You need to read this message. A true Nigerian Fidel Albert have this to say.

Enjoy

Sometimes it is quite impossible to describe the disgust you feel in having to respond to absurd comments on your facebook wall. You see, this evening i posted my unalloyed support for the DSS in raiding houses of Judges and finding what i hear is evidence of corruption. Some people have called me names because of my position, but some of their reasons are downright heartbreaking, because these are people whom you expect to know better.

Pompey Esezobor wondered why i would hold this sort of opinion "in this time and age." But he forgot to tell me what "time and age" we are in for my opinion on this issue to be so inappropriate. Chinedu Anene was courageous enough to call my opinion "scandalous." Now, I readily forgive Chinedu Anene because he is a young lawyer. I can live with his insolent comment, without engaging him, for the simple reason that he is not worth my time. When he grows a bit older in the profession and understands the law better, I guarantee i'll find time to sit with him to remonstrate fine points of law. But not today.

To the many others who commented, please be assured that I respect your views. But here is my answer:

Judges are not immune from arrest or prosecution for corruption. Section 36 of the Constitution categorically states that any person may be arrested "on reasonable suspicion of having committed a criminal offence" Judges were not made an exception. In the wisdom of drafters of the Constitution, only the President, Vice-President, Governors and Deputy-Governors enjoy immunity from prosecution. Judges do have some sort of immunity though. But it is immunity from civil law suits by litigants for anything done in an official capacity by the Judges. But I'm sure nobody can argue that corruption is one of the official acts of a Judge. You may want to see the House of Lords reasoning in Re: Pinochet on how you lose your immunity once your act cannot be construed as an official act.So please, Judges, like everybody else, have no immunity from prosecution for corruption and certainly CAN BE ARRESTED.

I have heard arguments that they should have been referred to the NJC. This is quite a stupid argument to make, considering that the NJC is just an administrative disciplinary organ of the Judiciary and has no prosecutorial powers for crimes. This is far beyond the NJC. Yes, the NJC can recommend the dismissal of the Judges but that certainly does not foreclose their prosecution.Someone even talked about the judiciary being an arm of government and should not be interfered with by the executive. How bland an argument!! I wish they had referred to the law they were relying on to make this argument. Anyways, enforcement of the law will always lie with the executive, and the DSS is a law enforcement agency of the executive arm of government. Unless we are to argue that laws cannot be enforced against Judges, in which case i would just give up.

Someone said it was wrong to have raided the Judges' home at night without warrant. Who said this anyway? I think that person cannot be a lawyer. I'll tell you why. In the US, there is the legal principle called the fruit of the poisonous tree doctrine. This doctrine states that evidence obtained illegally cannot be admissible in Court against a suspect. So if you effect an arrest or obtain evidence illegally, no matter how damning that evidence is, it will not be admissible in the US Court and your suspect or accused will walk away a free man. The belief in US is that if the tree is bad, then the fruit, that is the evidence, must necessarily be bad too. Now when this doctrine was argued before the Nigerian courts, guess what the Judges decided? Yes, they decided that no matter how unlawful the process of obtaining evidence was, it would be admissible to convict in Nigeria. Consequently, no accused person can ever go free because he was arrested in the night instead of the day, or that he house was searched without warrant. IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO SUCCESSFULLY MAKE THAT ARGUMENT IN NIGERIAN COURTS!! It is how our Judges interpreted the law. The chicken has only come back to roost!! Are we to change the law the Judges upheld as right just because it's back to bite them?

Even then, let us not forget that in 2009, in this same USA,  a sitting Governor of the State of Illinois, Rod Blagojevich, was arrested in a dawn raid by FBI agents, quite like what the DSS did, on corruption charges. He was eventually impeached and convicted of the corruption charges. Well, that was America where issues of corruption are taken very seriously. We think differently in Nigeria.

I remember Ricky Tarfa's issue began like this. As a joke. Over 90 SANs went to put an appearance for Ricky Tarfa "in show of solidarity" on the first day of his arraignment, until the man himself filed an affidavit stating that he actually gave a Judge, before whom he had cases, money for 'burial." The next date of the case, the numbers of lawyers showing "solidarity" dwindled dramatically. Who would have thought that a SAN would do such things? But it happened. In Nigeria. It is happening everyday in fact. The sorts of bribery going on in the Judiciary is simply mind-boggling. Oh well, how do you suppose Ibori was set free by Nigerian Courts for the same crimes he was convicted of in UK courts? How do you suppose Peter Odili procured a perpetual injunction to free him from prosecution for corruption? Corruption in the Nigerian judiciary is as filthy as the Augean stables. Perfunctory cleaning will not do. Like Hercules, we will need to divert the flow of rivers through the judiciary to clean its mess. One thing I, Fidel Albert, will not do, i will never join the NBA in any solidarity strike or protests on this issue. I will never shield anybody accused of corruption. When you are persecuted for no cause, only then will i come to your defense. And my reason is simple. I am that lawyer who has no life outside of my work. I burn my candles on both ends to prepare for cases. Because of this, i don't have many friends or a buoyant social life. It then pains me when i have to lose a case, not because my argument was not correct, but because the Judge was bribed. It pains me even more when the Client thinks it was my fault. 

This is why appellate Courts in Nigeria now hand down Judgments that inferior courts refuse to follow. Because they sometimes simply turn the law on its head on very clear and obvious points. Believe it or not, stare decisis is dead in Nigeria. Why are there so many conflicting decisions of the Court of Appeal? Where did inferior courts get the effrontery to dissent and depart from Supreme Court decisions?

I recently read a UK decision where someone had tried to argue that the same issues were already pending in Nigerian courts and so should not be re-litigated in the UK. It was so sad the way the British Judges smirked at the argument and immediately dismissed it and continued the proceedings in the UK. They did not for once think that pendency of the same issues in a Nigerian court was a serious constraint to their jurisdiction because, according to them, the Nigerian courts would take forever to resolve the issues and there was no assurance of the integrity of the system.So they proceeded with the case in UK anyway! That was a sad indictment. But, it is understandable for a UK Judge to think this way of the Nigerian Judiciary with all sorts of tales of soddy dealings with Judges because no UK Judge has EVER been sacked for corruption in the history of their judiciary. They simply do not have those kind of characters on the English bench deciding people's fate of a daily basis. Lucky English!

Now let's continue our talk on Nigeria. Do you remember Wamakko's case in the Sokoto Gubernatorial elections? Well, I still do not believe what happened in that case. The Constitution had stated that Governorship petitions ended at the Court of Appeal. The Supreme Court had no jurisdiction over Governorship appeals at the time. But the then Chief Judge, Katsina-Alu, for the first time in the history of Nigeria, arranged to have the case heard as an appeal to the Supreme Court, even without constitutional jurisdiction, simply because, as we later got to learn from Justice Salami's affidavits, he had vested interest in the case. Now, a few years later, Olujimi SAN went to the Supreme Court on a matter that the Supreme Court did not have jurisdiction and rightfully in my view cited this same Wamakko's case as authority, but the Supreme Court ducked and said the Wamakko case was a one-off decision, or something to that effect. Can you beat that? The Supreme Court was too ashamed to follow its own earlier decision!! Now Katsina-Alu is enjoying retirement, fully paid for by my taxes. But that is just one instance. I can give you 2,000 other examples off the top of my head of similar incidents in recent times.

Previously, not so long ago, Nigerian Judges were the toast on the African continent. Justice Udo Udoma was Chief Judge of Uganda. Akinola Aguda was Chief Judge of Botswana. Justice Charles Onyeama, Justice Teslim Elias, Bola Ajibola, Chile Eboe-Osuji, etc, all sat as Judges of International Court of Justice and other tribunals. Every country wanted a Nigerian Judge on its bench. In fact Elias, because of his brilliance, had one of the longest tenures as a Judge in the history of the ICJ. He served for 15 years. This were incorruptible men. But today, countries would think twice before touching a Nigerian Judge with a ten-meter pole. Gambia tried it recently, and got its fingers burnt. It appointed Joseph Wowo as President of its Court of Appeal. Not long after, this fellow was caught on tape negotiating a bribe from a litigant, over a bottle of Hennessy. The President of a Country's Court of Appeal. He has since gone into hiding.

I did election petition last year. In fact, we handled 22 petitions in all. I know what we passed through in those cases. I know what went down in those cases. But i'll say no more on this. I'll just leave it at saying: "Let the law take its course". And as the Judges themselves say: "No one is above the law."

Tinubu - The Political Huckster and Ambitions (I) by Bamidele Ademola-Olateju

The All Progressives' Congress (APC) has been struggling hard since the party won the presidential elections last year. To those of us who are student of politics, we saw it coming. Personally, I was optimistic that President Buhari still has it in him to rein in the contending power structures, the perennial malcontents, the malicious hijackers, the racketeers and profiteers who penetrate any government in power. I was wrong! Buhari is an Oligarch with whom the poor pitched their hopes incredulously. Yes, he is a tad more honest but he suffers from the same set of limiting myopia that has plagued every leader Nigeria has produced. Buhari is not the topic, he is an actor. Follow me!

Reproach does not and cannot diminish the sweetness of honey; no matter what anyone says, Tinubu made Buhari happen. We are alive, we are witnesses. Followers of my wall on Facebook, read the minute by minute maneuvers. Buhari would not have survived the primaries. He had no money of his own to prosecute the campaign and induce delegates. 48hours to the congress, he had less than 5,000 posters. Nothing was happening until the master of end game politics moved in at night. Money happened! Atiku was fenced beyond his wits. He could not reach his delegates. When he got to the stadium, the Asiwaju machine had removed all traces of him. The venue was blanketed by Buhari's posters and operatives. It was a no contest. Even Buhari's closest associates could not believe it. The People's Democratic Party (PDP), were completely blindsighted. They had banked on Atiku's emergence. I have written it before; "When it comes to political strategy, Asiwaju Tinubu is in a class of one. He is the bell cow of Nigerian politics, a quick study and a tenacious worker with a manic work ethic."

The compound fractures we are seeing in the APC today would have been simple fractures, if Jonathan did not postpone the elections. The postponement was an inside job. It was sold to them by a popular and fiery preacher who runs with the hares and hunts with the hounds. By the time the elections was postponed, they were running out of funds. Buhari ran to Chatham house and stayed on thereafter to limit expenses. We all remember the state of flux we were in then. During this crucial time, they had to crawl to Atiku and beg him for money. And Atiku really made them beg. He kept them in wait for more than a week before he pitifully bailed them out. With his money, he negotiated his way in. Buhari's trouble started...To be continued.

Tinubu - The Political Huckster and Ambitions (II)

by Bamidele Ademola-Olateju

Whatever anyone says of Tinubu, he is the only leader in Nigeria that is creating leaders. He is the only one that has a pipeline of excellence through which the competent and the unknown gain prominence to lead. It is true that he is canny, irascible, and ruthless but he alone saw the need to recast, remold and refocus the middling Southwest into a real political machine. He gave us Fashola, a political unknown and a neophyte at planning but a dogged executor (we are seeing how that deficient planning skill is slowing him down in the power sector. I digress). Fayemi was running around trying to claim his mandate, he found no headway, until Tinubu joined the fray. Senator Ajimobi and Ibikunle Amosun were languishing in the wilderness of ANPP, until they got the platform and won. Even Mimiko, owe his initial entry into Alagbaka to Tinubu. Of course, we know Aregbesola is Tinubu's Peter. His number one fanatic.

It is only a foolish goose that goes into a fox's church. Atiku welcomed the geese of the APC. He feathered them and flashed his canines each time he enjoyed the sweet juices coursing through his tongue from their spongy bones. When in Buhari or Northern company, he touts Northern interests and the need to protect the North form Tinubu. The crocodiles cries the most when it is enjoying human flesh. Treachery is Atiku. He was ready. He deployed his loyalists and within hours of Buhari's victory, some Northern elements started resenting Tinubu's role. Buhari himself lost it. He could not hide his excitement! He kept reminding everyone who made him king. Resentment grew, Atiku tapped into it! The governor's who were with him in Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) ran with it. Soon Daura became colonized and Abuja was annexed. The clandestine operations started.

When the issue of who would be the nominee for the Vice President came up. Saraki, Fashola, Fayemi and co, wanted Rotimi Amaechi as VP based on his monetary contributions. Tinubu chided them and said something I will not repeat here. He put Osinbajo forward. The first crack appeared as Saraki used people from Nda-Isaiah camp in the press to circulate rumors that Tinubu wanted to be the VP. It was all a lie. As the euphoria of the win settled, Daura became the place to be. The intrigues started playing out. Tinubu wanted control of anything and everything from the West. He felt he's earned it. His spat with Fashola in Lagos was renewed when Fashola had his own candidate for the Lagos Guber elections. Tinubu repeatedly asked him if he has his own candidate and he denied. When Tinubu confirmed he had, he was furious. Tinubu fought the political battle of his life for Ambode to be governor. Ambode was almost defeated, he won by the whiskers! That near loss delivered Tinubu a thousand jolts. He knew his political life is in danger and he became more alert. Meanwhile, in Daura and Abuja, the SW young Turks bought into the campaign to "clip Tinubu's wings". A Northern governor with his own presidential ambition backed them. Soon young people in the SW started questioning Tinubu's hold on who becomes what. Tinubu on his part, did not see the need to back down. All he saw was treachery and betrayal? He responded by taking a recursive posture. Even though, he refrained from saying anything untoward about Buhari to anyone, he gave his all but he was hurting badly. We must not forget that he is a man who relishes and thrives on the nitty-gritty of politics, which is not bad in itself but with this skill comes destructive impulses. In anger and frustration, he tried blocking the emergence of Fashola and Fayemi as ministers. He wanted no say for the governors. Whoever must be appointed in the SW must be through him. This made the coalition against him stronger. Amosun stood up to him and submitted Adeosun's name instead of Wale Edun. Wale Edun is from Ogun state but he is essentially seen as a Lagos import. If there is any politician Buhari really trusts in the SW, it is Amosun. They were in ANPP together. Whenever Buhari visited Lagos in the past, Amosun welcomed him and hosted him. Their bond was strong and still is. The Cold War between Tinubu and his political sons soon became common knowledge. The die was cast. Opposing camps emerged. Those who opined that when a child grows into a man, hand him his hoe, do not hold him back on one hand, and those who felt one should not bite the fingers that fed him on another. Both camps are right. But politics is local. Fashola found out quickly! His book launch was a spectacular flop! Apart from Fola Adeola and a handful of others; no real politician attended the event. He spent 8years as governor but he couldn't build his own political base. Politics no be beans! E no easy! How about Fayemi in Ekiti? Same story! The gladiators are determined to fight this to the end. At what cost? Nationally, these two will never win any election as things stand today. Nationally, Tinubu has been wounded. Who is losing? The problem with Tinubu's is there's no political hack job too low he won't be involved in.

The battle for Kogi redefined the calculations. Ondo state became a war zone. The old power structures has been revived with confidence. The battle for the political future of the SW has now taken a new dimension, the fight to ruin it all has begun. Buhari will be the loser, we, the people will be the loser. If nothing is done to stem the tide, one year is already wasted, another is getting wasted, they are all fixated on 2019 while poverty multiplies. Stay tuned as I bring you the play in Kogi and Ondo State and how this government is getting sabotaged with Buhari looking away. By the way...Abba Kyari, Mamman Daura...are they going?

Tinubu - The Political Huckster and Ambitions (III)

by Bamidele Ademola-Olateju

Poverty cannot be discounted in Nigerian politics, actually, it defines politics. Prospective candidates only need to distribute staple and N1000 to get elected after he or she must have given some money to party bosses and traditional rulers. Our people's psyche has been twisted by poverty. Asiwaju has never discounted poverty from his winning strategy. He understands Maslow's hierarchy of needs; it is hard to think right when preoccupied by bread and butter issues. Without an iota of doubt, Asiwaju is a master strategist, a tactician and a certified hustler with dye in the wool qualities of made in America political hucksterism of the Chicago brand. He's fed his base on a cocktail of merit, cronyism, area boy style patronage and intense graft. He has employed this strategy deftly in Lagos where he's bred a fanatical base of supporters throughout his career. The problem with him is that he does not know when to lessen the potency of this cocktail. I once wrote that the "Imposition of candidates are a given in our political landscape. Even our revered Chief Awolowo imposed candidates but he did it by stealth. Every political party in this country without exception has always rewarded loyalists and favorite sons and daughters with positions. They all put forth anointed candidates and actively discourage contested primaries. The difference is, Asiwaju does his without care and respect." He puts on a know it all facade and hell may care attitude. Unfortunately, man always seek to assert himself. There will always be people who will prefer to be masters in hell compared to serving in heaven without a defined job description.

Saraki happened and Buhari pretended and looked the other way. The Fulani Pula philosophy of discipline and patience can work for a people whose life were moulded as nomads. This is politics, a brand of modern warfare. Discipline? Yes, Patience? No. Patience can prove costly and fatal. Politics always requires the urgency of now. Then the criminal enterprise figured him out. Meanwhile, the right flank where Tinubu ought to be has been vacated by an angry Tinubu. Everyone started working at cross purpose and Nigerians took notice. 2019 became the only thing happening in Abuja and at meetings. The calculations!

Since politics is about interests; Fashola and Fayemi "seem" (deliberate caution) determined to fight this to finish at any cost. But is the costs not too high given their age? A few patch patch meeting between the Awujale, the Alaafin and some young Yoruba men intervened and the hostilities cooled off a bit until...

How about the governors? What are they doing? The Northern governors regardless of their political parties have met 17 times since Buhari came to power. The SW Governors don't even speak to each other. Governor Ajimobi and Amosun, ought to be the closest. They were both Senators and in ANPP together. But no! They don't talk anymore! The bad blood was generated when the peace meeting between Osoba and Amosun took place behind Amosun's back. He read everything in the papers with all the photo ops like you and I and Ajimobi played a leading role in that. Governor Aregbe disdains anyone who is not for Tinubu. Ambode is like Etisalat's Uche - he faces his work. He does not speak to Fashola. He is focused on making Lagos a modern city and he wants to obliterate Fashola from our memory as a hard worker, by eclipsing him by any standard. Mimiko - the fox is who he is. He can be a Kikuyu for all we know. He is for himself. Fayose is too entangled to think. He is busy spinning intricate webs around himself, he is unconcerned.

One important fact! What Asiwaju does not know is that he does not need to build himself anymore. He is already built. His attempt a remodeling himself by his frequent ego trips is a wild goose chase. When Buhari wanted to appoint the INEC Chairman, he called Tinubu three times, he refuses to take Buhari's call. Buhari now called on his long time friend Amosun to submit a name. Amosun, told him to call his principal. Buhari did two more times, Amosun declined. Buhari went ahead and appointed someone he wanted to the consternation of Amosun. When Amosun raised eyebrow and the NEC meeting, Buhari shouted him down. Same goes for the IGP position. Was Tinubu right to have done that?

Kogi's election featuring Audu and Faleke. Asiwaju was heavily invested in this election. In a sane country, the death of Audu will be investigated but he was buried in a rush according to Muslim rites. Audu's death was immediately known. The calculations was that if they allow Faleke, Tinubu will start spreading his tentacles in the North Central. They moved quickly to declare the election inconclusive even though it was concluded. They settled in on Yahaya Bello, all in a predetermined effort as the next best thing. We saw how it played out. By this time, Tinubu saw the handwriting on the wall yet again. Baba Akande who trusted and became Buhari's friend withdrew to Ila-Orangun and stopped receiving calls on anything APC or politics.

The tactics that was used by the PDP in 2012 was revived this time within the APC for the Ondo State elections. Last Christmas, the party wanted to removed Kekemeke the party chair in the state given the lies they were being fed by certain former Tinubu loyalists. It is noteworthy to state here that Tinubu gave Tayo Aladoadura N2billion Naira for the 2012 elections. He couldn't account for most of it. Chief Rotimi Akeredolu was also implicated in the misappropriation. After the election, many brand new Totota buses and motorcycles were recovered from Tayo Aladoadura. Things are not always as they seem in politics. The fallout between Tayo Alasoadura, Aketi and Tinubu lent some moisture to the dark cloud over Ondo State elections... I need a break and a drink...I will post the concluding part this afternoon. Thank you!

Tinubu - The Political Huckster and Ambitions (IV)

by Bamidele Ademola-Olateju

Yoruba internal politics has always been plagued by rivalry since the days of the Alliance for Democracy (AD). Tinubu quickly seized the opportunity for leadership to the consternation of the rest. Baba Akande was the fulcrum. He maintained balance between the other five until he pitched his tent with Tinubu, when the Obasanjo Tsunami swept all of them out of power in 2003. He joined Tinubu to form the Action Congress. The politics, between all of them and their differences except for Lam Adesina and Adefarati who are dead, still colors Yoruba politics till date. Asiwaju has not helped matters too in that he did not cede anything to these former governors when ACN was formed and consequently the APC. In politics as in life, it is always good to find work for your "enemies". Keep them busy so they don't think about you. When Fayemi did not keep Fayose busy, we saw what happened. Instead of allowing Adebayo to chair the party in the Southwest, he tipped Baba Akinyelure who is not a baptized politician. Of course the envy multiplied!

On Ondo State, the plan to make Aketi win was hatched up North and perfected in Abuja. Before then, I was convinced Aketi wouldn't win his Owo constituency. From earlier on, there were two hard workers on ground for the governorship race on APC platform; Ajayi Boroffice and Olusola Oke. The party knew it. They knew Oke was going to win in a free and fair primaries and they were never comfortable with him. Why? He joined the party late from PDP and his loyalty was always in question. In my small capacity, I advised them to call him and table their fears and get an understanding. Apparently they did not buy that. Meanwhile, the issue of zoning which the state has always respected was there. By that arrangement, Akoko/Owo should produce the governor. They started thinking of how to broaden the delegates list. In 2012, Segun Abraham spent money and time in the state, he was favored in most quarters but Aketi was handed the ticket which among other reasons led to their colossal loss. Since then, Abraham withdrew. Up until May, he was not on ground. He was waiting for Asiwaju to show his hand. That proved to be his undoing because he could have won had he been on ground earlier. The moment Asiwaju showed his hand, which was a huge mistake, the Abuja folks swung into action. They were energized and united in their "clip the wings" mission. They perfected the delegate swap strategy. Aketi was unaware of their plans until 24 hours before the election. When he was told, he couldn't contain himself! He almost gave the game away. He went to the press and boasted how Tinubu will be shocked. It happened! It was near perfect because the aspirants did not know what hit them. Delegates were accredited in one place and driven to another place to vote. While in transit, they were swapped and pre-printed tags were given to imported delegates while bonafide delegates couldn't get in. All eyes were on ballots and accreditation while the "job" was on logistics and who could vote. The margin of swap, defined the winning votes and it was openly counted. It was almost 6pm before anyone could guess a thing. It was near perfect! Aketi won and most of them had congratulated him before they realized what happened. The ward chairmen were aggrieved and taken by surprise.

As things stand today, the duo of Fayemi and Fashola and their supporters who resent Tinubu's influence have resolved to fight this to finish. I really do not like this because of the grave implications for us as a people. Yoruba former governors are fighting their mentor and the governors are not talking. There is so much disunity going on. Nothing is happening, everyone is in his own cocoon of influence. I don't understand why our ministers can't see that, all these is a failing strategy. It is foolhardy to brush of twigs, cobwebs and dirt when you are still in the bush. Why don't you get out first? What power have they acquired before seeking their independence from Tinubu? I know it is not only Yorubas who are reading these series. Our people say; you cannot ask how your father was killed if you are not wielding a sword. Where is the political clout for this duo? These are thoroughbred elite who are not gifted in retail politics. They are good at giving well crafted speeches and they are best suited for Think Tanks. If Buhari can discard Tinubu, what makes them think they can't be discarded? They are just being used as fodder for candidates who want to succeed Buhari. What else after their ministerial jobs? Why can't these otherwise brilliant men see this?

It is a bad development for the Yoruba and it portends evil for the nation. Because of these games, certain actors within Buhari's inner circle whom I won't mention are determined to sabotage Buhari's effort so they can pave way for 2019. The economy is primed for sabotage, the anticorruption fight is lying prostrate! It is all by design. The plan is to make us so dissatisfied as to stone Buhari on the streets towards the end of next year. I don't pity Buhari! I don't! He has offered himself to those whose vocation is to hold Nigeria by the jugular. President Buhari is too old to function and he is not in good health. Add to that is his loyalty blinkers by which he sees nothing wrong in his long standing friends. Many of the reliable people who stood by him for years have been sidelined. The swashbuckling arrogance and clotted conformity of his inner circle is galling. It is like the rest of us do not matter and we can go and die! Like the PDP, the APC political machinery is a growing skein of looters and economic saboteurs. No one seem concerned by the great class divide and its deepening social contradictions. No one cares about the suffering Nigerian. As far as I know, there seem to be a deliberate intent to dash the hopes for a new Nigeria. To gain political power, they seem to want a furtherance our mediocre culture that promotes a lack of work ethics, penchant for short cuts, easy money, stealing and conversion of public funds, indiscipline, lack of patriotism, erosion of traditional values and dislocated religious beliefs.

Olusola Oke has defected to AD. Tinubu is courting Fayose and Buruji through his surrogates. The ministers are hoping to wrest power from the top by courting young bureaucrats and aspiring politicians with no electoral value, Tinubu is courting grassroots politicians that stinks. Which way? APC is set to split into three. As things are today, parties will emerge that will have only regional reach. PDP is decimated, no one has the money to revive it. Buhari and his factotums have rubbished the handshake with the Yoruba and he will be hated more and more unless some miraculous healing takes place. The North will split into two politically because of ambitions. The state is set such that no party will win 23 states in 2019. 2019 is too far but the actors are unthinking. Burying one man to sink the fortunes of a country instead of managing him is a bad idea and strategy. I hear Baba is ready to let the Daura hostage takers go. I'm not optimistic. The treachery there is worse than what the Bolsheviks did.

What is the way out? I think the party leaders in the Southwest should reach out to Awujale and Alaafin again. Let them talk to Asiwaju. Let them reconcile the governors and stress the need for unity and call the ministers in. I am aware peace talks are ongoing and reports reaching me are not reassuring with everyone still working at cross purpose. I hope they learn. To governor Fayemi and Fashola, please stop dancing. Mo be yin l'oruko Olorun. A young antelope who dances too early will be lame before the main dance starts. Eni to ju'ni lo, le ju'ni nu. E je ki a fi agba f'agba k'aye o le gun ati wipe awon agba so fun wa pe Ilá kìí ga ju onire lo! To Asiwaju, a leader must embrace influence to gain power. Owo omodé o to pepe, t'agbalagba o wo kengbe. Ko maa je ti eyin agba. That is the lesson for Tinubu. I hope he listens, for the love of country over self.

EVENTS OF THE CORONATION WEEK

 
EVENTS OF THE CORONATION WEEK
(October 8th through october23)

Saturday October 8th: (afternoon).
•The Edaiken escorted by Uselu people, leaves Eguae Edaiken(Uselu)for Oredo.
•The Edaiken stops at sacred palm trees (udin) called Amamienson-aimiuwa. Journey continues after a brief ceremony at the tree.
•Edaiken arrives Iya-akpan where Uselu Chiefs take leave of him and Oredo Chiefs take over.
•Edaiken arrives at Eko-Ohae (he stays for three days).  Private ceremonies.

Monday, October 10th: (morning)
•Edaiken leaves Eko-Ohae for Usama Palace.
•Coronation rituals continue.

Tuesday, October 18th :(morning)
The Edaiken goes to Use Village for the ceremony of choosing a name.
•Edaiken returns to Usama.

Wednesday, October 19th:vacant.

Thursday, October 20th.
•Edaike leaves Usama for Benin.
•Goes through Isekherhe to Urho-Okpota.
•Coronation ceremony at Urho-Okpota.

Sunday, October 23rd.
•Omo N'Oba's Thanksgiving Worship at Holy Aruosa.

WE LOST A HUMBLE PRINCE OF BENIN KINGDOM. PRINCE EFOSA AKENZUA (ROLLY MURPHY).

PRINCE EFOSA AKENZUA (ROLLY MURPHY)
.
May his soul rest in perfect peace.
Prince Efosa Akenzua was a very humble personality. Unassuming and a dedicated old boy of Eghosa Anglican Grammar School.
Played active part in the 50th Anniversary Celebrations of the school. Rolly Murphy, you will be missed by those of us that shared the boarding house and school activities with you.
Adieu humble Prince and you have left this sinful world to meet the Almighty Lord that you dedicated your Christian life to serve.

WHAT THE WHITE MAN TOLD ME Thula Bopela

A revealing piece: A sure read if you're African.

I have no idea whether the white man I am writing about is still alive or not. He gave me an understanding of what actually happened to us Africans, and how sinister it was, when we were colonized. His name was Ronald Stanley Peters, Homicide Chief, Matabeleland, in what was at the time Rhodesia. He was the man in charge of the case they had against us, murder. I was one of a group of ANC/ZAPU guerillas that had infiltrated into the Wankie Game Reserve in 1967, and had been in action against elements of the Rhodesian African rifles (RAR), and the Rhodesian Light Infantry (RLI). We were now in the custody of the British South Africa Police (BSAP), the Rhodesian Police. I was the last to be captured in the group that was going to appear at the Salisbury (Harare) High Court on a charge of murder, 4 counts.
‘I have completed my investigation of this case, Mr. Bopela, and I will be sending the case to the Attorney-General’s Office, Mr. Bosman, who will the take up the prosecution of your case on a date to be decided,’ Ron Peters told me. ‘I will hang all of you, but I must tell you that you are good fighters but you cannot win.’
‘Tell me, Inspector,’ I shot back, ‘are you not contradicting yourself when you say we are good fighters but will not win? Good fighters always win.’
‘Mr. Bopela, even the best fighters on the ground, cannot win if information is sent to their enemy by high-ranking officials of their organizations, even before the fighters begin their operations. Even though we had information that you were on your way, we were not prepared for the fight that you put up,’ the Englishman said quietly. ‘We give due where it is to be given after having met you in battle. That is why I am saying you are good fighters, but will not win.’
Thirteen years later, in 1980, I went to Police Headquarters in Harare and asked where I could find Detective-Inspector Ronald Stanley Peters, retired maybe. President Robert Mugabe had become Prime Minster and had released all of us….common criminal and freedom-fighter. I was told by the white officer behind the counter that Inspector Peters had retired and now lived in Bulawayo. I asked to speak to him on the telephone. The officer dialed his number and explained why he was calling. I was given the phone, and spoke to the Superintendent, the rank he had retired on. We agreed to meet in two days time at his house at Matshe-amhlophe, a very up-market suburb in Bulawayo. I travelled to Bulawayo by train, and took a taxi from town to his home.
I had last seen him at the Salisbury High Court after we had been sentenced to death by Justice L Lewis in 1967. His hair had greyed but he was still the tall policeman I had last seen in 1967. He smiled quietly at me and introduced me to his family, two grown up chaps and a daughter. Lastly came his wife, Doreen, a regal-looking Englishwoman. ‘He is one of the chaps I bagged during my time in the Service. We sent him to the gallows but he is back and wants to see me, Doreen.’ He smiled again and ushered me into his study.
He offered me a drink, a scotch whisky I had not asked for, but enjoyed very much I must say. We spent some time on the small talk about the weather and the current news.
‘So,’ Ron began, ‘they did not hang you are after all, old chap! Congratulations, and may you live many more!’ We toasted and I sat across him in a comfortable sofa. ‘A man does not die before his time, Ron’ I replied rather gloomily, ‘never mind the power the judge has or what the executioner intends to do to one.’
‘I am happy you got a reprieve Thula,’, Ron said, ‘but what was it based on? I am just curious about what might have prompted His Excellency Clifford Du Pont, to grant you a pardon. You were a bunch of unrepentant terrorists.’
‘I do not know Superintendent,’ I replied truthfully. ‘Like I have said, a man does not die before his time.’ He poured me another drink and I became less tense.
‘So, Mr. Bopela, what brings such a lucky fellow all the way from happy Harare to a dull place like our Bulawayo down here?’
‘Superintendent, you said to me after you had finished your investigations that you were going to hang all of us. You were wrong; we did not all hang. You said also that though we were good fighters we would not win. You were wrong again Superintendent; we have won! We are in power now. I told you that good fighters do win.’
The Superintendent put his drink on the side table and stood up. He walked slowly to the window that overlooked his well-manicured garden and stood there facing me.
‘So you think you have won Thula? What have you won, tell me. I need to know.’
‘We have won everything Superintendent, in case you have not noticed. Every thing! We will have a black president, prime minister, black cabinet, black members of Parliament, judges, Chiefs of Police and the Army. Every thing Superintendent. I came all the way to come and ask you to apologize to me for telling me that good fighters do not win. You were wrong Superintendent, were you not?’
He went back to his seat and picked up his glass, and emptied it. He poured himself another shot and put it on the side table and was quiet for a while.
‘So, you think you have won everything Mr. Bopela, huh? I am sorry to spoil your happiness sir, but you have not won anything. You have political power, yes, but that is all. We control the economy of this country, on whose stability depends everybody’s livelihood, including the lives of those who boast that they have political power, you and your victorious friends. Maybe I should tell you something about us white people Mr. Bopela. I think you deserve it too, seeing how you kept this nonsense warm in your head for thirteen hard years in prison. ‘When I get out I am going to find Ron Peters and tell him to apologize for saying we wouldn’t win,’ you promised yourself. Now listen to me carefully my friend, I am going to help you understand us white people a bit better, and the kind of problem you and your friends have to deal with.’
‘When we planted our flag in the place where we built the city of Salisbury, in 1877, we planned for this time. We planned for the time when the African would rise up against us, and perhaps defeat us by sheer numbers and insurrection. When that time came, we decided, the African should not be in a position to rule his newly-found country without taking his cue from us. We should continue to rule, even after political power has been snatched from us, Mr. Bopela.’
‘How did you plan to do that my dear Superintendent,’ I mocked.
‘Very simple, Mr. Bopela, very simple,’ Peters told me.
‘We started by changing the country we took from you to a country that you will find, many centuries later, when you gain political power. It would be totally unlike the country your ancestors lived in; it would be a new country. Let us start with agriculture. We introduced methods of farming that were not known I Africa, where people dug a hole in the ground, covered it up with soil and went to sleep under a tree in the shade. We made agriculture a science. To farm our way, an African needed to understand soil types, the fertilizers that type of soil required, and which crops to plant on what type of soil. We kept this knowledge from the African, how to farm scientifically and on a scale big enough to contribute strongly to the national economy. We did this so that when the African demands and gets his land back, he should not be able to farm it like we do. He would then be obliged to beg us to teach him how. Is that not power, Mr. Bopela?’
‘We industrialized the country, factories, mines, together with agricultural output, became the mainstay of the new economy, but controlled and understood only by us. We kept the knowledge of all this from you people, the skills required to run such a country successfully. It is not because Africans are stupid because they do not know what to do with an industrialized country. We just excluded the African from this knowledge and kept him in the dark. This exercise can be compared to that of a man whose house was taken away from him by a stronger person. The stronger person would then change all the locks so that when the real owner returned, he would not know how to enter his own house.’
We then introduced a financial system – money (currency), banks, the stock market and linked it with other stock markets in the world. We are aware that your country may have valuable minerals, which you may be able to extract….but where would you sell them? We would push their value to next-to-nothing in our stock markets. You may have diamonds or oil in your country Mr. Bopela, but we are in possession of the formulas how they may be refined and made into a product ready for sale on the stock markets, which we control. You cannot eat diamonds and drink oil even if you have these valuable commodities. You have to bring them to our stock markets.’
‘We control technology and communications. You fellows cannot even fly an aeroplane, let alone make one. This is the knowledge we kept from you, deliberately. Now that you have won, as you claim Mr. Bopela, how do you plan to run all these things you were prevented from learning? You will be His Excellency this, and the Honorable this and wear gold chains on your necks as mayors, but you will have no power. Parliament after all is just a talking house; it does not run the economy; we do. We do not need to be in parliament to rule your Zimbabwe. We have the power of knowledge and vital skills, needed to run the economy and create jobs. Without us, your Zimbabwe will collapse. You see now what I mean when I say you have won nothing? I know what I am talking about. We could even sabotage your economy and you would not know what had happened.’
We were both silent for some time, I trying not to show how devastating this information was to me; Ron Peters maybe gloating. It was so true, yet so painful. In South Africa they had not only kept this information from us, they had also destroyed our education, so that when we won, we would still not have the skills we needed because we had been forbidden to become scientists and engineers. I did not feel any anger towards the man sitting opposite me, sipping a whisky. He was right.
‘Even the Africans who had the skills we tried to prevent you from having would be too few to have an impact on our plan. The few who would perhaps have acquired the vital skills would earn very high salaries, and become a black elite grouping, a class apart from fellow suffering Africans,’ Ron Peters persisted. ‘If you understand this Thula, you will probably succeed in making your fellow blacks understand the difference between ‘being in office’ and ‘being in power’. Your leaders will be in office, but not in power. This means that your parliamentary majority will not enable you to run the country….without us, that is.’
I asked Ron to call a taxi for me; I needed to leave. The taxi arrived, not quickly enough for me, who was aching to depart with my sorrow. Ron then delivered the coup de grace:
‘What we are waiting to watch happening, after your attainment of political power, is to see you fighting over it. Africans fight over power, which is why you have seen so many coups d’etat and civil wars in post-independent Africa. We whites consolidate power, which means we share it, to stay strong. We may have different political ideologies and parties, but we do not kill each other over political differences, not since Hitler was defeated in 1945. Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe will not stay friends for long. In your free South Africa, you will do the same. There will be so many African political parties opposing the ANC, parties that are too afraid to come into existence during apartheid, that we whites will not need to join in the fray. Inside whichever ruling party will come power, be it ZANU or the ANC, there will be power struggles even inside the parties themselves. You see Mr. Bopela, after the struggle against the white man, a new struggle will arise among yourselves, the struggle for power. Those who hold power in Africa come within grabbing distance of wealth. That is what the new struggle will be about….the struggle for power. Go well Mr. Bopela; I trust our meeting was a fruitful one, as they say in politics.’
I shook hands with the Superintendent and boarded my taxi. I spent that night in Bulawayo at the YMCA, 9th Avenue. I slept deeply; I was mentally exhausted and spiritually devastated. I only had one consolation, a hope, however remote. I hoped that when the ANC came into power in South Africa, we would not do the things Ron Peters had said we would do. We would learn from the experiences of other African countries, maybe Ghana and Nigeria, and avoid coups d’etat and civil wars.
In 2007 at Polokwane, we had full-blown power struggle between those who supported Thabo Mbeki and Zuma’s supporters. Mbeki lost the fight and his admirers broke away to form Cope. The politics of individuals had started in the ANC. The ANC will be going to Maungaung in December to choose new leaders. Again, it is not about which government policy will be best for South Africa; foreign policy, economic, educational, or social policy. It is about Jacob Zuma, Kgalema Motlhante; it is about Fikile Mbalula or Gwede Mantashe. Secret meetings are reported to be happening, to plot the downfall of this politician and the rise of the other one.
Why is it not about which leaders will best implement the Freedom Charter, the pivotal document? Is the contest over who will implement the Charter better? If it was about that, the struggle then would be over who can sort out the poverty, landlessness, unemployment, crime and education for the impoverished black masses. How then do we choose who the best leader would be if we do not even know who will implement which policies, and which policies are better than others? We go to Mangaung to wage a power struggle, period. President Zuma himself has admitted that ‘in the broad church the ANC is,’ there are those who now seek only power, wealth and success as individuals, not the nation. In Zimbabwe the fight between President Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai has paralysed the country. The people of Zimbabwe, a highly-educated nation, are starving and work as garden and kitchen help in South Africa.
What the white man told me in Bulawayo in 1980 is happening right in front of my eyes. We have political power and are fighting over it, instead of consolidating it. We have an economy that is owned and controlled by them, and we are fighting over the crumbs falling from the white man’s ‘dining table’. The power struggle that raged among ANC leaders in the Western Cape cost the ANC that province, and the opposition is winning other municipalities where the ANC is squabbling instead of delivering. Is it too much to understand that the more we fight among ourselves the weaker we become, and the stronger the opposition becomes?
Thula Bopela writes in his personal capacity, and the story he has told is true; he experienced alone and thus is ultimately responsible for the ideas in the article.

Benefits of early morning sex

Prof. Musa Yakubu of University of Ilorin has said having sex in the early morning lowers blood pressure and reduces risks of heart attack.
Yakubu of the Department of Biochemistry made the assertion in a paper, “Knocking Down the Barriers to Four O’Clock Activities and Reproductive Inadequacies”, presented at the 163rd Inaugural lecture of the university on Friday.
He said that having sexual intercourse, three to four times a week, was good for love life.
“Research has shown that sex boosts immune system by stimulating the body’s first line of defence and production of immunoglobulin A (IgA), against cold and fever,” he said.
Immunoglobulin A is one of the most common antibodies in the body system.
Antibodies are proteins made by the immune system to fight bacteria, viruses, and toxins.
Sex, according to Yakubu also regulates menstruation in women by influencing the levels of lutenizing hormones that control menstrual period and promote better sleep.
He said sex also releases the feel-good chemical, known as oxytocin, which enhances closeness with one’s partner and makes people feel happier for a longer period of time.
“Lovemaking of about 20 minutes reduces 150 calories,” he said.
The professor of Biochemistry postulated that sex is the most powerful creative force given to human by God for pleasure and deep companionship.
Yakubu, however, noted that any marriage in which the man or woman could not enjoy sexual intercourse or satisfy their partner in bed was a dead marriage.
He said lack of sexual satisfaction had led to the collapse of many marriages in Nigeria, and urged couples to seek for solutions to the problem.
“Sexual and reproductive dysfunctions are common among men and women in Nigeria, which necessitates regular screening and check-ups,” he said.
He also said that traditional medicines had been authenticated to cure sexual dysfunctions.

The size of the bladder is 40 - 60 cl. A bottle of coke is 50cl

As the bladder stores more urine it can enlarge up to 300cl. An overfilled bladder may leak and this leads to wetting / urinary incontinence.
Also the volume may put pressure on the kidney and may lead to kidney damage.
What may likely bring the man to hospital is acute urinary retention. He wakes up one day and he is not able to pass urine.
Everything I have described above is associated with prostate enlargement, technically called benign prostate hyperplasia.
There are other diseases of the prostate like:
1. Prostatitis – inflammation of the prostate
2. Prostate cancer – cancer of the prostate.
This discussion is on prostate enlargement.
I have bad news and good news.
The bad news is that everyman will have prostate enlargement if he lives long enough.
The good news is that there are life style changes that can help the man after 40 to maintain optimum prostate health.
Nutrition
Look at what you eat. 33% of all cancers, according to the US National Cancer Institute is related to what we eat.
Red meat everyday triples your chances of prostate disease. Milk everyday doubles your risk. Not taking fruits / vegetables daily quadruples your risk.
Tomatoes are very good for men. If that is the only thing your wife can present in the evening, eat it with joy.
It has loads of lycopene. Lycopene is the most potent natural antioxidant.
Foods that are rich in zinc are also good for men. We recommend pumpkin seeds (ugbogulu).
Zinc is about the most essential element for male sexuality and fertility.
Men need more zinc than women. Every time a man ejaculates he loses 15mg of zinc. Zinc is also important for alcohol metabolism. Your liver needs zinc to metabolize alcohol.
ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION
As men begin to have urinary symptoms associated with prostate enlargement, it is important they look at alcohol consumption. More fluid in means more fluid out.
Drink less. Drink slowly.
EXERCISE
Exercise helps build the muscle tone. Every man should exercise. Men over 40 should avoid high impact exercise like jogging. It puts pressure on the knees. Cycling is bad news for the prostate. We recommend brisk walking.
SITTING
When we sit, two-third of our weight rests on the pelvic bones. Men who sit longer are more prone to prostate symptoms. Do not sit for long hours. Walk around as often as you can. Sit on comfortable chairs. We recommend a divided saddle chair if you must sit long hours.
DRESSING
Men should avoid tight underwear. It impacts circulation around the groin and heats it up a bit. While the physiological temperature is 37 degrees, the groin has an optimal temperature of about 33 degrees. Pant is a no - no for men. Wear boxers.  Wear breathable clothing.
SMOKING
Avoid smoking. It affects blood vessels and impact circulation around the groin.
SEX
REGULAR  SEX IS GOOD FOR THE PROSTRATE
Celibates are more prone to prostate illness. While celibacy is a moral decision, it is not a biological adaptation. Your prostate gland is designed to empty its contents regularly.
NB: SEX MUST BE WITHIN D CONTEXT OF MARRIAGE.

‘Change begins with me’ is not Lai’s initiative, Afe Babalola & Co. writes Buhari

👤by Taiwo George


The law chambers of Afe Babalola, a senior advocate of Nigeria, has written a letter to President Muhammadu Buhari, saying there is enough evidence to prove that the ‘Change Begins With Me’ campaign is not the initiative of Lai Mohammed, minister of information.
The campaign, which was launched in September, has come under heavy scrutiny.
First was President Muhammadu Buhari’s speech at the occasion, a part of which was lifted from the 2008 victory speech of President Barack Obama.
Akin Fadeyi, a creative consultant, subsequently said he conceived the idea under the theme ‘Not in My Country’, and even pitched it to Mohammed but he was sidelined along the way.
Denying Fadeyi’s claim, Mohammed threatened to file legal action against him.
Click here to download the letter
But in the letter written by Afe Babalola Chambers by Adebayo Adenipekun, also a senior advocate of Nigeria, Babalola dared Mohammed to go ahead with his threat.
He said Fadeyi, his client, decided not to make any public exchange with Mohammed all along because he is a private citizen.
Babalola asked Buhari to carry out a thorough investigation on the issue.
THE LETTER IN FULL
29th September, 2016
President Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR
President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,
Aso Rock Villa,
Abuja.
Your Excellency,
ALLEGED COPYRIGHT INFRINGEMENT OF AKIN FADEYI’S “NOT IN MY COUNTRY” ANTI-CORRUPTION CAMPAIGN BY THE “CHANGE BEGINS WITH ME” PROJECT-
We have the instruction of Akin Fadeyi to write you this letter. Our client, Akin Fadeyi is the creator of the anti-corruption media campaign project “Not in My Country”. The ‘Not In My Country’ project has been the subject of a heated media exchange over allegations of copyright infringement and counter-allegations of blackmail between some actors and other concerned citizens who were privy to the ‘Not in My Country’ anti-corruption campaign project and the Hon. Minister of Information, Culture and Tourism, Alhaji Lai Mohammed. By this letter, we seek to state our client’s position for the first time in a public space, on the many issues thrown up by the media fray. It is our hope that upon reading this letter, Your Excellency will come to appreciate our client’s status as a partner in the pious goals of this administration and the need to thoroughly investigate the issues surrounding the media report.
For the records, our client chose to remain silent for three crucial reasons. First, our client is a private business man genuinely concerned with advancing our Nigerian society by innovative thinking and development projects, not a politician with any vested interests.
Second, as shown below, the ‘Not in My Country’ anti-corruption campaign project is a product of our client’s lifelong vision to do something towards ridding our society of the cankerworm of decadence. On this point alone, our client has the same goals as the present administration in tackling corruption effectively at the grassroots.
Third, our client will not sacrifice this noblest of goals on the altar of claiming his personal individual rights, especially not in a way capable of being bastardized or confused with propaganda, among other distractions. That is not to say our client will not defend his work and hard-earned intellectual property rights in a court of competent jurisdiction at the appropriate time. Indeed, our client awaits Alhaji Lai Mohammed to make good his threats to sue him, in preparation for which he has instructed our law firm to commence the preparation of processes in answer to any summons filed against him. Without a doubt, when our client responds to any processes filed, his actions and motives will be clear and unmistakable.
BRIEF HISTORY OF OUR CLIENT’S 1-MINUTE DRAMA SKIT ‘NOT IN MY COUNTRY’ ANTI-CORRUPTION CAMPAIGN PROJECT
Your Excellency, our client is an enterprising young man with over a decade experience in initiating, coordinating and executing national (re)orientation and other development projects in Nigeria. Specifically, our client conceived and initiated the ‘Not in My Country’ anti-corruption campaign project as far back as the year 2007 at the University of Lagos. In a Letter granting his request to use the University premises for ‘a three minutes clip demo tape on Saturday, September 29, 2007’, the Principal Assistant Registrar acknowledged that the “…project is on national re-orientation campaign aimed at changing the attitudes of youths for the better especially in the area of examination malpractices and moral integrity” (Please find attached Letter dated September 26, 2007).
From those days of little beginnings, our client kept working hard at his vision for this project- an effective anti-corruption media campaign which the Nigerian public would easily connect with and ultimately respond to. Thus, our client has records of having presented some of his drama skits to officials of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) in 2007. In 2008, our client took the project to Messrs Joseph Adeyeye, Casmir Igbokwe and Steve Ayorinde, the current Honorable Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Lagos, who was then Editor of the Punch. Since then, our client kept developing this project into the media campaign to eradicate corruption over time- using the 1-minute drama skit model- which our client has perfected in his ‘Not in My Country’ project.
OUR CLIENT’S MEETING WITH THE HON. MINISTER OF INFORMATION AND CULTURE
It was this fully developed 1-minute drama skit model our client presented in a proposal to the Honourable Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Muhammed on the 30th of December, 2015. The point of the proposal, which was the sole purpose of that meeting, was to enlist the cooperation of the Hon. Minister to facilitate the broadcast of our client’s already prepared skits on the nation’s largest free- to- air network (Nigerian Television Authority). Our client showed three 1-minute skits to the Minister and his team. Indeed, the Hon. Minister was so impressed with the project that he commended our client for having effectively harnessed the ‘power of drama and time (one minute)’ and agreed in principle to partner with him on this project.
However, the Hon. Minister indicated that he was yet ruminating on a ‘Change Begins with Me’ idea of his own which he wanted our client to reflect in the ‘Not in my Country’ project. Thus, it was agreed at that meeting that our client should go back to location and re-shoot the drama skits to reflect the Hon. Minister’s ‘Change Begins with Me’ as the pay-off line in the ‘Not in My Country’ videos.
Our client set to work immediately with his crew at his own cost. Upon completion of the video reshoot, our client sent the minister text messages intimating him that the job was done. Our client later met with the Hon. Minister at the Southern Sun Hotel, Ikoyi, Lagos, where the minister was meeting with some musical artists. The minister gave our client his email contact and asked that the reworked videos be sent to him via email. Accordingly, our client sent the files to the Minister’s email (acnprs@yahoo.com) with a Cover Letter dated 3rd February, 2016. Receipt of the letter was duly acknowledged.
SUBSEQUENT CONDUCT OF THE HON. MINISTER OF INFORMATION AND CULTURE
Having received our client’s drama materials, the Hon. Minister held on to them without communicating with our client any further. All attempts to reach and meet with him again were evidently rebuffed by the Hon. Minister. Undaunted, our client reverted to the original skits first presented to the Hon. Minister and produced many more skits of the Not in My Country drama. This was launched publicly to wide media coverage on the 3rd of May, 2016 in a well-attended event at Leadway/Protea Hotel, Maryland, Ikeja. The countless media coverage of news stories, opinions and columns are available in print and electronic media for all to see. Thereafter, our client embarked on an aggressive nationwide stakeholder engagement. Despite the Minister’s silence after receiving the work, our client sent him a reminder letter, newspaper cuttings of his launch and a comprehensive copy of his Not in My Country project on the 9th of June 2016. Till date, the Hon. Minister has not replied any of these correspondences.
When on the 8th of September, 2016 the Hon Minister launched a drama skit model of the Change Begins with Me campaign, certain persons who were privy to our client’s project and others who witnessed his protracted exchanges with the Minister have made statements and accusations. Rather, contrary to all the Hon. Minister has said about him, our client has neither released nor commissioned anyone to release any comment on this matter before now. For the avoidance of doubt, let the following be known to the government, the Hon Minister and the Nigerian public as our client’s stand on this issue:
1.our client has read every reaction, some spontaneous, some self serving and some others patriotic since Alhaji Lai Mohammed launched his ‘Change Begins With Me’ campaign;
2.our client has read some concerned public reaction to the campaign questioning the originality of some of its components and accusing the Hon Minister of re-adapting the drama concept of our client’s project to his change campaign;
iii.         our client has read the Hon. Minister’s sponsored and orchestrated media attacks on his person and associates, tagging him as someone “seeking shortcut to success”, a blackmailer etc;
1.in all of this, our client has urged his group of very patriotic young Nigerians and his hardworking crew not to say a word in response. Our client has equally consistently refrained from uttering any rejoinder to the Minister’s publications and correspondences. Naturally, our client wishes to state his side of the story, but does not want to be mistaken for a sponsored detractor of this government;
2.our client has read the comments of all those who believe the Minister’s account simply because they are not aware of every shred of evidence that shows all that transpired between the parties till the Minister launched this Change Begins with Me campaign on September 8, 2016;
3.our client is away in the United States to further the traction his Not In My Country project has gained and enhance it further through strategic and sustainable ingredients from a global dimension pursuant to negotiations that began long before the advent of this administration;
Without taking a stance on the issue and without prejudice to a more robust response to the Hon Minister’s threatened suit, we believe that the law and reason will vindicate our client’s narrative over and above any contrary incredible narrative.
OUR CLIENT’S REQUEST
At the opposite end of our client’s private rights in the media reports, is a very crucial project of the Federal Government of Nigeria by which the government seeks to encourage individual change in the citizenry in the hopes of a holistic national change. Such a project is not one that ought to kick-off dogged with debate and controversy. Already, an important orientation project is being overwhelmed by negative reports and backlash. We consequently urge Your Excellency to initiate a thorough investigation of the respective positions of the parties in the ultimate interest of the all-important war on corruption.
We also wish to reiterate to Your Excellency that in the event that Alhaji Lai Muhammed makes good his threat to go to court, which our client urges him to do, our client reserves his right to come all out to put up his defence, and that whatever steps our client takes in defending his right should not be interpreted as fighting the government. Our client has no intention of taking up any dispute with the government in appreciation of its laudable anti-corruption campaign. Whenever our client is called upon to defend himself and his work before a court of justice, he will do so to the full extent allowed by law as the matter is strictly between Akin Fadeyi and Alhaji Lai Muhammed.
Your Excellency, please accept the assurances of our highest regards.
thecableng

Tinubu: How We Plotted PDP’s Ouster

Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

•Says Buhari on assignment to correct decades of past wrongs
•Proceeds from president’s biography donated to IDPs.


Tobi Soniyi in Abuja and Ernest Chinwo in Port Harcourt


The National Leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, monday in Abuja gave a historical account of how the ruling party came to being and brought to a sudden end the reign of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Reviewing the book, “Muhammadu Buhari: The Challenges of Leadership in Nigeria” written by Professor John Paden, during its launch in Abuja, Tinubu provided a rare insight into the challenges faced by political parties that came together to form an alliance that produced the APC, which eventually ended the reign of PDP.

 
According to him, to defeat PDP, which had boasted it would rule Nigeria for 60 years, a political alliance had to be formed.
He said: “In forming the ‘new’ party, we had three challenges. The first was learning the right lessons from the aborted attempt at political cooperation in 2011. Fortunately, both the ACN and CPC regretted our inability to conclude a pact in 2011.
“We agreed that there would be no recrimination over what did not happen before. We agreed there would be an intensified effort to forge the united effort that eluded us in 2011.
“In 2011, both parties wanted cooperation, but became stuck on whether that should take the form of an alliance or outright merger. This difference gave rise to another one, regarding how the vice-presidential candidate, who would run with the presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, would be selected.
“Despite the good-faith demonstrated in our attempt to resolve these issues, time ran out on finding a solution. In retrospect, we all were perhaps a bit too inflexible and did not realise the extent to which cooperation and flexibility were needed to establish the reform we all wanted.
“The result: Each party went its own way in 2011. However, the talks of 2011 would foreshadow the discussions beginning in 2013, which led to the successful merger forming the APC.
“Talks mainly between the CPC, led by Buhari, and the ACN, led by myself, later joined by the ANPP and the progressive wing of APGA, would go more smoothly and would reach the desired finish-line this time.
“There would be a merger and there would be a presidential candidate agreeable to all. A winning combination had been joined.
“It would give the PDP, which had boasted of 60 continuous years in power, more than it could handle.
“After the successful merger and the birth of APC, it was time to pick a flag bearer. At the Lagos convention, President Buhari emerged as the new party’s choice in a transparently, honest process.
“His speech to the convention was greeted with ovation, even by those who had opposed him.
“Then there was the sticky issue of selecting a running mate. After careful study and discussion, it was agreed that we should field a religiously-balanced ticket given the sensitivities of the moment.
“Based on this conclusion, the name of Yemi Osinbajo, renowned law professor and former Lagos State Attorney-general during my tenure as governor, was proposed as an excellent running mate.
“Osinbajo was also a pastor in the largest church in the entire country, and this would answer those who wrongfully tried to paint Buhari as intolerant.”
He further recounted: “Many of us invested ourselves, our hearts, bodies, minds and souls in this project for national salvation. Many did not want it to happen and fought to undermine the good we sought to accomplish.
“Many others straddled the sidelines, neither completely in nor completely out, but waiting to see how the prevailing winds might blow before making their moves.
“Muhammadu Buhari never wavered for one moment on this journey. Proving to be a focused leader, he acted with single-minded determination that showed no fear or doubt in the rightfulness of the cause we pursued.
“I know this for an unassailable fact because I was there with him, every step of the way, to fight against, what the realists told us, were insurmountable odds.
“Yet, our determination for reform beat their smart calculations. The desire for a better country was more powerful than their incumbent might.”
Tinubu explained that the APC was a party born out of the quest for democratic good governance. “In essence, the party is the embodiment of a democratic promise made between its members as well as a democratic vow made to the public. The APC genesis is truly a historic and an engaging one.”
Tinubu also described Buhari as a patriot on a national assignment to right the wrongs of nearly two decades of bad governance in Nigeria.
He noted that the authorised biography was an attempt at a broad characterisation of the different stages of Buhari’s life and professional career.
Tinubu said: “Essentially, the book explores how his professional career, his personal life and prior experiences in government shaped and prepared him for the momentous assignment he now has.
“From the book’s pages, we see a man who has lived his life on assignments that always intersected with vital moments in the nation’s history. He was a man on assignment, when, in the military, he served bravely in a civil war to keep Nigeria united.
“He was on national assignment when he became military head of state in a well-intentioned effort to straighten things out, and set Nigeria on a better path.
“When he ventured into politics and competed for the presidency, culminating in his 2015 election victory, he was still on assignment, showing that there was no other way for this nation to go but the way of democracy, no matter how difficult the path may be.
“Now, as sitting president, he is on an assignment, against time, to undo the wrongs of nearly two decades of bad governance.”
While lauding the author for the historical bent of the book, Tinubu stated that Buhari has “always been in the public eye, doing things in his different, disciplined and Spartan way”, adding that the president’s credential as a transformative leader, who has evolved into a committed democrat, was secured in the book.
“The Nigeria project, which occupies the centre stage in the book, has been Buhari’s life,” he added.
He also stated: “The search for that astute political leadership is what produced the Buhari presidency. That same search is what must propel this presidency forward.”
He noted that the forward written by General Theophilus Danjuma captured the very essence of the book.
“No one is more qualified to evaluate President Buhari, from the past to the present, other than General Danjuma. As a senior officer to Buhari, they both enjoy a professional and personal friendship, unparalleled in our history.
“His words confirm that Buhari was a man prepared for leadership ahead of a time like this,” he declared.
Tinubu also noted that the author, in the book, succinctly explained the transition from the Buhari in uniform to one in civilian garb. He said Prof. Paden observed that in terms of style of leadership, Buhari as a young military head of state was in a hurry.
“However, now that he is older and given his experience, he is ‘slow but steady’ in his approach to governance.
“The author juxtaposes Buhari’s military career and his political career adeptly, weaving them together in a tapestry that evokes the image of a man, who, from day one, had been destined for leadership,” Tinubu stated.
He recalled that Buhari made three electoral promises: security, corruption and employment.
“On security, success has been recorded in decimating Boko Haram. On corruption and the rule of law, Buhari continues to plough new ground.
“Chapter 19 of the book entitled ‘Corruption and Law’ is a good examination on his fight against corruption. Unemployment has been a stubborn problem, made even more difficult by the oil price-driven recession, but this administration has shown its commitment towards achieving the structural reform that will bring durable solutions to this and other economic challenges,” he said.
He described the book as an important one. “It is a logically-presented account of the emergence of the current political dispensation with President Buhari as its central protagonist.
“The author tries to achieve many things within a relatively small space. He succeeded in the main. He let the reader get a view into the family roots, life and experience of President Buhari.
“He also told the story of his professional career as a military general. The story of his political career and the journey to the presidency was told in a straightforward manner.
“Finally, he attempted a quick evaluation of the president’s first year in office. The author covers a vast amount of territory with an economy of words, yet he manages to give a feel for Muhammadu Buhari, the man. Therein lies the success of the book,” he said.
Also reviewing the book, a former United States’ Ambassador to Nigeria, Mr. John Campbell, admitted that the U.S. had not shown enough interest in Nigeria. This, he said, was a mistake.
 Accordingly, he called on the U.S. authorities to give Nigeria the attention it deserves as the giant of Africa.
Another reviewer, Professor Ibrahim Gambari, who was Nigeria’s former Permanent Representative at the United Nations, urged Buhari to show leadership and carry all Nigerians along.
 He advised him to practise politics of inclusion, warning that development without unity would be tough.
Gambari noted that Buhari was confronted with the challenge of bringing immediate change to thousands of his supporters who voted for him during the election.
 Minister of Science and Technology, Chief Ogbonaya Onu, who also reviewed the book, said that despite the fact that the judiciary let him down three times, when the courts rejected his petitions to upturn elections in which his opponents were declared winner, he did not lose faith in the judiciary.
The chairman of the event and former military head of state, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, said Buhari deserved every commendation and criticism.
 He said Buhari was a fighter and a man of destiny working to get things right with the economy, despite the huge challenges being faced by the country.
In his brief remarks, former President Olusegun Obasanjo said the book confirmed what he knew about Buhari and what he was also told about him as an upright man.
 At the book presentation were the presidents of Niger, Chad, Benin Republic and a representative of the Camerounian president.
Nigeria’s vice-president and his wife, Dolapo, the Senate President Bukola Saraki and his wife, Toyin, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara, former Chief Justices of Nigeria, Muhammadu Uwais and Alfa Belgore, and chieftains of the APC were present at the book lauch.
A cross section of state governors and traditional rulers also attended.
 The author of the book Paden said that the biography was an attempt by him to introduce Buhari to the international community.
He also observed that political leadership was critical in keeping Nigeria moving and developing.
 Prof. Paden also donated the proceeds of his book to internally displaced persons in the North-east. The professor of International Studies said: “Let me say that the proceeds of the launch of this book will all go to some select charities including humanitarian aid to the internally displaced people in the North-east.”
The organisers of the event also announced that no one would be allowed to make huge donations or purchase copies in millions of naira.
One of the organisers, Alhaji Ismaila Funtua, announced that the cover price of the book was pegged at N1,500 for the soft cover, N2500 for the hard cover and N10,000 for the leather cover.
 As such, two wealthy presenters of the biography, Abdulsamad Rabiu and Tunde Folawiyo, stated that they were purchasing two copies for each of the nation’s tertiary institutions.

British secret files on Nigeria’s first bloody coup, path to Biafra

By agboola@dailytrust.com |

Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa | Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu | Sir Ahmadu Bello

About the same time that Nigeria is marking the 50th anniversary of its first bloody military coup d’état of January 1966, which claimed the lives of prominent political and military leaders from the northern part of the country and set the stage for a gory counter-coup in July and three years of civil war, there have been growing calls to arms and separation by a section of the country. Those seeking to return the nation to those dark, unforgettable days by rekindling the fires of disunity have clearly not learnt any lessons from the horrors of the past. Daily Trust on Sunday has decided to publish an independent account of the historical events that were extracted from “hitherto hidden dispatches from British diplomats and intelligence officers,” with the hope that those calling for war can see reasons why it must be avoided. The files were first published in a serialized form by TheNews magazine in its June and July 2016 editions. We are reproducing it with the permission of TheNews, beginning from this week.

Kaduna
It was a soundless morning, dark, pulsating, starless. The harmattan spiked the 2am air with prickly cold and fog. With his finger to the trigger, the 28-year-old Major Patrick Chukwuma Nzeogwu addressed the soldiers from Charlie Company of the 3rd Infantry Battalion and some Nigerian Military Training College (NMTC) personnel. They were armed with fury, submachine guns, knives, grenades, torchlights, rocket launchers. Nzeogwu reeled about how the politicians had dragged the country to the cliff of fall and kicked it down into a worst-case scenario. He reeled about nepotism, large scale looting of public wealth, persistent poverty of the people, the yearnings of millions hollowed out by afflictions, the epidemic of insecurities, the Tiv riots, the Western Region’s daily bloodletting, the country’s tireless race to the bottom instead of high up to the plane of regard.

He pointed to Sardauna’s residence right behind him as the ultimate symbol of the filth Nigeria had become. His fellow soldiers were stunned. They did not know they had been turned into reluctant rebels. They thought this was supposed to be another night’s training exercise the brigade high command had approved for them which they started two weeks previously. Nzeogwu then asked the soldiers to concentrate on how to be necessary and to feel proud that they were the ones called upon to rescue the nation, to show the way, to be the new founding fathers of a better Nigeria. In other words, like Homer’s Illiad, he was asking them not to see the epic bloodbath that was about to start as an outbreak of evil, but their generous contribution to the redemption and welfare of the nation.
They Charged Forward
Four hours earlier around 10 o’clock, the last lights in the Sardauna’s household had gone out. They were expected to wake by 4am to eat suhur, the predawn meal to begin the fast. Ramadan started on 23rd December 1965. A week earlier, the Prime Minister Mallam Tafawa Balewa Abubakar met the Queen and the British Prime Minister Harold Wilson. He had invited all the Commonwealth Prime Ministers for a special meeting in Lagos from 11- 12 January to resolve Rhodesian crises. It was the first of its kind outside London. On 19 December, he went to the small village of Arondizuogu in Orlu for the commissioning of his trade minister, Dr Ozumba Mbadiwe’s Palace of the People. Built by Italian contractors, it was a three-storey affair resplendent with blue terrazzo walls, swimming pool and a fountain, grand conference halls and event rooms, red carpet and gilt chairs. All these in a village where most houses were still born of mud and thatched roofs.
Since the first tarred roads were constructed in 1890s in Lagos, and the first dual carriage way in Nigeria - Queen Elizabeth Road - appeared in 1956 in Ibadan, no road in Arondizuogu or in Orlu had ever been graced with bitumen before. Yet Mbadiwe situated the grand palace there as a source of pride for his people. At the commissioning ceremony, the Eastern Premier, Dr Okpara never saw the project as a white elephant planted by megalomania and watered by corruption, rather he hailed the project as “a great achievement for one of the priests of pragmatic socialism to have been so clever to accommodate this building within the context of pragmatic African socialism.” The press placed the value of the house at least half a million pounds. Mbadiwe said it was “at most £40,000.” After the commissioning, Abubakar then proceeded to his farm in Bauchi for his annual leave. On Tuesday 4th of January, he joined the retinue of well-wishers in Kaduna airport to bid farewell to his in-law and godfather, the Sardauna, who was going to Saudi Arabia to perform Umra, a lesser hajj, in the company of 184 other state-sponsored pilgrims. The cost of the one-week pilgrimage to the government was around £17,000.
unprecedentedly scathing editorial laying the blame for the region’s financial woes and lack of development on Sardauna inefficiencies and ineptitude and asked him to “put his house in order.” When Nzeogwu read the editorial, he went straight to the paper’s newsroom and demanded to see the writer. He was in his uniform and his eyes were red. No one knew him nor had seen his face before. The staff did not know what to make of his demand. The expatriate managing editor Charles Sharp then stepped forward. Nzeogwu shook his hands and said the content and tone of the editorial reflected their thinking in the army and they had resolved to put that house in order. The newsroom did not understand what he meant until the morning of the January 15. The paper was the first to publish for the world the picture of Sardauna’s house still smouldering in the flames of Nzeogwu.
Meanwhile, the premier of the Western Region, Samuel Ladoke Akintola received a tip from his NNDP ministers in the federal cabinet that after the Commonwealth special meeting, the Prime Minister planned to impose a state of emergency on the Western Region, drop him as an ally and appoint a federal caretaker just as he did in 1962. Market women staging protests against skyrocketing costs of foodstuffs, burnout cars, shot and charred corpses, politicians and civil servants’ houses set on fire, intellectuals’ houses emptied onto the street were weekly occurrences in the West. Ever since the rift between Awolowo the Action Group leader and Akintola his deputy, the Western Region that was an Africans-can-do-it model of governance and jaw-dropping development was turned into a landscape of sorrow, blood and tears. With fund from the public treasury and under the command of Fani-Kayode the deputy premier, Akintola’s well-armed hooligans held the upper hand while AG’s bully-boys sponsored by Dr Michael Okpara and the NCNC leadership were on the defensive. After the elections of 11 October 1965, Akintola used the state broadcasting services to announce false counts while the Okpara-sent Eastern Nigeria Broadcasting Service team secretly camped in Awolowo’s house declared the correct results ward by ward. On the night of 15th October, when Akintola was to announce himself the winner, Wole Soyinka, with a generous assistance from his pistol, forced the Western Broadcasting Service to air his own subservice tape asking Akintola to resign and go. Akintola and his supporters went berserk. The police declared Soyinka wanted and he fled to Okpara in the East for temporary refuge until his arrest on 27th October 1965.
On Thursday, 13th January when Sardauna arrived from Mecca, Akintola flew to Kaduna to meet him to dissuade Abubakar from imposing a state of emergency on the West or replace him with an Administrator. Akintola had recently buried his daughter and staunchest ally Mrs Modele Odunjo who on 26th October died allegedly of overdose of sleeping pills. She was married to Soji Odunjo, who was a staunch enemy of her father and he was also the son of the Alawiye’s Chief J.F. Odunjo whom Akintola also sacked as the Chairman of Western Region Development Corporation for being pro-Awolowo. Akintola had also sent his son, Tokunbo (who died in 1973) faraway to Eton College in England. He had imported the first ever bulletproof car into Nigeria: an £8000 Mercedes Benz. As the 13th Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, he felt unchained and fired up for a total fight. With more men and firepower, he told the Sardauna, he would crush all disturbances from AG’s supporters and their Eastern sponsors. The Sardauna promised to discuss his request with the Prime Minister. Major Timothy Onwuatuegwu, a 27-year-old instructor at the NMTC who was detailed to track Sardauna’s daily movements reported this surprise meeting with Akintola to the Revolution’s high command. From his No 13, Kanta Road residence, Nzeogwu promptly dashed to the Kaduna airport where Sardauna had already gone to see off Akintola. Nzeogwu went to the VIP lounge saluted the Sardauna and wished Akintola safe journey back home convinced that in 48 hours at most, both VIPs would be counted among the dead.
That evening, Nzeogwu went back to the airport to pick up his best friend Major Olusegun Obasanjo the Officer Commanding the Field Engineers who had just finished his course in India and flew in via London. Obasanjo’s deputy Captain Ben Gbuile was supposed to pick him up at the airport but he was busy mobilising for the Revolution. And so he telephoned Nzeogwu who promptly came to the airport. Though they slept together in the same room, Nzeogwu never told him of the death awaiting certain personalities.
The following day, 14th January, Bernard Floud a British MP and director of Granada TV (now ITV) which partly owned the Northern Region Television Station was staying at the plush Hamdala Hotel in Kaduna. He had met with the Sardauna briefly to discuss funding and expansion of the television reach. They were supposed to meet the following day Saturday 15th January to continue the business talk. But there would be no tomorrow.
For Nzeogwu and his soldiers had cut through the Premier’s Lodge fence by the side and at the entrance rounded up three policemen (Police Constables Yohanna Garkawa, Akpan Anduka, Hagai Lai) and a soldier (Lance Corporal Musa Nimzo) rubbing their hands together between their knees to resist the harsh harmattan. Nzeogwu asked them to face the wall and coldly pulled the trigger on them. He was trying to man up his fellow soldiers who were still acting like reluctant rebels and give them a taste of where the night was heading. He then posted two new sentries by the entrance while he and other soldiers conducted a room-to-room search in the main house for the Sardauna. Routine police patrol that sighted the mutineers converging menacingly in front of the Premier’s Lodge radioed the British Police officer on duty in the Kaduna Police Operations room. He in turn phoned Mallam Ahmed T. Ben-Musa Sardauna’s Senior Assistant Secretary (Security). He immediately sprang up and went to the Lodge. He was shot on arrival by the sentries who were motivated by Nzeogwu’s earlier example. They had accepted the transformation from reluctant rebels to motivated mutineers.
The general alarm had woken Sardauna. He was not in the main house but upstairs in the rear annex with his senior wife Habsatu, the daughter of Mallam Abbas, the Waziri of Sokoto, his second wife Goggon Kano, the third, Jabbo Birnin Kebbi and Sallama, a house retainer. They listened and rattled prayer beads in fear for an hour as Nzeogwu and his motivated mutineers booted down doors, pumped bullets into guards mounting resistance and shouted to others, “Ina Sardauna? Take us to the Sardauna.” It was dark, Sardauna and his wives went downstairs and into the courtyard connecting the annex and the main house. They were trying to escape. On finding them, Nzeogwu shot the Sardauna and his senior wife who was trying to protect him. He then blew a whistle which was the agreed signal for all soldiers to converge at the rallying point at the front gate for the final onslaught on their symbol of national decay. The rocket-launching party then began shelling the house. Boom! Boom! The ground shuddered like the cannon fire which the great Russian composer Pyotr Tchaikovsky laced into his 1812 overture. Nzeogwu was a lover of jazz and classical music.
Their beauty heightened his sensitivity to the decay which Nigeria was. He even mentored Captain Theophilus Danjuma to become a classical connoisseur. With the huge flame before him overpowering the harmattan and the night with abundance of light and heat, Nzeogwu was satisfied his own unit’s assignment was a success. He felt like a single note from an oboe, hanging high up there unwavering, avid for glory, above pulses from bassoons and basset horns till a drag from a clarinet took over and sweetened the note into a phrase of such delight, such unfulfillable longing making the coup’s failure unlikely with every passing bar. Nzeogwu then left for the brigade headquarters to await news from other units confident as ever like that high oboe note from Mozart’s Serenade for the Winds in B Flat that the news would be good news.
The mutineers had divided themselves into three groups. Nzeogwu headed the group that looked after the Sardauna, Captain Gbuile was to seize the 1st Brigade Headquarters, the TV and radio stations and Major Timothy Onwuatuegwu headed the group to delete the existence of Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun and his Deputy, Col Raphael Shodeinde. Ademulegun was startled when Onwuatuegwu entered his bedroom just after 2am. He was reported to have asked, how did you get in here? As the commander of the 1st Brigade of the Nigerian Army, he was the most protected personality in the whole of the Northern Region. While police personnel guarded the Premier and the Governor, Sir Kashim Ibrahim, his own guards were drawn from the 3rd infantry battalion. They guarded not only inside and outside his compound but around his main house too. But the guards had been compromised and they led Onwuatuegwu straight into the Brigadier’s bedroom. Had Ademulegun survived the assassination, he would have ordered all the guards, the guard commander and their officer commanding to face firing squad because as guards, they were supposed to die first before anything happened to him.
But he was not scheduled to survive. Onwuatuegwu asked the Brigadier, “Get dressed and come with us sir. Those are my instructions; to bring you to the headquarters.” It sounded like nonsense to him. As the head of that headquarters since 17 February 1964, he was the only person that could give such an order. His wife Latifah, 8 months pregnant, planted herself fearlessly between her husband and the pointed guns knowing full well that if she remained glued to the comfort of their bed those weapons would not be diverted away from her husband. The Sardauna’s senior wife did exactly that at that moment somewhere else. (Any other Nigerian woman would have done the same. Contrary to what the New Feminists led themselves to believe, Nigerian women were never born to be weak. In the top bedside drawer was a service pistol. As a Brigadier, Ademulegun knew a pistol was no match for 6 soldiers armed with SMGs. But he would rather fight and die gallantly than degrade the honour of his office by surrendering to subordinates.
As he made a dash for a quick draw, Onwuatuegwu opened fire on the Brigadier, his wife and the unborn. Cruelty resulted when anything stood in the way of the indefinite expansion of the will to power. Without Ademulegun dead, Nzeogwu could not preside over the biggest Brigade of the Nigerian Army. Ademulegun’s children Solape and Kole were in the next room. They heard all the clash and they were the first to see their lifeless parents surrounded by a pond of blood. Onwuatuegwu and his mutineers then strolled out across the street unchallenged by the guards to the home of Colonel Shodeinde, Deputy Commandant of Nigerian Defence Academy whom Ademulegun usually handed over the Brigade too when he was not around. They killed him too in cold blood with an angry grenade. They then left for the Brigade Headquarters satisfied their mission was a success. That was what Nzeogwu meant when he asked his fellow mutineers not to see the epic bloodbath that was about to start as an outbreak of evil but their unique and generous contribution to the development and welfare of the nation. Anything that benefitted their Revolution cannot be injurious to morals. That was their driving belief. And it freed them to be terrible.

To be continued

DailyTrust