van Vuuren has travelled around the world running business errands for Mr Obi and taking major decisions on his behalf. While Mr Obi stays comfortably behind the curtain, the South African has remained the face of the ex-governor’s companies and the assets they hold. For the past decade, he is the politician’s number one business arranger in the offshore world as well as the custodian of the politician’s business-related documents and correspondences. Mr Van Vuuren, a veteran nominee director for possibly tens or hundreds of shell companies, attended the University of KwaZulu-Natal, where he graduated in 1967 with a Bachelor of Commerce, Accounting and Business Management. He also obtained an MBA from Durham University in 1977. *A History of Playing Offshore* A 1991 leaked incorporation document reveals a certain Peter Obi and two other individuals – Donatus Ogbogu and Uche Okagbue – to have incorporated Beauchamp Investments Limited in Barbados. The firm was incorporated as an international business company on August 20, 1991, with registration number 7305. The setting up of the company was handled at the time by a certain Peter L. Chase. What businesses the company does and what assets it holds remain unclear. Mr Obi denied knowledge of the firm as well as of Messrs Ogbogu and Okagbue. He said the individual who incorporated Beauchamp was possibly another businessman who happened to bear a similar name as him. However, Next International (UK) Limited, another of the former governor’s overseas companies, was incorporated on May 16, 1996, in London. Mr Obi and his wife, Margaret, were listed as directors while Next International (Nigeria) Limited (with 999 ordinary shares) and Mr Obi (with one ordinary share) were listed as shareholders. The exact businesses the company undertook in its 25-year history remained unclear, although, on March 8, 2001, the firm reported taking a mortgage from Lloyds TSB Bank Plc for a property on 53 Clyde Road, Croydon. *Breaking the Law: Number 1* In Nigeria, a person is statutorily obligated to withdraw from engaging in or directing a private business, except if it is farming, upon becoming a public officer, Section Six (6) of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act stipulates. However, our investigation, based on records obtained from the UK Companies House shows that Mr Obi continued to be a director of Next International (UK) Limited for 14 months after becoming the governor of Anambra State, thereby breaking Nigeria’s law. The politician resigned from the company on May 16, 2008, 14 months after he assumed duties as Anambra governor. He took office on March 17, 2006. Mr Obi did not dispute the records PREMIUM TIMES cited but he claimed he “resigned immediately” by handing his wife his resignation letter. He suggested that his company might have failed to effect the changes on time or the UK Companies House did not immediately document his exit. But the UK companies registry said Mr Obi indeed resigned on May 16, 2008, and that it received his notice of resignation for electronic filing on June 16, 2008. *Breaking the law: Number 2* Nigerian public officers are required to declare “immediately after taking office and thereafter all” their properties, assets, and liabilities and those of his (or her) unmarried children under the age of eighteen years,” Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution stipulates (Section 11, Part of the Fifth Schedule). PREMIUM TIMES investigation also found that Mr Obi breached this constitutional provision on assets declaration. We can authoritatively report that Mr Obi did not declare to the Code of Conduct Bureau the companies he tucked away in offshore secrecy havens. Mr Obi caused to be created for him a structure of secrecy that had previously, until the Pandora Papers investigation, meant he could continue to hold foreign assets in a way that breaches Nigeria’s law without the knowledge of authorities in the country. In an extra layer of secrecy, Mr Obi used paid nominees as directors, while he remains the ultimate beneficial owner, making it nearly impossible to discover his interests in those companies but we obtained rare incorporation documents proving his link. Otherwise, Mr Obi could have forever hoped to continue to hold the assets, that he did not declare when he had a statutory obligation to do so as a governor, without any authority or the public calling him to account. In his response, Mr Obi ridiculously suggested that those offshore companies and assets are jointly owned with his family members and that he was not under obligation to declare companies jointly owned. “I don’t declare what is owned with others,” Mr Obi told PREMIUM TIMES. “If my family owns something I won’t declare it. I didn’t declare anything I jointly owed with anyone.” This is contrary to the position of the Constitution, which specifies the declaration of all assets, whether jointly or partly owned, PREMIUM TIMES’ reporters told Mr Obi. He said he was not aware of that provision of the law. Nevertheless, leaked records show Mr Obi is the sole ultimate beneficial owner of the offshore companies. So he did not even jointly own it with anyone. In that case, Mr Obi has violated Nigeria’s Code of Conduct law and, if authorities decide to act appropriately, he could be arraigned before the Code of Conduct Tribunal, a special court that tries public officers for any contravention of the Code of Conduct for Nigerian public officers as spelt out in the Fifth Schedule of the Nigerian constitution. The Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) and the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) were established to enforce “a high standard of morality in the conduct of government business, and to ensure that the actions and behaviour of public officers conform to the highest standards of public morality and accountability.” *Breaking the law: Number 3* The former governor could be charged with failing to declare his offshore holdings and their associated assets and operating foreign accounts while being a public officer. The Nigerian constitution and the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act forbid a public officer from maintaining or operating a bank account outside Nigeria. However, as a governor, Mr. Obi continued to operate and maintain foreign accounts, including with Lloyds TSB. Mr. Obi told PREMIUM TIMES that he received the advice to create an offshore structure from Lloyds TSB, which then introduced him to intermediaries who helped him to set up com where he continued to operate a foreign account as a governor. The offences violate sections of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended. Asked if he is concerned that Nigerians would be disappointed at him following our finding of his opaque and lawless dealings as a governor, Mr Obi said he was more concerned about his U.K. and U.S. schools alumni network, his business and foreign creditors. He insisted that he served well as Anambra governor and Nigerians already have their opinions about him. The former governor could be charged for failing to declare the company and its associated assets and perhaps operating foreign accounts while being a public officer. Mr Obi told PREMIUM TIMES that he received the advice to create an offshore structure from Lloyds where he continued to operate a foreign account as a governor. The offences violate sections of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended. Mr Obi and missed tax opportunity In June 2017, the federal government launched the Voluntary Assets and Income Disclosure Scheme (VAIDS), an initiative seeking voluntary disclosure of previously undeclared assets and income with a view to paying all outstanding liabilities. The VAIDS offered a nine-month window and incentives that included immunity from prosecution for tax evasion and undeclared assets, which would have benefited people like Mr Obi. A key objective of the VAIDS was curbing illicit financial flows and tax evasion, which commonly feature the use of offshore holdings to shift taxes from where they are earned to havens where little or no taxes are paid. The government in 2017 said defaulting individuals and corporate bodies who failed to take advantage of the VAIDS would be subject to criminal prosecution. A number of Nigerian public officials with previously undeclared assets tucked away overseas participated in the VAIDS and got clearance certificates. Mr. Obi shunned the scheme and continued with his opaque business dealings in breach of the law.

PDP crisis spills into Govs Forum, meeting yet to hold by John Alechenu

PDP South West Congress: Senator commends reconciliation committee The crack among governors elected on the platform of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party has widened. The body which before now held regular meetings has been unable to hold one since the party’s Presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, unveiled Delta State Governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, as his running mate. Disagreements which started over the zoning of the party’s presidential ticket went into hibernation with the setting up of the Governor Samuel Ortom-led 38 member zoning committee. Vanguard, however, gathered in Abuja that the once cohesive power block became split down the middle as a result of the individual ambitions of members. While governors of the party from the South aligned with their colleagues across party lines for power to shift in 2023, the party leadership prevailed on the PDP Governors’ Forum, to consider the party’s larger interest by refusing to be drawn into the internal squabbles of the ruling All Progressives Congress. The Ortom committee recommended that the presidential ticket be thrown open, a recommendation which was upheld by the party’s National Executive Committee. However, the outcome of the party’s presidential primary which former Vice President Atiku Abubakar won and his subsequent choice of Delta State Governor, Ifeanyi Okowa as running mate, exposed disagreements which were hitherto discussed in hushed tones. Benue State Governor, Samuel Ortom, his Enugu and Abia State counterparts, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi and Okezie Ikpeazu respectively and others, who supported the aspirations of Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, had hoped that having emerged as first runner up, Atiku would at least have considered him as running mate. This didn’t happen. Instead, those who supported Atiku’s decision to pick Okowa, “went to town to not only celebrate but also cast aspersions on the person of Wike”, says a party insider familiar with the issue. The party source who pleaded anonymity in order not to jeopardize peace efforts said, “What one had expected was a genuine effort to unite the party and build peace. We have an election ahead, we cannot go into the election without first putting our house in order.” A former National Publicity Secretary of the party, Mr. Kola Ologbondiyan, however expressed confidence that the PDP will come out of its current challenges stronger. He explained that, “We in the Peoples Democratic Party will always face the challenge of choice because of the quality of our members and leaders. What is happening is a passing phase because what is required is the management of the outcome of a decision already taken. “Nigerians will agree that the three persons presented to our Presidential candidate to choose from have intimidating credentials in terms of quality and their performance in various capacities in the past and presently. “Governor Wike (of Rivers State), is known all over as ‘Mr. Projects’. In terms of infrastructural developments, he has done well. He has been chairman, he has been chief of staff, he has been a minister and he has been governor for eight years, he is eminently qualified. “Governor Okowa (of Delta State) has also been in the local government, he has been Secretary to the State Government, he has been a commissioner in his state, he has been a Senator, he has demonstrated capacity and you can see the number of medical centers that were built under his administration. “If you go to Governor Udom (of Akwa Ibom State), he is a modern developer who understands wealth creation. So, when you have such men before you to decide upon, you must definitely be confronted with the challenge of choice. “But having said this, a decision has been made and the party’s decisions expectedly are supreme. We will surely overcome these challenges and come out stronger. How do I know this, we have men and women who have their eyes on the goal for greater good.”

Giant African Snails Force US Town Into Quarantine - TOP NEWSWORLD NEWS

THE reappearance of an invasive snail species forced state officials to enact a quarantine order last week for residents of Florida’s Pasco County, an area north of Tampa along the gulf coast.  Authorities took action after confirming that a notoriously destructive breed of mollusc, known as the giant African land snail, was identified by a community gardener in the city of Port Richey.  A division of Florida’s department of agriculture that manages pest control began to survey the region for additional snail sightings once the quarantine mandate was in place, according to the agency.  The control unit started to treat the land with baited pesticide on Tuesday. Florida’s agriculture department has called the giant African snail “one of the most damaging” mollusc subtypes in the world.  Its unusually large size and ability to procreate in vast quantities allows the creature to infiltrate surrounding areas quickly, posing threats to vegetation and infrastructure because of its appetite for at least 500 different plants as well as paint and stucco.  At four months old, a single snail can lay thousands of eggs at a time and each can grow to be 8 inches long as an adult.  The snails are mobile — experts warn that they “cling to vehicles and machinery,” plus trash, to “move long distances” — and resilient, with the capacity to survive for a year while “inactive” and buried in soil to shield itself from unfavorable weather.  They also present serious health risks to humans, as the snails carry a parasite called rat lungworm that can cause meningitis.  People are advised to wear protective gear, like gloves, when handling them.  Giant African land snails have wreaked havoc on parts of Florida before. Although they are not native inhabitants of the state, officials have traced infestations dating back to the 1960s to escaped house pets and illegal importations by religious groups, the Tampa Bay Times reported.

BBQ Cooking: Does Grilling Cause Cancer?

By SCITECHDAILY.COM What are the health ramifications, especially related to cancer, of BBQ grilling meat over an open flame? Barbecue is sometimes promoted as a healthier style of cooking. When compared to cooking methods like frying which have long been considered extremely unhealthy, grilling appears to be less fatty. Along with reducing fat intake, barbecue may limit exposure to dangerous compounds created when cooking oil is heated. Usually, barbecuing takes place outdoors, which means it won’t normally affect indoor air quality. Even with all those benefits, there are some serious concerns about cooking foods — especially meat — over an open flame. The main concern is cancer. How Barbecue Might Increase Cancer Risk When meat is heated over an open flame, there is the potential for two sets of carcinogenic compounds to form. Creatine is an organic acid in meat prized by bodybuilders and that may have various health benefits and one major downside. The downside is that it turns into cancer-causing heterocyclic amines (HCAs) when heated. The other carcinogenic compound shows up when the fat from cooking meat drips down onto hot coals. The burning fat rises as polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) in the smoke and sticks to the meat. At this point, it is important to note that neither of the above chemicals has been proven to cause cancer in humans. They have caused cancer in lab animals at higher doses than humans are likely to consume. There is also an association between grilled meat intake and a precursor of colon cancer known as colorectal adenoma. How to Lower the Cancer Risk of Barbecued Meat The first step that some experts suggest is to avoid charcoal as a cooking fuel given the risk of PAHs being created. Given that there is no proof of charcoal being more likely to cause cancer than any other cooking fuel, grill cooks may want to try one of two other suggested methods for lowering cancer risk: Marination Marinating meat is good for more than just tenderness and flavor. Marination appears to lower the cancer risk from grilled meats. Researchers found that marinating meat for at least 20 minutes before grilling lowered the concentration of carcinogenic compounds by 72 percent according to one study. One contributing factor to the health benefits of marinades may be the presence of herbs that contain powerful antioxidants. Microwaving By microwaving meat before grilling it, it is possible to release some of the fat. The fat is what causes the barbecue flare-ups and generates the PAHs. Microwaving also lessens the time the meat has to spend over the flame. Less time means less exposure to carcinogens. Leaner Cuts The cancer risk from consuming grilled meat may be reduced with leaner cuts. There isn’t as much fat in the leaner meat, so there will be less to melt and drip onto the coals and produce the PAHs. Clean The Grill The accumulation of charred gunk on grill grates may lead to some of the compounds being transferred to food. The danger can be limited by a thorough cleaning of grates with each cooking session. Line the Grill Protecting meat from carcinogens in burning fat makes it safer to eat. A cook can reduce the amount of fat that gets to the coals by lining grill grates with foil. To ensure that the meat does get some flavor benefits from the smoke and for better ventilation, the cook can poke some holes in the foil. Whether or not cooking over an open flame increases cancer risk, it makes sense to be aware of the danger and take precautions just in case. The simple steps above may help to keep exposure low.

PT State of the Race: Peter Obi’s illiberal supporters and Atiku’s tight rope - By Bisi Abidoye

Peter Obi’s presidential aspiration appears to have been appropriated by a social media lynch mob who are attacking his opponents in packs and tyrannising those who do not share their views. On Thursday, the senior pastor of Covenant Christian Centre, Poju Oyemade, tweeted a message on faith, which he concluded by urging youths not to waste their enthusiasm on a “poorly planned project.” Oyemade’s tweets He wrote in the tweets: “Faith is not just blind belief or hoping for a miracle. Faith sees. Faith has her eyes opened and possesses the evidence upon which it builds its belief. Faith prepares long, sometimes for years just as Joseph did for the years of famine. Faith counts the cost before embarking. “Without having real evidence upon which you are acting nor preparation for the task, recognising real obstacles that lie ahead and making concrete plans, one is just being delusional about the outcome. The enthusiasm of the youth must not be wasted on poorly planned projects. “Noah spent months/years planning for the flood & he was operating in faith. Jesus said no man goes to battle without taking stock first nor lays the foundation of a tower without counting the cost first lest he will be mocked. Our faith is intelligent; it doesn’t live in denial.” As the host of The Platform, a forum which brings together resource persons to discuss national issues, Mr Oyemade is never shy of political commentaries. Labour Party presidential candidate, Peter Obi, has appeared in the forum a couple of times to propagate his political ideas. The cleric appeared to be enamoured of the politician. Although Mr Oyemade’s tweets of Thursday made no direct reference to politics, Mr Obi’s supporters descended on the clergyman moments after the tweets appeared. They held the message as a criticism of their campaign for Mr Obi. Young people, many of them having no contact with the candidate or his party, have been the mainstay of Mr Obi’s campaign thus far. Their vitriol was, as usual, relentless. Even after Mr Oyemade took down the tweets, the supporters continued to drag him on social media, as they gloated over the capitulation of yet another “enemy” of Mr Obi. Commenting on the development, Sam Amadi, a lawyer and regular political commentator, wrote on his Facebook page on Saturday: “Pastor Poju was right about the need for rigor and not rhetoric to solve national problems. But thay have cancelled him.” It is a pattern that has become recurrent and thus disturbing, as the 2023 polls approach. Like Oyemade, like Mbaka Two weeks earlier, the chaplain of the Adoration Ministry in Enugu, Ejike Mbaka, was hounded by the same group of supporters after a foot-in-the-mouth remark the cleric made that Mr Obi would fail in his presidential ambition because he is “stingy.” Within days of the statement, thousands of Mr Obi’s supporters who were also followers of the Reverend Father bragged that they had unfriended him on his social media accounts. Their attacks persisted even after the Catholic Diocese of Enugu dissociated itself from Mr Mbaka’s utterances, before eventually suspending him from all activities of the church. Mr Mbaka later apologised for his statement. Pandora Papers This newspaper too has felt the intolerance of the supporters. Shortly after the party primaries, PREMIUM TIMES had reshared some of its previous investigative reports that indicted three of the leading presidential candidates of corruption. The reports had earlier been published between September 2020 and October 2021 on the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu, his counterpart of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, and Mr Obi. None of the politicians challenged the findings of the reports, so they were reshared to offer readers glimpses of their past and characters. Although the three publications were shared within hours of each other, the supporters of Mr Obi were the most vicious in attacking this newspaper over a consortium of international journalists’ findings in the Pandora Papers that he registered secret companies outside Nigeria. The supporters baselessly alleged that the report was done out of bias or inducement. But their attacks have not been for only those who criticise them or their candidates. They also go after Nigerians for merely expressing support for different candidates. Although this is not peculiar to Mr Obi’s supporters, they have taken it to a new low. A day before turning on Mr Oyemade, they had ignited a controversy by their attacks on some actors who had declared their support for Mr Tinubu. The actors made their position known in a video clip shared by one of them, Yinka Quadri, that features them taking turns to endorse Mr Tinubu’s candidacy. In this instance, Mr Obi’s supporters accused the actors of giving their support to the APC candidate because he is Yoruba like them or trading it for money. In the controversy that followed on Twitter, a commentator, @ManLikeIcey, wrote: “Psquare are free to support Peter Obi, it’s their right. Yoruba actors/actresses are free to support Tinubu, it’s their right. You’re equally allowed to support your preferred candidate, it’s your right. Don’t bully people for their constitutional right.” Lynch mob Mr Obi’s presidential aspiration appears to have been appropriated by a social media lynch mob who are attacking his opponents in packs and tyrannising those who do not share their views. Reno Omokri, a former aide of former President Goodluck Jonathan and campaigner for PDP’s Mr Abubakar, last month cried out about the incessant verbal abuse he receives from the supporters of Mr Obi. “In my life, I have never been insulted the way @PeterObi supporters insult me. Yet, this same Peter lobbied me when he wanted to be Atiku’s running mate in 2019. I supported him over others. Yet, he watches as his people insult Atiku and I. Nobody knows tomorrow.” Obi’s call for restraint To be fair to Mr Obi, he had repeatedly admonished his supporters to stop insulting or attacking his opponents and their supporters. For instance, rather than joining issues with Mr Mbaka over his remarks on him, the candidate urged his supporters to cease the attacks, saying he would meet the cleric over his misgivings. Yet, the illiberalism of his supporters bodes ill for his own ambition and Nigerians’ efforts at building a democratic culture. Following the attacks on the actors supporting Mr Tinubu last week, some commentators quickly observed the contradiction in attacking the actors when entertainers and other celebrities who are Igbos like Mr Obi had also been campaigning for him without apology. They also remarked that many of his campaigners on social media are of the same ethnic stock. Identity politics Nigerians have been trying to escape from the trap of identity politics, since it was acknowledged as a big factor in the collapse of the First Republics. In the transition to the Second Republic, the military government tried to ensure that the political parties are national in outlook, although the success of the effort was modest. In the short-lived Third Republic, the military government of Ibrahim Babangida imposed two parties on the country in a futile effort to rebuild Nigerian politics on ideological foundations. Identity politics have also proved very inflammable and lethal in some countries, including Rwanda, Burundi, South Sudan and defunct Yugoslavia However, despite the liberal nature of the laws guiding party formation in Nigeria, politicians have realised that a candidate cannot win the presidency without broad national support, regardless of the level of support the candidate draws from their own part of the country. Party structures Mr Oyemade might well have been alluding to Mr Obi’s supporters in his controversial tweet of Friday. But given his relationship with the candidate and concerns about political development in the country, he might have been giving honest advice through his admonition. Many observers genuinely see the frenzied campaign of his supporters as a sail that will take Mr Obi nowhere, until his party builds a structure across the country on which it can compete with the two major parties in a national election. He apparently recognises this too as he has been in talks with other parties for an alliance that may help them cover the country. The APC and PDP have party executives in perhaps each of the about 10,000 wards in Nigeria. These officials will mobilise party members and voters in their campaigns across the 774 local government areas of the country and monitor the process in the 178, 000 polling units on election days. Without structure in a constituency or area, the party is invisible, however heavy its work may be on social media. In last month’s governorship election in Ekiti, the LP was not visible for this reason and returned with an appalling 285 votes from across the 16 LGAS of the state. This is in spite of some of Mr Obi’s most ardent supporters being from the state. This may also be the case in the July 16 governorship election in Osun where the LP candidate, Lasun Yusuff, refused to have anything to do with Mr Obi’s social media mobilisers because the presidential candidate himself had not reached out to him. So if Mr Oyemade intended his message to be applied to the current politics, he probably was advising Mr Obi and his backers to spare time and energy in the eight months before the general elections for building the structures their party needs to harness Mr Obi’s seeming popularity and save the hope and enthusiasm of his youthful supporters from ending into a mirage in February 2023. Above scrutiny Another implication of intolerance of opposing views is that it scares people away from frank discussion of the personalities, records and ideas of the candidates. As can be seen in the case involving publications by this newspaper on three candidates as earlier cited in this piece, overbearing supporters want to place their candidates above scrutiny. Aside from denying the electorate the robust information they need to make informed decisions, it bears with it the danger of shrinking the political space and denuding pluralism. Democracy thrives on pluralism and that is the reason it strives for harmony by accommodating different tunes. In the final analysis, Mr Obi’s supporters cannot win broad support for him by merely sanctifying him in the sea of their own adoration and demonising everyone else. Other supporters also think the candidates they support are the best but they have no right to force those views on others. Akin Fadeyi, the founder of “Corruption, Not in My Country” advocacy group, in a comment on Thursday, after a supporter of Mr Obi attacked him over a comment he made on the candidate, said: “Those of you who have constituted yourself into E-THUGS for politicians, you’re not better than ballot-snatching political thugs you always repudiate. Some of them are actually better than some of you. Just take this to the Bank: Powerful and resourceful brains don’t make noise and you can never win converts for a candidate you’re building enemies for.” Nigerians know that none of their politicians is a saint and after 19 years in active politics, eight of them as a state governor, it is Mr Obi’s past record in government as well as his ideas and promises that voters will use in assessing his candidature. He will be placed under scrutiny by those who take him seriously and all of them will not deliver the same verdict. Atiku walking a tight rope Atiku Abubakar’s ecstasy over his victory at the presidential primary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has ebbed over cracks in his party since he picked Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, as his running mate. Benue State Governor Samuel Ortom confirmed in an interview with Arise Television on Wednesday that the advisory committee the party’s leadership and Mr Abubakar set up for guidance on the pick, by 13-4 votes, recommended Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike for the slot. Mr Wike, who was already aggrieved with the manner in which Mr Abubakar defeated him at the primary, has refused to take his latter disappointment with equanimity. It is a big concern for the PDP and its presidential candidates, realising that they cannot risk Mr Wike’s wrath going to the elections, for many reasons. Rivers and PDP The governor’s Rivers State has always given the PDP some of its largest blocks of votes since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, largely compensating for the opposition’s usual victories in Lagos and Kano, the two states with the highest numbers of registered voters. Losing the state or a large portion of its votes may be suicidal to the PDP in its quest to end its eight years out of power. Mr Wike also has influence in other South-south states, especially in Cross River State. Since that state’s governor, Ben Ayade, fled to the APC, Mr Wike has taken its PDP chapter under his wings. Cutting off his support will affect the campaigns of the party where the PDP is in the opposition for the first time in its life. Wike’s backers It has also been established in recent weeks that Mr Wike’s broad support at the primary was not a fluke. At least five other governors are in his camp. They are united in their current disaffection with their parties, which has further strengthened Mr Wike’s hands in the confrontation with the party’s national leadership. Mr Abubakar is an inadvertent victim in the furore over the choice of his sidekick. He had to choose whom he considers best to work with. And many leaders of the party, especially in the North, do not think highly of Mr Wike as a candidate for the high offices of president and deputy. This was one of the reasons that roused them into action when they realised the Rivers’ governor could bully his way into nomination at the convention. It was the reason that Sokoto governor, Aminu Tambuwal, succumbed to the pressure on him to step down at the last moment for Mr Abubakar, even though the two had never been friends. Ironically, Mr Wike had backed Mr Tambuwal to the hilt at the previous convention that he hosted in Port Harcourt and could not have expected the Sokoto governor to deliver the stab that killed his own bid in Abuja. Mr Abubakar rubbed salt on Mr Wike’s hurt when, in announcing his running mate, he said he picked Mr Okowa from among those recommended because the Delta governor is suitable to be president. To be fair to Mr Abubakar too, he would have also drawn the wrath of Mr Okowa and others who helped him win the ticket, had he picked Mr Wike. Infidelity to principle Mr Abubakar is also a victim of his party’s infidelity to principle. In this case, however, maybe he does not deserve much sympathy. Since he first returned to the PDP after the fiasco of his presidential run in 2007, he had been among the vocal advocates of zoning, the basis for their demand that President Jonathan should not run in 2011. They asked Mr Jonathan, who became president in 2010 after the death of President Umaru Yar’adua, to stand aside so that the northern wing of the party could complete its abbreviated turn in that office. Eventually, a compromise was reached by the power brokers in the party for Mr Jonathan to run for a single term, his own South-south region having never produced the president or vice president. However, in 2015, after the president had developed his own sense of entitlement to a second term, Mr Abubakar was among the rebels who sabotaged his reelection by defecting to the newly formed APC. When he returned again to the PDP ahead of the 2019 elections, Mr Abubakar also campaigned on the zoning principle, as a result of which southern members left the field to their northern colleagues in the presidential primary. Mr Abubakar was reported to have promised his southern supporters that he would serve only one term and hand the baton over to the south in 2023. But having failed in his election bid again in 2019, Mr Abubakar, who appeared to have retired from politics after relocating to Dubai following that defeat, returned home – this time to lead the charge against the zoning principle. He got his way again but may pay a heavy price in 2023 unless he manages to fill the cracks in his party. Some southern leaders of the party like former Ekiti governor, Ayodele Fayose, are implacable over the perceived dubiety of their northern colleagues. Mr Fayose on Wednesday vowed to support only a southern candidate next year, despite being a member of the ad hoc committee that recommended to the party to throw the presidential primary open, so that the best candidate could emerge. Lopsidedness in hierarchy Another facet of the crisis is how to resolve the albeit foreseen consequence of the party’s presidential ticket going to the North after the national chairman emerged last year from the same region. When Iyorchia Ayu was elected as the chairman, it was on the understanding that the south would produce the presidential candidate. But it was also proposed that in the event the ticket again went to the North, Mr Ayu would give up his chair. Mr Wike and his camp are demanding that as the minimum condition for sheathing their swords. But Mr Abubakar is more comfortable with Mr Ayu, a political associate since the Third Republic, remaining on the chair. He can ill afford to have behind him during the election a chairman whose loyalty may be to another person or cause. Mr Abubakar has urged Mr Ayu to be allowed to remain until after the elections. It is not clear how he would persuade Mr Wike and his camp. But unless one of the sides backs down, Mr Abubakar risks retiring as the most persistent candidate who never won the Nigerian presidency.