Wednesday, 27 June 2012

Why I’m still close to Obasanjo-Bishop Kukah

Written by Rakiya A.Muhammad and Abdulfatai Abdulsalami, Sokoto. 
Foremost nationalist and Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Sokoto, Dr Matthew Hassan Kukah, speaking in this interview on why and how those in government should earn the trust of the people, also dwells on why he remains a close friend of former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, among other issues. Excerpts:
It’s four months now since you became Bishop of Sokoto Catholic Diocese. How is the challenge of being Bishop different from that of being Father?
Sokoto is very quiet, very peaceful and very warm; warm in terms of the way one has been received. It has been extremely encouraging. I have also been amazed at different delegations, people taking the trouble to personally come and pay respects.

But how is the experience of being a bishop different from a Reverend father.
It’s just like you are a member of a football team and may be suddenly you become the captain. You have to try and develop a vision, but I am not unaware that despite being the bishop, I am still the newest person. Everybody else knows Sokoto better than me.  My main interest now is first of all to explore what the challenges are together with my priests and sisters. I have had series of meetings with the various groups within the Catholic Church. I have also had meetings with members of the Christian community. Frankly, I find it not so much of a challenge; it’s been a very good experience to me.

What efforts have you made to cement the relationship between Christians and Muslims in the North-West?
I really don’t like using the words Christians and Muslims. I came to do a job, principally to be a witness to the gospel of Jesus Christ. I happen to be in a place called Sokoto and I consider myself a witness to these people irrespective of what their beliefs may be. The reception I have received has been extra-ordinarily warm. I have covered the four states that make up this diocese: Kebbi, Zamfara, Katsina and Sokoto. Each of these states that I visited, I met the state governors. Where they weren’t available I met with the deputy governors. The reception, as I said, was extraordinarily warm.

Why is the condition of Nigeria getting worse in spite of our prayers? Asian countries that don’t engage in so much religious activities have better economies. How do you explain this?
That question should be the subject of a book, seriously. The reason why we are praying so much is not because we love God. The reason is that there is nobody, nothing else to cover our nakedness and our want. It is like living in an orphanage and, for me, to locate the superfluous expression of Christianity   by our people, you have to connect it to the total failure of government to deal with very basic issues, which we are now conscripting God to do on our behalf and on behalf of government.  As I often say rather jokingly, if you set out from one end of Nigeria to another, you don’t know whether you will have a safe journey. You are afraid of armed robbers, you are afraid of checkpoints, you are afraid of bad roads, the cloud of fear that drives you is what produces that obsession with relying on God for you to arrive safely. So when you get from one point to another the first thing you say is thank God I have arrived safely. You cannot say this is how to get a job in Nigeria.  You cannot say this is how to pass examination in Nigeria. You enter into the university now and you cannot rely on your intellectual capacity to graduate.  The lawlessness in our society is what produces so much prayer. But true service to God enables you to be honest, to be sincere, to be transparent.   But we have a society that is obsessed with theft; stealing is a god that is prevalent in the bureaucracy. Bureaucrats are praying that they would be posted to a place they will steal money very quickly. You are now listening to politicians crediting their electoral success to a particular spiritual man of God. We don’t know whether politicians win elections because INEC has done a good job; we don’t know whether politicians win elections because we have voted for them or maybe some witchdoctor or some spiritual man has already announced that they are going to win election. The man who is stealing election is trusting God that he would steal the election successfully; the man who has lost election is trusting God to restore his mandate. This is a society that is bereft of any intellectual input in policy. That is why criminality, armed robbery, banditry, and theft are sitting side by side with churches and mosques. Being a Muslim is not just about going to the mosque, being a Christian is not just about going to church and this is why I continue to worry that we are one of the most corrupt countries, yet one of the most church-going and mosque-going communities.

Are you saying the situation is helpless or how do we get out of it?
It is not a helpless situation but time is not on our side. People are getting increasingly very angry and feeling very frustrated. Government doesn’t command the kind of loyalty and respect that it ought to command. Ordinary citizens don’t trust government. I think government should win the trust and confidence of ordinary people.

After the elections in April, Southern Kaduna became engulfed in violence. What are your thoughts on this matter?
Violence in Nigeria is like a sick man. One moment, there is a boil in your ear, another day there is a boil in your mouth, there is a boil in your armpit, on your toe. Violence defies geography and this is why it is so worrying. Otherwise very peaceful communities are now exploding left, right and centre. There are clouds of grievances hovering around the entire country. These grievances are based on different perceived notions. The grievances have got a lot to do with historical perception of relationship even with communities and that is why I always worry that we continue to frame this thing as if we have problems between Muslims and Christians. A lot of the problems you  have in  many parts of southern  Kaduna are purely and simply  the questions  of law and order.  It is about regulating the behavior of particular institutions. For example, a very critical question arises: how are we going to deal with the problem of pastoralists and the relationship between them and farmers? It has always been a cat and mouse relationship. When I was growing up in my little village, I knew my father had a reputation with a lot of these Fulani people because every farmer would rejoice at the thought of Fulani people passing with their cattle and deciding to settle on their farm. I mean this is what I grew up with. If you don’t have a country in which the rule of law is the driving force, people are going to do as they like.  Let me go back to where I am most familiar with. My younger one is the chief in my village. I wasn’t at home, but I read in the New Nigerian of an initiative which I thought was wonderful. In our locality, we have four different ethnic groups: Hausa, Fulani, Baju and Kulu, but we have had a problem with the Baju people, which goes back to the last six or seven years. The young man had the diligence to approach the Baju people, although we are no longer fighting. It was something that happened many years ago, but he still felt it was necessary to deal with the issues of trust. There were series of meetings they had with the community, with their chief and so on. Then subsequently they now had a meeting with the Hausa, then had a meeting with the Fulani, and then finally they decided to bring all the different groups together on the 10th of December. They brought everybody together made up of all these ethnic groups. People sat together; let’s put this behind us.  My argument is that the government will try its best, but reconciliation would never come as an external agency. People have to sit down and heal issues. With government, committees are set up, commissions are set up, nobody knows what government is going to do because government occasionally gets stuck. Those of us from outside always say we want the government to release the report or to act on it. But sometimes, it may not be politically convenient. In my view, government should support local initiatives that communities embark on.
Government must quickly get its hands around the problem before violence becomes an industry because once it becomes an industry and people invest in it you are going to have a problem but the irony will be that the more it festers, the more people who are benefitting from it directly or indirectly take advantage of the situation and then you just find the system spiraling and spiraling and spiraling. I  mean people who produce arms would have nothing to do with their arms  if there are no wars that are fought. It is not about how much money you want to spend buying equipment, it’s about how much gari we are going to put in the stomachs of our people because that is the greatest shield against violence. If you are not able to feed your people, you are not able to accommodate the people and guarantee them the basic things of life, you are going to continue to have a system of violence.

You worked closely with President Olusegun Obasanjo. Why do you think Obasanjo didn’t totally remove fuel subsidy?
I didn’t work with Obasanjo. I have never worked for anybody, any government. I have had specific assignments. I have had relationship with everybody but in the case of Obasanjo I had a relationship with him during my work with Oputa Panel and Ogoni. Also, I worked with late President Umaru Yar’Adua because I served at the Electoral Reform Committee. I have worked with President Goodluck Jonathan because we continued the work with Ogonis  up till when we  handed in our report. To come back to your question, the fuel subsidy issue is a conversation that went wrong. It is not about economics in my view, it is again about trust. Let me answer your question very briefly and tell you what I have always thought. If I were the president of Nigeria and I see that there is great potential of taking money from this area, the first thing is to appreciate that ordinary citizens everywhere in the world don’t trust politicians, don’t like politicians; they consider politicians an evil that they have to deal with. This is the truth and they should therefore appreciate that politics is to face being misunderstood. Therefore the least a politician can do is to try and earn the trust of his people. Now, given the way this election went and given the issues that are still on, given that ordinary citizens know that this process just like other processes have been driven by corruption, why do you think that you can convince a Nigerian that you take a few hundred billion naira or dollars and place here and turn your back and imagine that you will come back and find your yams there? We are used to the fact that whatever a Nigerian politician finds, he would consume. That is the psychological feeling that ordinary Nigerians have. Therefore it is wrong to assume that you will simply tell Nigerians that we are going to save this money for you and that we would take care of you. No, because we are used to not being taken care of. I would have said for example when Obasanjo left we were told that the issue of the railway for example, we were supposed to have a railway line running from Lagos to kano in 50 months, which means that by 2010 we ought to have been running it but just like everything else, when Obasanjo left, the crooks in the system who had lost out in the contract started blackmailing everybody. Then poor YarAdua cancelled the contract. It took us more than one year and then these guys re-organized themselves and came back and said okay the contract has been divided into I think three or four, in keeping with where the teeming elite are located and they now called it stand alone project from Lagos to Ibadan to Jebba and Minna and Kano has been divided and distributed but we do not know when the railways will be completed. If I were the president of Nigeria, I would have called a meeting of the people dealing with the railways, and say to them: how long do we still have to complete the rails from Lagos to Kano? If they give me six months I will tell them please can we make it two months? What do we require to complete this job? If they told me what is required to complete the job, I will be more than happy to give them the job. Meanwhile I keep mum. The first textrunning of that train, I will be on that train  from Lagos to Kano and as soon as we arrive Kano, I will stand up and address Nigerians and say to them, do you know what, you see this train, this is just the beginning of great things, because if we can find the money, you will go from Kano to Maiduguri, from Maiduguri to Yola, from Yola to Uyo, from Uyo to Port Harcourt. We will criss-cross this country with railway lines but I need the money. Nigerians would say please tell us, what do you want us to do? Ordinary Nigerians would have forgotten completely about all the stealing and looting and we could now say that President Jonathan we are sure that we can trust you, take everything that you require to do the job; but for now we have seen nothing. We are supposed to hold on to the straws that are flying in the wind and just hope that when this money is saved it is going to be judiciously used for our good.  Nigerians are saying we didn’t trust you yesterday, we are not about to trust you today, till you earn our trust.

So, you don’t know why Obasanjo didn’t totally remove the subsidy?
I think Obasanjo was probably not unaware of the social consequences of the decision when a lot of other things were not yet in place and like I said it is only right because where we are now, the government has put the cart before the horse.  It is now struggling to say this is what we meant to do and like I said to a senior government official you should learn a lesson from Lamido Sanusi and Islamic banking debate. I didn’t know that Islamic banking was what ordinary Nigerians thought it to be. I thought that non-interest banking was actually something that we needed to explore but unfortunately that project was shut down not because of anything but because there is also something to be said for timing. I am convinced that president Goodluck Jonathan has all the best of intentions, I think he genuinely means well but as this problem stands now, it is definitely not the way to go.

You said recently that removing fuel subsidy is worse than the effects of Boko Haram violence. Can you explain this comparison clearly, sir?
Frankly, I was talking of it from the point of view of the instability it will trigger. We are now at a point in which you need all the support that we can get. What we are looking for  is how to build trust and I have always argued that Boko Haram is just an aggregate of all levels of frustrations by ordinary Nigerians. It is just that in their own case, they are bold enough to kill themselves, maybe there are a lot of other people who feel resentful about a lot of things and my argument is that I think the government should not offer these people such a wonderful opportunity to create the kind of instability that we do not need. On this issue the timing is wrong, it is not that people don’t know what the issues are. People don’t need to be persuaded, we should be asking ourselves how did we get to this point in which our people don’t trust us? If the last time someone went to the hospital something happened, they left scissors in somebody‘s stomach, they now decided as a result I am not going to the hospital; showing up and promising this person that things would change is not good enough. Maybe Nigerians are wrong but this is the perception and our perception has empirical justification. We are used to our common will being squandered. You are reading the papers about how much Nigerians are buying up Dubai, how much Nigerians are buying up the beach heads of Ghana, about how much Nigerians are investing in Gambia, about what Nigerians are spending in South Africa. Does it make sense for goodness sake that here in Nigeria, we don’t have a record of a public officer being yanked off from the line and facing trial. We don’t have a record of a public officer who is serving a prison term because of what he/she has stolen. Look at what has happened in Uganda, look at what has happened in America. Every day when you open a newspaper from China to Japan to America to everywhere, look at the case of a young man who lost his job in Britain just the other day. What was the reason? He organized a party and people were dressed somehow. Everywhere in the world, public officers have a minimum code of conduct of what is acceptable or not acceptable.  It is only in Nigeria that we don’t have a single code of conduct.

You have actively participated in major government conferences on the review of Nigeria’s constitution. What is your take on the 7-year single tenure dream of President Jonathan?
The president was just expressing a point of view. If a president wants new term of office, he would draft a bill and send it to the National Assembly. I have spoken with some of the president’s handlers that I know and they said there isn’t a bill. I have asked journalists whether anybody has seen a bill; they say they haven’t seen a bill. So, what are we talking about? It is a question whether the president has right as an individual  to express a point of view but of course it probably means if you are a president you probably do not have a point of view because you may be misconstrued but again like every other thing in Nigeria, I don’t think it’s about tenure, it is not about how long one wants to stay in power, for there are a lot of very fundamental questions relating to how people enter and get out of power and how we can make politics less of a criminal enterprise and more of an institution that people can come in and come out and how we can build a political system that really goes back to some of the principles of  building a good society. I feel like saying perhaps we should bring our politicians back to the classroom  just to let them understand that the essence of politics is how you build a good society. That is why I am saying trust is very important. You can be the most generous person in the world, you can be the most committed patriot in the world but if people don’t trust you, if your own children don’t trust you, I think it is not how much you are paying their school fees, if your children don’t trust you and you still insist in sending them to the best schools something will give somewhere.  If  I were the president of Nigeria one of the things I would try and say is okay since I am getting into this problem that I know we are never trusted how are we going to do? Let me give you an example: I was telling my priest yesterday. I said look, as a priest, I was one of you just up till four months ago and I know that as a priest we always assume that the bishop has all the money in the world, all the money in the  diocese so I want a new car. If bishop doesn’t buy it, it’s because he just doesn’t want to. This is how I used to feel. Now I am a bishop only for three, four months, I now have to ask myself, how am I going to earn your trust? So, I said okay, what we are going to do is when next we have a meeting, I will pull out all the records, everything that we have. Let everybody see. Once you have seen everything that we have, then we can start. Maybe we have more money than you ever dreamt of, maybe we don’t have as much as you dreamt of. Perception is very important. If you become a local government chairman in Nigeria today, you will know yourself that people are saying we local government chairmen are only just distributing money.
How can this perception change?
That’s what I am saying; if I become a local government chairman today or a governor or a president, one of the questions I would ask is how do I earn the trust of my people? Frankly, a president doesn’t even have to have the capacity to answer that question but this is what advisers, people who have been there before will tell you about what to do and how to do it. Earning trust doesn’t necessarily mean people like you, no. That is not the point. In fact, sometimes  the most hated public officer with time turns out to be the people that have done the best for their country. It’s like a child growing up especially now that the whether is very cold. Very few children love their mothers to be woken up at 5.30 in the morning and told to have a bath to start getting ready to go to school. Children cry their way to school. It’s going to take them another 20 years before they look back with gratitude. In the same way, I am convinced that earning trust is not the same as being liked. No sensible leader would want people to just love them. The less you perform perhaps the more likely people are going to love you. If you are going around distributing public funds to people, they may actually like you but it also means that you are writing your signature on water. Because no sooner do you stop distributing the money than your memory goes. That is why the key word is trust.

Is Nigeria’s problem spiritual or manmade?
Nigeria’s problems are not spiritual. What is spiritual about pressing a switch and seeing light? It’s science. What is spiritual about entering a train and going from point A to point B? It’s science. Our problem is incompetence and the only way we can look at the future is to look back to science. I mean religion would remain very important in our lives but that is not where we should be looking at in terms of solution to many of our problems.

You’re a great friend of Obasanjo. What is behind this relationship, because he’s one man Nigerians take pleasure in vilifying?
Obasanjo is a good friend. He came for my installation and I really appreciate that but frankly let me tell you I have been to school, I consider myself an educated Nigerian and I try to deal with human beings as I see them and the best answer I can give you is what late Stella Obasanjo said when she was asked about her husband. Stella said, do you want to rate him as a president, or as a husband? They said okay rate him as a president. She said as the president of Nigeria, I would score him about 80% because whatever he is doing I know how much sacrifice he is making to raise this country. As a father I would score him, I think she said about 40 or 50%, as a husband I think she scored him 25%, so really if you ask my relationship with Obasanjo actually; I tell the story in my book, perhaps one of the things that has brought us together is  our own passion for this country and I believe that whatever it is you may say about him, one thing you can’t take away from him is his deep love for this country. He made mistakes like everybody else but those who are fighting Obasanjo are fighting him for their own reason. Those reasons relate to business, they relate to ambition, they relate to power, they relate to contracts, they relate to all kinds of things. When I spoke at the American University, I said to Atiku, he is my friend and Obasanjo is also my friend but as a priest I believe that it  is actually the best that I can do. I cannot refuse to talk to you because somebody had told me that you are a thief. I am in the business of reconciliation and the good thing about my relationship with Obasanjo is nothing has connected me with him relating to  contract, privilege, opportunities  because these are the things that spoil relationships and many people who wanted contract or wanted different things and had problems with Obasanjo expect me to inherit that problem. I have no problem with the man. As I said we have a perception about where this country ought to be. But I would mention it to you, there are one or two things that Obasanjo  did for which I would not forget him in a hurry. I come from Kaduna State. Before Obasanjo became president, from when Kaduna state was created not a single person, not one from Southern Kaduna had ever been appointed an ambassador, a federal permanent secretary, or a minister to represent Kaduna State; not one. It was when Obasanjo became president that Senator Isaiah Balat became the first person from Southern Kaduna to be appointed a minister. He is not the first person to be a graduate. By the time Obasanjo left, about four or so different people have been appointed ministers, including Mrs Nenadi Usman. By the time Obasanjo left Martin Agwai was the chief of Army staff, he then became Chief of General staff, followed by General Lukah. When we had reception for Agwai, I was there. Obasanjo was there. I got there after he had left but I called him later on because he went from there to go and greet my late friend’s widow in her village and I called to thank him but  he said nobody should thank me because the people I appointed were the best that were available  at the time.

The Massacre in Kano

On Friday, January 20, 2012, the city of Kano was invaded by an army of killers in the name of Boko Haram. By the time they were done, no fewer than 186 persons lay dead; among them were security personnel from the police, army and immigration as well as several civilians. The magnitude of the attack was unprecedented and scary. The manner in which it was carried out has also exposed the increasing desperation and sophistication of Boko Haram in pursuit of whatever sinister agenda the group may harbour. But there are issues.

Considering that Boko Haram gave warnings that they would invade Kano, the seeming helplessness of our security agencies was exposed by the fact that they were caught unawares. That the group could also plant and explode bombs in eight different locations at the same time also shows that they have better intelligence. What's more, Boko Haram did not sneak into town, they marched into Kano in broad daylight. While there must be a serious inquisition as to what happened, we mourn with the government and the people of Kano State, even as we condemn this mass murder for which we do not see any justification.
Unfortunately, the needless blood-letting came at a time Nigerians were demonstrating that if left alone, Christians and Muslims would live by the tenets of their religions, both of which preach love, peace and good neighborliness. Nothing illustrates this better than the show of camaraderie between adherents of the two faiths during the recent nation-wide protests that attended the removal of fuel subsidy. In Abuja and Kano, for example, Christians protected Muslims, not from fellow Christians but from the police while they performed their Friday prayers. In Minna, Suleja, Kaduna and Kano, Muslims also protected churches during Sunday service. Both Minna and Suleja are in Niger State, where only two weeks before, a church in Madalla was bombed by persons believed to be members of Boko Haram.
The case of Kano was particularly unique. For the first time in the 45 year history of that state, Muslims joined Christians in church during their Sunday service and delivered a message of love, peace and tolerance. They also promised to protect them from whatever harm that may come their way. The local leadership of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) was taken round the city from mosque to mosque while the fuel subsidy protests were still going on, to meet and dialogue with prominent Imams, as well as around the residences of prominent sons of the state. In the process, the Concerned Citizens of Kano signed a covenant with the leadership of CAN which reads in part, “We commit ourselves to doing everything within our power to help preserve and protect the lives and properties of all Nigerians living in Kano State, without regard to ethnic, sectional or religious affiliations and beliefs. We make this commitment fully convinced that it is in accordance with the tenets not only of the Nigerian Constitution but also of all monotheistic religious traditions and beliefs, especially those of Christianity and Islam.”
When Boko Haram attacked the city last week, the Concerned Citizens practiced what they preached. They sought out and sheltered stranded Christians in mosques and in their private residences. Traditionally, Kano Christians would have sought refuge at the state police command; only that this time, it was the police command that was under attack.
This is a story that we should all feel proud to tell in order to alienate the extremists and the terrorists in our midst. The more we lump the good and the peace-loving with the bad and the violent, the more we play into the hands of those dark forces whose aim is to destabilise our nation. Religious, community and political leaders all have a major role to play in this regard as the only way to triumph over the machinations of the evil ones amongst us is to continue the difficult task of building an atmosphere of love, peace and religious tolerance.

BEING A PAPER PRESENTED AT THE “NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE 1999 CONSTITUTION” JOINTLY ORGANISED BY THE NETWORK FOR JUSTICE AND THE VISION TRUST FOUNDATION, AT THE AREWA HOUSE, KADUNA FROM 11TH –12TH SEPTEMBER, 1999.



I.  Introduction : On Restructuring The Superstructure
“Restructuring the Federation” is a term which has gained wide currency in the nation’s political discourse, having been popularised through its indiscriminate and lugubrious use by the most vocal sections of the Nigerian elite. Like all popular concepts, it has hardly ever been clearly defined and its nebulousness has been congenial to the slippery nature of its proponents. “Restructuring” has come to represent, in reality an omnibus word for all forms of adjustments, alterations and cosmetic manipulations aimed at changing the formula on the basis of which economic resources and political power are shared or distributed among the Nigerian elite. Each section traditionally defends the area of its comparative advantage at any given time, standing by the status quo when it serves its purposes and asking for “restructuring” when it does not.
Let me illustrate these introductory remarks by sharing with the audience a recent experience I had in Lagos. It will be recalled that before the elections which brought Obasanjo to power, the Alliance for Democracy and Afenifere had made strident calls for “restructuring” the Nigerian Armed Forces. They were of course very unclear about what exactly was meant by “restructuring”. Initially, it sounded like they wanted regional armies. Subsequently, leaders of Afenifere denied this and insisted they wanted regional commands. Reminded that the nation had commands in Kaduna, Jos, Enugu, Ibadan and Lagos, they said the commands should be manned and headed by “indigenes” while denying that this was the same as a call for a regional army.

Now, a day after Gen. Obasanjo announced his top military appointments I was at a small get-together in Lagos. As I sat there quietly listening to groups conversing, my attention came to and settled on a particularly excited Yoruba friend who was briefing his audience on the military postings which he said amounted to a “complete restructuring of the Armed Forces. Kosi Aausa kpata kpata.” In this friend’s view, Obasanjo had restructured the Armed Forces by not appointing “Aausa” to the top commands. In actual fact Obasanjo has restructured nothing. He has merely reallocated offices (and the spoils of those offices like contracts and licences) to his own preferred sections of the elite. Those complaining now are sections which have now been eclipsed through what they see as prestidigitation.

I recall this experience because it is instructive and illuminating. It dramatises the reality that restructuring is primarily about providing a constitutional frame-work, a formula for sharing the spoils of power. It is about ensuring that the spoils of office do not go to Mohammed, Abubakar, Musa and Umar but to Mohammed, Obafemi, Chukwuma, Ishaya and Ekpeyong.

This notwithstanding, it is a subject that must be discussed. It is true that conferences cannot on their own ever solve the fundamental problems of nation-building and national unity. It is also true that those currently championing for a conference and some paper restructuring of the superstructure know this. But it is also true that this nation has the misfortune of having produced an elite whose selfishness and greed know no bounds. Unless they are able to agree on how to accommodate each other they are willing to tear this country apart and lead us into a meaningless war.

But there is a second, perhaps more fundamental reason, for discussing the structure of the federation. It is the reality that the elite merely exploit or manipulate the secondary contradictions in our polity. They neither created nor concocted them. The contradictions are in themselves a historical reality. We are all Nigerians. But we are also Fulbe, Yoruba, Igbo, Kanuri, Efik, etc. as well as Muslims, Christians, animists, etc. The historical process which brought together these heterogeneous groups was never destined to achieve a magical and immediate erosion of their histories and a total submersion of their individual identities into a common national milieu.

Several facets of counterposing cultures and beliefs were always bound to be incompatible, if not irreconcilable. Many of the groups forming the new nation would jealously guard what they considered to be essential aspects of their primary identity.  The task of nation-building does not lie in ignoring these differences, as the military have tried to do. Unity is not necessarily synonymous with uniformity. But it also does not lie in a defeatist attitude of despair, or a return to a nihilist era of ethnic agendas and tribal warfare. It lies, instead, in an intelligent appreciation of the complexity of the problem, a capitalisation on areas of core concurrence, a sober reflection on areas of distinction and a partial liberalisation of constituent parts all within the context of a sincere and total commitment to our corporate existence as a unity.

When we blame our elite for ethnic chauvinism and religious intolerance, therefore, we blame them, not for the caducity, but for the endurance of these reactionary ideologies.  The tragedy of Nigeria does not lie in its diversity, nor in its population, nor in its resources. Our tragedy lies in the lack of a truly nationalist and visionary leadership, an elite that harnesses the diverse streams that flow into the melting pot called Nigeria. The loudest proponents of a conference today are those sections of the elite who are incapable of imagining a nation that is greater than their tribes, who take pride in being leaders of their own primary nationality, and who have long ago given up all hope of acquiring the positive attitudes of broad-mindedness and sincerity without which broad-based acceptance is impossible. I doubt that the present crop of leaders has what it takes to address these questions fully and honestly. Nevertheless, I will try to the best of my ability to share with you some of my views on restructuring the federation.

II. Restructuring the Federation: A historical perspective.
The term "restructuring" presupposes the existence of a "structure", which we can reasonably understand to mean a set format defining the corporate entity in terms of two principal elements:
1) the delineation of its individual parts and 2) the nature and limits of their interconnectivity.

Most of the discussion on "restructuring” has focussed on the second of these elements, and even then in an oblique and reactionary manner. In the first Republic there clearly were divergent views among leaders of the various regions on precisely how the different power-centres in the country were to be positioned or balanced. It seems, in the main, that northern politicians preferred very strong regional capitals and a relatively weak centre, a view that is consistent with what is currently bandied around as "loose Federation". To indicate this, the Northern Premier, Sir Ahmadu Bello, having won national elections, chose to remain in Kaduna as Premier while letting his deputy head the Federal Government as Prime Minister. Ahmadu Bello and his NPC were then labelled "feudalists" and "reactionaries" whose nationalist and patriotic credentials were questionable.

Southern politicians, on the other hand, (who were considered" progressive") were in the main, in support of a strong Federal Centre and faster national integration. Chief Awolowo and Dr Azikiwe both left the regions for Lagos, allowing more junior officers in their respective parties' hierarchies to run regional affairs as premiers in Ibadan and Enugu. They thus indicated the direction in which they felt power should gravitate: to the centre.

Contemporary wisdom now tends to suggest that this difference in position had nothing to do with Ahmadu Bello being "reactionary" or Chief Awolowo and Dr Azikiwe being "progressive". Otherwise we should be constrained to label the Alliance for Democracy which is now canvassing for the same position held by Sardauna as a reactionary and retrogressive element in Nigerian politics, a label that will most certainly be met with an attitude of complete repudiation and considered a slanderous affront to the country's "most progressive nationality".  It reflected, it is now said, the perception of leaders on where the advantages lay for the elite of their respective regions in the political equation.

The north was the largest region, in terms of size, population and economic resources. Unfortunately it lagged behind in terms of infrastructure and, most important, qualified manpower. The interest of the Northern elite therefore lay in a closed region, which afforded the north the opportunity of deploying its resources to the rapid development of its own manpower, and infrastructure - in other words exploit its areas of strength for purposes of addressing its areas of weakness ( and thus play " catch-up".)

For the South, on the other hand, the converse was true. Rich in qualified personnel, the regional set-up was a constraining factor for the elite. The Igbos in particular ( and to a much greater extent than the Yoruba) had neither the natural economic resources to exploit nor the history of political and social organization which tends to blunt the edges of poverty and create a form of social contract between the individual and the society that facilitates provision for the welfare of the deprived.

It is, therefore, not surprising that the Igbo were the prime movers of the first successful military mutiny which eliminated the political leaders and senior officers of the North and West while letting-off those of the East. It is also not surprising that the transformation of the polity from a Federation to a Unitary State was the handiwork of an Igbo leader, Gen. Ironsi by military decree (Decree No 34 of May, 1966). These developments were viewed with fear and suspicion by the North as an attempt by a predatory Southern elite to gain control of all aspects of national life and thus marginalise the Northern elite. Decree No.34 and a leaked document called Cabinet Paper No.10, represented the articulation of this attempt at "restructuring" the Federation in a manner unacceptable to the North.
The consequences of these policies which were seen as part of the effort to complete what had been started by Operation Damisa on 15th January, 1966 by implementing, at later stages, Operation Kura, Operation Zaki and Operation Giwa which would allegedly culminate in the murder of northern emirs and top civil servants led to the pre-emptive counter-coup of 29th July, 1966 and the civil war. The rest is now history. The point, however, is that Ironsi's political programme, as far as the structure of the Federation was concerned, seems to have met with the approval of the political leadership of the South. For this reason, the South supported the military and saw in the government an opportunity for progress. The north, on the other hand, led the protests against military government insisting that the government was illegal and that a referendum was required before the Unitary system  could claim legitimacy. Riots occurred in Kano, Kaduna, Zaria, Katsina, Jos, and Bukuru. This point becomes clear to the student of history on going through Peter Pan's column in the Daily Times of 26 April, 1966. The editorial stated that in the South, most people regarded army rule as the beginning of a brighter future. In the North, however, political thinking had not faded and there was an undercurrent of dissatisfaction.
Many northerners would like to claim that this was evidence of the democratic credentials of northern politicians. Unfortunately, this is not so. In 1966, Northern society stood for democracy, organized riots and fought against a military dictatorship it did not control and which seemed to encroach on the privileges of its elite. This elite, (including Emirs), was in the vanguard of protests against the abolition of regions and the “restructuring” of the Federation in the manner pursued by Ironsi.

Thirty years later, by 1996, the Southern elite became the vanguard for a democratic society, rioting and demanding for a restructured federation, for a return to the first Republic and that mythical epoch where the regions developed in what is now called "healthy rivalry". All of this against a Military Dictatorship seemingly dominated by the North.  Meanwhile, the northern political class was the main accomplice of these latter day dictators.

In 1966, the security services ransacked and searched the houses of prominent northern politicians-among them Inuwa Wada and Ibrahim Musa Gashash (NPC) and Aminu Kano and Abubakar Zukogi (NEPU). These were political opponents who had found a common denominator in their "northernness" when faced with a strong Federal Government dominated by non-northerners. We may consider these leaders of NADECO of 1966. In much the same way, the radical and reactionary wings of the Yoruba political class have recently managed to find common ground under the tribal umbrella of Afenifere when faced by a northern-dominated military government.

The point, therefore, made by conventional wisdom is that neither northerners nor southerners have a monopoly of love for democracy or progress and the call for "restructuring" is usually a clarion call raised by the section of the elite which feels disadvantaged in the status quo. The elite in different parts of the country, like chameleons, change their colour and their ideology when it suits them.

It is my considered view, however, that conventional wisdom misses the point. We may conclude from the above analysis that the Nigerian political elite in the main, lacks consistency and that no section can claim to have monopoly of principles. The recent political acrobatics of the AD, and their seeming mollification once Bola Ige and the two First Daughters (Miss Awolowo and Miss Adesanya) landed plum jobs is sufficient evidence of this. But this inconsistency  must not be confused with the particular views held at various times in themselves.

The truth is that irrespective of the motives which drove Chief Awolowo and Dr. Azikiwe to hold strong nationalist views, their position was indeed progressive. Similarly, irrespective of the motives that drove Ahmadu Bello and the NPC to emphasize the differences between our peoples and resist the progress towards integration, those views in as far as nation-building is concerned, were reactionary. The fact that Afenifere and AD are today championing the views of the Sardauna should not lead us down the path of historical revisionism. Ethnic and Religious chauvinism, in all epochs, are reactionary doctrines. Nationalism and the quest for an egalitarian society are progressive doctrines. Zik and Awo were in this case, progressives. This is not to say that they were not leaders of their tribes. But they had a vision of a Nigeria that was greater than their regions. Unlike the Sardauna, neither Awo nor Zik could have even contemplated being a Premier rather than Prime Minister. Those championing for restructuring the Federation, restructuring the Armed Forces, tribalization of the political process, zoning of the presidency, etc, even if they claim to be Awo’s successors, have not kept faith with his nationalist ideology, and are therefore, ideological successors of the northern feudal establishment whom they so much detest. It is against this background that my recommendations in this paper are to be viewed. I do not believe that either Chief Awolowo or Dr Azikiwe ever wanted a Unitary State of the type started by Ironsi and which we seem to have had up to Obasanjo I and still have under Obasanjo II (with the President still talking about UPE and environmental sanitation).

What they wanted was a federation, but not quite the “loose” federation being canvassed today by Afenifere and AD. They both wanted retention of exclusive jurisdiction for states/regions in their areas of primary competence: Health, Agriculture and Social Welfare, for example. However, they knew that a strong Federal Government was indispensable to national unity  and integration. True, it would also serve as a vehicle for the emergence of the South as the dominant political power. What we need, as a nation, is to develop this Federation of their dreams, but stripped of the desire by a section of the elite to dominate others.

But to develop this argument step by step, we should start at the beginning, with the “structure” of Nigeria in the First Republic, and which we all seem to be looking back to with misguided nostalgia, in spite of the tragic end of that structure.

III The “ Loose” Federation: Between Myth and Reality
In the last section, I defined the structure, for our purposes, in terms of two principal elements:

1. The delineation of individual parts and
2. The nature and limits of their interconnectivity.
We can therefore say, that the “structure” of Nigeria, in 1966 was as follows:

a) A country made up of four regions. One of them, the North, was a virtual monolith, bigger, geographically, than the other three combined and larger in terms of population, resources and income than any other region.

b) A legal system which conferred all residual legislative powers on the regions, subject only to the paramountcy to the Federal Law in case of any conflict of interest with regional law. Federal government had exclusive competence in a very restricted list of subjects of a fiscal or semi-technical nature. The only politically sensitive areas   among these were Defence, Emergency Powers over regions and Foreign Relations. All other areas were either exclusively regional, or on the Concurrent list.

What we propose to do is to critically review the strengths and weaknesses of this “structure”, to guide us in our discussion of restructuring the Federation. To facilitate analysis, it is broken into one of “objective” and “subjective” variables. The first deals with material issues, removed from secondary contradictions. The second deals with the complex interplay of ethnic and religious identities.

Objective Variables

First,  the Federating units.

1. We note that one of the major strengths of the structure of Nigeria in 1966 was that it was made up of economically viable and self-sufficient Federating units. It is indeed true, as later developments showed, that each unit could even be broken into sub-units and with each remaining viable.

However, this process which, in my opinion, should have stopped with the creation of 12 states by Gowon, continued in  a ridiculous fashion until we find ourselves today with 36 glorified latifundia called states and a Federal Capital Territory. Each state has a bloated civil service, a governor and his deputy, commissioners, state assembly, Judiciary, etc, such that its total revenue is insufficient for prompt payment of salaries and the states have to run to the Federal Government or to banks  for assistance or loans.
As my own bank’s Credit Risk Manager, the moment a borrowing company is not doing the business it was set up to do, and needs an overdraft to pay salaries, I know that that company is bankrupt and it is time to appoint a receiver for its liquidation. I do not  know how long it will take for our politicians to face this reality and abolish many of these small-holdings and fiefs by reconsolidating them into viable entities. This is what I meant at the beginning of the last section when I said no one seems to be paying attention to the first component of structure, i.e. the Federating Units themselves. The sine qua non for any viable “restructuring” is a viable “structure” which is , by definition, impossible if its constituent parts are not themselves viable.

2. A second objective factor in the structure of the First Republic which is, this time, a draw-back, was the lack of equity in the delineation of its constituent parts. The North was too large compared to the other regions and it was, in reality as well as perception, preponderant and overbearing. By his refusal to go down to Lagos and his decision to send Tafawa Balewa to be Prime Minister, the Federal Government itself seemed subject to dictation from Ahmadu Bello in Kaduna. Northern politicians staunchly deny that the Sardauna controlled Federal Policy from his Northern base. It is however, difficult to believe this fully, especially in view of certain instances of bias.

As an example, Mid-Western Region was carved out of both the Western and Eastern regions in 1965 ostensibly to fulfill the desire of the minorities for self government and free them from marginalisation from the dominant Yoruba and Igbo. However, despite the very large area covered by the North and in spite of tensions and perennial crises led by the United Middle-Belt Congress and the Borno Youth Movement, neither the middle-belt nor old Bornu was able to obtain autonomy from subjugation to the old Sokoto Caliphate. The Tiv riots were brutally suppressed and Sardauna, officially a leader of the whole North, carried on for all intents and purposes as the inheritor of the mantle of Uthman Danfodio with little regard for the sensitivities of citizens of those areas like Bornu and to a larger extent, the Middle Belt which were never conquered by his ancestors and their Fulani protegees. The West and East can therefore be forgiven for taking all arguments proffered for creation of the Mid-West with a pinch of salt given that the same objective conditions obtained in the North, and no similar action was taken.

A second example is the crisis in the Western region which created a fertile environment for the Nzeogwu-led intervention. Irrespective of what the facts of the case were, the position, as far as the Action Group was concerned, is that elections were being consistently rigged in favour of allies of the dominant North. There was also the wide perception, perhaps unfounded, that the Federal Government was unable to take decisive actions and remedial steps because the Premier in Kaduna had not yet firmed up on a decision to dump his ally, Akintola, as a sacrificial lamb for bringing peace to the region.

The lesson in all of this is that the Federating Units must be such as not to give any one unit or group of units, dominance over others. It is my opinion that this condition can only be fulfilled with a strong Federal Government. In a “loose” Federation, with a weak centre, the various units forming a historical block will just as soon conglomerate into something similar to what obtained in 1966 and negate the very purpose of their delineation.
We therefore take with us from the discussion so far the following points:

1. That the first point of departure in restructuring Nigeria is the reconsolidation of its balkanized constituent parts into individual entities that are economically viable and amenable to smooth administration. Only such units would be able to carry out functions assigned to them.

2. That these entities must be balanced and none of them should be able to dominate or destabilize others, or make possible the unjust oppression of ethnic and religious minorities. This condition is best fulfilled where the monopoly of instruments of repression is in the hands of a broad-based and representative federal government.

This, in turn, immediately leads to a number of other issues. First, the creation of states based primarily (or solely)on the desire to achieve ethnic or religious homogeneity only serves to provide a platform for effective domination of ethnic and religious minorities by more populous groups. There is no doubt that, especially with large groups, some states will turn out to be ethnically or religiously homogeneous e.g. Yoruba in the south-west, Muslim in the far north, Igbo in the south-east, Christian in the south-south, e.t.c. However, this should not be the primary objective and the tendency of “like” states to come together as a group perpetuates the sense that we are not one nation but a collection of tribes. I would strongly advise outlawing tribal and sectional groups with overt political agendas such as Northern Elders' Forum, Afenifere and Ohaneze. These are dubious organizations that have only served to breed tension and disharmony in the country.

A second issue that comes up is the recent decision by the Federal government to support amendments to the constitution aimed at allowing states set up their own police force. No doubt this reflects general dissatisfaction with a corrupt and incompetent Federal Force. The decision is however precipitate. Historical ex perience with the N.A. police in the north for instance, was that the police was a mere extension of the palace,  often the instrument for harassing radical elements. A police force funded  by a state, manned and controlled by indigenes, can never protect the interest of ethnic, religious and ideological minorities. What do we expect  a Yoruba police force to do if Oodua Peoples’ Congress area boys decide to attack the Hausa or Ijaw community? What will a Hausa, Muslim police force  do if Kano urchins decide to attack Christians?

It is clear to me that the relations between various ethnic and religious groups contributed, as much as ( if not more than) objective defects to the  collapse of the First Republic. In 1999, the country is faced with the same generic problems although they clearly vary in concrete and specific  historical form. These problems, which the nation has to address as an integral part of any restructuring are the subject of the next sub-section.

Subjective Variables
The former civilian governor of Kaduna State, Alhaji Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa, in a recent Newspaper interview, declared that the Northern Bourgeoisie and the Yoruba Bourgeoisie were Nigeria’s principal problem. Of the two, he said the Yoruba Bourgeoisie are an even greater problem because of their tribalism and selfishness.

I will take this as my basis for my analysis of subjective factors. Let us begin by stating that  the bane of the Nigerian elite can be condensed into three elements:-

1. Ethnic chauvinism and Religious Intolerance;
2. Selfishness and the inordinate desire for dominating others, and
3. Short-sightedness.

As we prepare for the possibility of a national conference, I believe four issues will remain central to the success or otherwise of whatever Federal Structure comes up. I also agree with Balarabe Musa that the Northern bourgeoisie and the Yoruba bourgeoisie  hold the key to these issues and the manner in which they are handled will to a large extent determine progress made towards our ideal structure.

These issues are:-

i. The Sharia and religious intolerance in the North;
ii. The Yoruba elite and area-boy politics;
iii. Igbo marginalisation and the responsible limits of retribution; and
iv. The Niger-Delta and the need for justice.

i. The Sharia and religious intolerance in the North
The Islamic faith has never accepted the dichotomy between Religion and Politics. Political life for a Muslim is guided by Sharia and in all those aspects of law where an explicit religious injunction exists, a Muslim expects this to be held as valid above any other law. Fortunately, most of the areas of conflict between Islamic Law and Secular Law have to do with the law of personal states (including inheritance), some aspects of contract, and criminal law, especially as it pertains to capital punishment. If muslims wish to have these laws applied on them, and promulgated by their elected representatives, there is no reason why this should pose a problem. There is likely to be a problem however, with punishment for certain civil and criminal offences such as libel, theft and adultery if a non-Muslim is involved. My own feeling is that anyone living in a state should acquaint himself with the operative law in that State before committing a crime. We are all subject to that when we go to other countries. Indeed, the law we have in Nigeria is made for us and we are subject to it. This is one major area that needs to be talked about at any conference and this explains why the Sharia issue always comes up in constitutional conferences. To ask Muslims to abandon Sharia in the name of a Secular Nigeria is to give them an unjust choice. The matter is not one of being either Muslim or Nigerian when they can be both Muslim and Nigerian. The attempt to turn Nigeria into a Secular State seeks the erosion of Muslim identity and history. This will continue to be a source of conflict as Muslims will always resist it, with justification. Nigeria is a multi-religious state which should, however, ensure that no religion is given preference over others.

While the insistence of Muslim North on Sharia is thus understandable, it however, seems that all too often, the northern bourgeoisie ignores a number of key points. First, the Sharia as far as the government is concerned, is not just about the courts and sanctions. It is primarily about providing the people with the best material and spiritual conditions the resources of state can provide. It is about honestly managing their resources, about giving them services in education, health, agriculture, etc. It is all well to ban the sale of alcohol, but this does not take the place of, or have priority over, meeting the material needs of the people. Our elite use the Sharia debate to divert attention from their own corruption, nepotism, abuse of office and un-Islamic conduct.

The second point, which the Muslim elite ignores, is the dividing line between commitment to Sharia and encroachment on the religious rights and dignity of others.

I will give a few examples:-

Very recently, the Katsina State Government tried to pass Bills banning the sale of alcohol and the operation of whore-houses in the metropolis. As a consequence of this move (and, it is said, failure of the House to approve the Bill), irate Muslim youth, shouting Allahu Akbar decided to burn not just beer parlours, hotels and whorehouses, but also Christian churches.
Now, the Qur’an (Hajj. (ch. 22): 40) specifically forbids tearing down monasteries, churches, synagogues and mosques. Yet the leaders of Muslims have not come out strongly enough to condemn this violation of the rights of Christians, nor considered the implications of Christians in turn burning mosques in retaliation. It is also worthy of note, that christian morality does not approve of alcoholism and prostitution.

A second example is the recent furore over Obasanjo’s appointment of northern Christians into his cabinet. I have elsewhere made my views on this known although several people have branded me, and others like Col. Umar, anti-Islamic or anti-north for not joining this hypocritical farce
In failing to rise above bigotry and chauvinism, northern Muslims act against injunctions of their faith. The Qur’an expressly preaches freedom of religion [see, for example: Al-Baqarah (ch.2): 256; Yunus (ch.10): 108; Hud (ch.11): 121-122; Kahf(ch18):29;  andAl-Ghashiyah (ch.88) :21-24]
It is also pertinent for those who criticize us to recall that Allah specifically instructed that trust and leadership should be given only to those worthy of them and to judge between men with justice (Al-Nisa (ch.4): 58). Also, if anyone believes that false witness should be given for or against a man simply because he is a Muslim or Non-Muslim, he should read [Al-Nisa (ch4): 135; also 105and Al-Ma’idah ((ch.5): 6]. Finally for those who object to our inviting good muslims and good christians to come together and give the poor people of this country the good government preached by both faiths, please read [Al-Imran (ch3): 64] which provides a basis for coming together on common ground.

I do not mean by this that only Muslims show intolerance in the North. Muslims in certain areas have been the subject of Christian attacks, such as what happened in Zangon-Kataf and Kafanchan. In the main, those attacks seem to have taken two major forms. The first, and this is common, reflects attacks instigated by Christian leaders who are looking for political and economic space in the North. Retired Christian generals, from Takum to Zangon-Kataf, who find themselves overshadowed by more junior, but Muslim, generals in the North, take out their frustration by financing and co-ordinating religious conflicts. One of them has already been convicted once.

The second form they have taken is one of a genuine protest, an expression of frustration with their consignment to the role of second-class northerners in their homeland, in spite of everything they have given for the North. They have sacrificed their sons in the war against Biafra. They have organized and toppled coups to bring and sustain Northern Muslim generals to and in power. Yet, they are treated with disdain and derision, as we saw in the recent ministerial lists. The violence of northern Christians, therefore, while we condemn it, may be seen as sometimes, being a reaction to the violence inflicted on them, like the violence of the native in Frantz Fanon’s “ The Wretched of the Earth”.

In the history of the world, it has long been established that intolerance and religious bigotry stultify the development of society. One of the secrets of the greatness of Rome in antiquity lies in the religious tolerance of the Barbarians and their ability to look for common grounds among their faiths.
In the ‘History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire’, Edward Gibbon tells us:
 
 “ Such was the mild spirit of antiquity, that the nations were less attentive to the difference, than to the resemblance, of their religious worship. The Greek,  the Roman, and the Barbarian, as they met before their respective altars,  easily persuaded themselves that under various names, and with various  ceremonies, they adored the same deities. The elegant mythology of Homer  gave a beautiful, and almost regular form, to the polytheism of the ancient  world” (Vol. 1:p.57)

Similarly, those who fail to recognise virtue and merit, and adopt it  wherever it is found in the interest of the ambitions of their nation, will  never find progress. Again, Gibbon tells us in the DF:

“ The narrow policy of preserving, without any foreign mixture, the pure  blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the fortune, and hastened the  ruin, of Athens and Sparta. The aspiring genius of Rome sacrificed vanity to  ambition, and deemed it more prudent, as well as honourable, to adopt virtue  and merit for her own wheresoever they were found, among slaves or strangers, enemies or barbarians”  (Vol.1: p.61)

How much lower can a people sink, when they need lessons in culture and civilization from the history of barbarians? Muslims will recall that the freedom and tolerance of the Islamic State was what led to the glory and flourishing of the Caliphate in both the early Abbasid and Ottoman phases, while Rome declined with the intolerance and bigotry of the Catholic Church.

Indeed, one of the acclaimed attributes of the late Sardauna is that in spite of his very open commitment to and zeal for Islam, he did not show intolerance for other faiths or disdain for others simply because they did not share his faith. This has been acknowledged widely by northern Christians like Jolly Tanko Yusuf, Ishaya Audu, and Sunday Awoniyi. Present-day northern leaders, however, seem characterized by a fake commitment to their religions which only finds expression in antagonising other faiths. They sing the Sardauna’s praises but cannot live up to his standards, like the Greeks of Constantinople described by Gibbon in the following words:
 
“ They held in their lifeless hands the riches of their fathers, without  inheriting the spirit which had created and improved that sacred patrimony:  they read, they praised, they compiled, but their languid souls seemed alike  incapable of thought and action”.   (Vol III: P.420)

So much for our new-breed northern leaders, now to their opposite numbers in the South-West.

ii. The Yoruba Factor and “Area-boy” Politics.
My views on the Yoruba political leadership have been thoroughly articulated in some of my writings, prime among which was “ Afenifere: Syllabus of Errors” published by This Day (The Sunday Newspaper) on Sept 27, 1998. There was also an earlier publication in the weekly Trust entitled “ The Igbo, the Yoruba and History”  (Aug. 21, 1998).
In sum, the Yoruba political leadership, as mentioned by Balarabe Musa, has shown itself over the years to be incapable of rising above narrow tribal interests and reciprocating goodwill from other sections of the country by treating other groups with respect. Practically every crisis in Nigeria since independence has its roots in this attitude.

The Yoruba elite were the first, in 1962, to attempt a violent overthrow of an elected government in this country. In 1966, it was the violence in the West which provided an avenue for the putsch of 15th January. After Chief Awolowo lost to Shagari in 1983 elections, it was the discontent and bad publicity in the South-West which led to the Buhari intervention. When Buhari jailed UPN governors like Ige and Onabanjo, the South-Western press castigated that good government and provided the right mood for IBB to take over power. As soon as IBB cleared UPN governors of charges against them in a politically motivated retrial, he became the darling of the South-West. When IBB annulled the primaries in which Adamu Ciroma and Shehu Yar Adua emerged as presidential candidates in the NRC and SDP, he was hailed by the South-West. When the same man annulled the June 12, 1993 elections in which Abiola was the front-runner, the South-West now became defenders of democracy. When it seemed Sani Abacha was sympathetic to Abiola, the South-West supported his take-over. He was in fact invited by a prominent NADECO member to take over in a published letter shortly before the event. Even though Abiola had won the elections in the North, the North was blamed for its annulment. When Abdulsalam Abubakar started his transition, the Yoruba political leadership through NADECO presented a memorandum on a Government of National Unity that showed complete disrespect for the intelligence and liberties of other Nigerians. Subsequently, they formed a tribal party which failed to meet minimum requirements for registration, but was registered all the same to avoid the violence that was bound to follow non-registration, given the area-boy mentality of South-West politicians. Having rejected an Obasanjo candidacy and challenged the election as a fraud in court, we now find a leading member of the AD in the government, a daughter of an Afenifere leader as Minister of State, and Awolowo’s daughter as Ambassador, all appointed by a man who won the election through fraud. Meanwhile, nothing has been negotiated for the children of Abiola, the focus of Yoruba political activity. In return for these favours, the AD solidly voted for Evan Enwerem as Senate President. This is a man who participated in the two-million-man March for Abacha’s self-succession. He also is reputed to have hosted a meeting of governors during IBB’s transition, demanding that June 12 elections should never be de-annulled and threatening that the East would go to war if this was done. When Ibrahim Salisu Buhari was accused of swearing to a false affidavit, the Yoruba political elite correctly took up the gauntlet for his resignation. When an AD governor, Bola Tinubu, swears to a false affidavit that he attended an Ivy League University which he did not attend, we hear excuses.

For so many years, the Yoruba have inundated this country with stories of being marginalised and of a civil service dominated by northerners through quota system. The Federal Character Commission has recently released a report which shows that the  South-West accounts for 27.8% of civil servants in the range GL08 to GL14 and a full 29.5% of GL 15 and above. One zone out of six zones controls a full 30% of the civil service leaving the other five zones to share the remaining 70%. We find the same story in the economy, in academia, in parastatals.

Yet in spite of being so dominant, the Yoruba complained and complained of marginalization. Of recent, in recognition of the trauma which hit the South-West after June 12, the rest of the country forced everyone out of the race to ensure that a South-Westerner emerged, often against the best advice of political activists. Instead of leading a path of reconciliation and strong appreciation, the Yoruba have embarked on short-sighted triumphalism, threatening other “nationalities” that they ( who after all lost the election) will protect Obasanjo ( who was forced on them). No less a person than Bola Ige has made such utterances. To further show that they were in charge, they led a cult into the Hausa area of Sagamu, murdered a Hausa woman and nothing happened. In the violence that followed, they killed several Hausa residents, with Yoruba leaders like Segun Osoba, reminding Nigerians of the need to respect the culture of their host communities.  This would have continued were it not for the people of Kano who showed that they could also create their own Oro who would only be appeased through the shedding of innocent Yoruba blood.

I say all this, to support Balarabe Musa’s statement, that the greatest problem to nation-building in Nigeria are the Yoruba Bourgeoisie. I say this also to underscore my point that until they change this attitude, no conference can solve the problems of Nigeria. We cannot move forward if the leadership of one of the largest ethnic groups continues to operate, not like statesmen, but like common area boys.

iii.The Igbo Factor and the Reasonable Limits of Retribution.
The Igbo people of Nigeria have made a mark in the history of this nation. They led the first successful military coup which eliminated the Military and Political leaders of other regions while letting off Igbo leaders. Nwafor Orizu, then Senate President, in consultation with President Azikiwe, subverted the constitution and handed over power to Aguiyi-Ironsi.  Subsequent developments, including attempts at humiliating other peoples, led to the counter-coup and later the civil war. The Igbos themselves must acknowledge that they have a large part of the blame for shattering the unity of this country.

Having said that, this nation must realise that Igbos have more than paid for their foolishness. They have been defeated in war, rendered paupers by monetary policy fiat, their properties declared abandoned and confiscated, kept out of strategic public sector appointments and deprived of public services. The rest of the country forced them to remain in Nigeria and has
continued to deny them equity.

The Northern Bourgeoisie and the Yoruba Bourgeoisie have conspired to keep the Igbo out of the scheme of things. In the recent transition when the Igbo solidly supported the PDP in the hope of an Ekwueme presidency, the North and South-West treated this as a Biafra agenda. Every rule set for the primaries, every gentleman’s agreement was set aside to ensure that Obasanjo, not Ekwueme emerged as the candidate. Things went as far as getting the Federal Government to hurriedly gazette a pardon. Now, with this government, the marginalistion of the Igbo is more complete than ever before. The Igbos have taken all these quietly because, they reason, they brought it upon themselves. But the nation is sitting on a time-bomb.

After the First World War, the victors treated Germany with the same contempt Nigeria is treating Igbos. Two decades later, there was a Second World War, far costlier than the first. Germany was again defeated, but this time, they won a more honourable peace. Our present political leaders have no sense of History. There is a new Igbo man, who was not born in 1966 and neither knows nor cares about Nzeogwu and Ojukwu. There are Igbo men on the street who were never Biafrans. They were born Nigerians, are Nigerians, but suffer because of actions of earlier generations. They will soon decide that it is better to fight their own war, and may be find an honourable peace, than to remain in this contemptible state in perpetuity.

The Northern Bourgeoisie and the Yoruba Bourgeoisie have exacted their pound of flesh from the Igbos. For one Sardauna, one Tafawa Balewa, one Akintola and one Okotie-Eboh, hundreds of thousands have died and suffered. If this issue is not addressed immediately, no conference will solve Nigeria’s problems.

iv. The Niger-Delta and The Need For Justice.
This is the final subjective variable I wish to mention. I will not say anything on this because it seems, finally, it has caught the attention of the nation and something is being done about it.
 
Conclusion
I started this paper by saying that restructuring the Federation was not a simple task, and should be considered only as part of the process of nation-building. The message I have carried all my life is that all Nigerians have a right to maintain their diversity but this should only be on the basis of respect of the same rights for other Nigerians. No nation can be built on the platform of inequity, intolerance and selfishness.

I am Fulani. I am Muslim. But I am able to relate to every Nigerian as a fellow Nigerian and respect his ethnicity and his faith.  I am also convinced that we tend to exaggerate our differences for selfish ends and this applies even to matters of faith.

I have no doubt in my mind that the leadership of Nigerian politics in all parts of the country today, is in the main, reactionary, greedy, corrupt and bankrupt. Brought up in the era of tribal warlords, most political leaders are unable to think first and foremost like Nigerians. To this extent, any conference held today may be a waste of time.

But the audience may ask “Is there any hope for this Country”?  My answer is yes!  I rest my hope partly on personal experience. In every part of the country, I come across young Nigerians who do not agree with their elders. In the North, there is a new northerner, throwing off the yoke of irredentism, the toga of nepotism and the image of being a beneficiary of quota system. In the South-West, I find many young Yoruba citizens who frown at the rabid tribalism and provincialism of their leaders. In Igboland, we see young Igbos who regret the past and look forward to a brighter future. I have indeed received several letters from Nigerians, northerners and southerners, christians and muslims, encouraging me in the fight against the twin vices of religious intolerance and ethnic chauvinism.

But I rest my hope on a much deeper and profound base than these fleeting impressions. The hope for this Country is founded on the existence of the very problems we have just examined. The people of this Country have a long history of being together. Yet each group jealously guards its own identity, be it ethnic or religious. This is so only because our cultures, our religions, teach us core values within which we find full expression of our humanity. If only we would look, we would find that the values that make a good Fulani, Yoruba, Kanuri or Bini man; the values that make a good Christian and a good Muslim; are the same. If only we had in each part of this country, a leadership with the vision to recognize this, to harness this, to bring together good Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, Ogoni and Angas men and women; good Christians and Muslims; to run the affairs of this country, we would find peace.

I rest my hope, finally on my generation. A generation of young, educated Nigerians, brought up in luxury, weaned by the traumatic experiences of the last two decades, and ready to take up the gauntlet, and ignite the hopes, for a renewed Nigeria. This is the generation much maligned by the present administration of septuagenarians. The generation discarded and treated like a pack of potential thieves. The only truly marginalized generation. This is the generation that will pick up the pieces and by the grace of Allah, leave those coming behind with a legacy far more progressive than the one we
inherited.

Pastor Tunde Bakare: No regret. No recanting. No retreat. No surrender


By Shola Oshunkeye

Bakare
• Photo: The Sun Publishing
Those who know Pastor Tunde Bakare, the General Overseer of the Latter Rain Assembly, Lagos, and convener, Save Nigeria Group, SNC, very well would testify that he doesn’t pull punches, neither does he suffer fools gladly. Fearless, straight talking, he tells things as he sees them. For this, many like him.

Yet, many others hate him with a passion, especially those who find themselves on the sharp edge of his tongue. Since the national strike and mass protests that trailed the January 1, 2012 imposition of a strangulating price regime for premium motor spirit, or petrol, the Pastor’s approval rating has soared in the estimation of majority of his admirers.

But he has also drawn flaks from those who felt he was too hard on the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan, saying he used intemperate and inelegant words in making his points at the mammoth rallies at Gani Fawehinmi Park, otherwise known as Freedom Park, in Ojota, Lagos.

When the fearless cleric-cum-politician sat down with me, last week, he addressed all the points of criticism one-by-one, saying he stood by every word that proceeded out of his mouth during the subsidy impasse. While tackling his traducers and President Jonathan afresh on some of the issues, he restated his belief in the indivisibility of the Nigerian nation, declaring that we are better staying together as one nation under God.
“The issue of our unity should not be in anybody’s mind that we don’t need ourselves,” he counseled. “Which of the federating units can stand alone now? …

For instance, I was born in Abeokuta, raised in the north; I was a Muslim, I became a Christian afterwards. You think I will ever hold a gun to shoot a Muslim or a Christian? That would be insanity. You think I will ever think evil of any of my Muslim brothers and sisters? I have very many friends among them. We are married from there and they are married from here. Let us apply some wisdom here. If something is wrong, let us locate the root of it and deal with it. Let us not throw away the baby with the bath water. I think that was what General Ibrahim Babangida was counseling. If we play into the hands of those who are working tirelessly for the disintegration of Nigeria, Nigeria will suffer for it.”

If you permit the cliché, that is just a tip of the iceberg. Please, sit back, relax and enjoy the exclusive interview, which took place at the conference room of the Save Nigeria Group in Ikeja GRA, Lagos.
Excerpts:
Let’s start by doing a post-mortem of the fuel subsidy strike nationwide protest. Was the Save Nigeria Group satisfied with the way it was suspended?
SNG cannot be satisfied. In fact, it is not about being satisfied because we set clear objectives before we embarked on the strike. And the objectives were not just based on N65 or not. The objective was let us go to the root of our national problems: namely endemic corruption in high and low places. Someone said Nigerian officials are not just corrupt, corruption has become official in Nigeria. That is an indictment. It started trickling from the helm of government, into all arms of government, and it has affected the entire society, eating deep into the fabric of our officials. In other words, kill corruption and Nigeria will be saved.

That’s the message.
Now, why are we saying that? Do not go back to 12 years of misgovernment and misrule of the PDP led-government from 1999; don’t even consider the budgetary allocations of those years because they need to be brought to book. Every year, there were budgetary allocations in billions and trillions. What did they do with those allocations that we can see in terms of educational advancement, in terms of infrastructural development, in terms of enabling environment that would cause job creation for the teaming jobless youths or that will encourage industrialists to bring our country up to a productive country rather than just consumers?

I do not even want to mention power or electricity that a whole Bola Ige said he would turn around within six months while he was minister of power and steel. And with all the budgetary allocations and all the importation that they brought into this country, nothing has happened. Instead of increasing, power supply is decreasing by the day. Whatever affected these budgetary allocations now culminated in the build-up to the elections that they needed excess funds; they needed money like water. They opened the Central Bank taps and defrauded this nation.

They know what they did with what they call oil subsidy. The trillions were spread to their province to give it back to them to buy Nigerian votes and voters; and we are in this mess today. That is the issue. They wanted the subsidy to be removed at all cost because there will be no way to explain it in the next year if subsidy that they paid in 2011 will not drop drastically in 2012. That’s what they are trying to cover up. I challenge anyone to say anything to the contrary.
Someone in the industry told me that it is not as if marketers, important stakeholders and some members of the society are against fuel subsidy. They said the only group that is against subsidy removal is NNPC that feeds fat on corruption and proceeds of corruption.

(Cuts in…) Let’s be honest with ourselves. What exactly does the Nigerian populace mean? I don’t like the word ‘ordinary Nigerians’. That is arrogant. Each time I hear such words, I feel like slapping that individual. Should Mr. president use the language? A guy that told us he had no shoes? How people quickly forget where they came from. The Nigerian populace derives no benefit from a PDP-led government other than this subsidy. What are you giving to them in terms of healthcare delivery, roads, goods and services? You have now imported 1, 600 buses to put on what road?

Even SNG is not against the deregulation of the downstream sector of oil industry. But you cannot put the cart before the horse. Every right-thinking Nigerian has seen the benefits of deregulation, at least in the telecom sector. Once upon a time, SIM card was N22, 000. Today, they are giving it out free because they want people to be on their own network. Before there will be deregulation proper, there must be the Petroleum Industry Act.

That is the enabling instrument. Why are you talking of deregulation where there is no enabling legislation? There is no law in existence for it. Besides that, what are the safety nets you have put in place? If you want to give people soft landing, you should put some cushion on the ground to fall on, not on hard concrete like it was done on January 1. Now, this is not only atrocious, it is also wicked. Very wicked. And I quoted scriptures (at the oil subsidy mass rallies, and they said I was cursing him. “I said the curse of the Lord is upon the wicked.” Who is a wicked man? A wicked man is one who deprives the poor of his means of livelihood.
Apart from the scriptures you quoted, there were allegations that you out-rightly cursed the president by saying that he will end up the way Abacha did…

(Cuts…) Let us take the tape and play it back. I said where are people in the past who were larger than life? Where is Abacha today? Where is Yar’Adua who made you his deputy? Remember tomorrow. That’s all. It’s just for him to wake up and reason. And nobody else has put it better than Professor Niyi Osundare. In an interview he just granted (The News magazine, upper week), he said, “now we know the meek-looking, God-fearing Dr. Jonathan is capable of callous, ungodly tactics, the mask has fallen off his face.” It will take a wicked man to do what he did. I stand by it.

They said that as a man of God, you should have tempered your language…
Those who are saying that don’t understand the temperament of a prophet. They (prophets) are not loose talkers but they call a spade, a spade. Jesus is my model. Is that a tempered message when they told Jesus that Herod was looking for him and he said, ‘tell that fox…’ How tempered is that? How tempered is the Prophet Elijah standing before a whole king and said ‘you and your father’s house are the troublers of Israel’.

How tempered is the John the Baptist, at the first baptismal service, the leaders and the Pharisees came and he said ‘you brood of vipers…’ Let’s call a spade a spade. It’s not about the language but you give it to them the way they deserve it-good measure, pressed down, shaken together and running over. When they do good, we’ll sing their praises to high heavens; when they do evil, we’ll let them also know.
Do you feel comfortable that some members of your constituency, the clergy, actually called me, after I wrote a column in your defence, and said all kinds of things about you, that you were not speaking the mind of God, speaking like you did at Ojota?

Let us find out what they spoke and we can put it side by side. If I didn’t speak the mind of God, what did God say to them? One person cooks and does not have meat in it, but his children still has something to eat. But you who did not cook anything is condemning the man for not putting meat? Yes, in a moment of extreme passion, you must still show the character, the finesse and the meekness of the law. But don’t forget, the lamb is also a lion and lions don’t have table manners.

It depends on who or what part of him he is manifesting at that time. If he is a lamb, he is meek and gentle; if he is a lion, you will be hearing ‘woe unto you.’ It is a whole chapter of ‘woe unto you to the Sadducees and the Pharisees’, and they were spoken by the Lord Himself. The tender part of God must not be confused and mistaken as the only way God operates because He is also tough. He is a man of war. What they saw in Ojota was war. That is not a time to use ‘Your Excellency.’

So, based on these, are you saying you don’t regret what you said at Gani Fawehinmi Park? And that there is no basis to recant?
Quote me: No regret. No recanting. No retreat. No surrender.
First, I expressed myself to the best of my ability to let the leadership in the nation know what they are doing to us, the people.

How do you manage your precarious position in your church as a preacher and a politician?
I have never been one of the politicians. I’ve always been a preacher. And for me, every assignment I am given by God, to serve God and my generation, still stems from the standpoint of who I am in God. He knew me; He saw me before He saved me. Listen, it was not even the head of the country that Paul in Acts of Apostle was addressing. The high priest ordered him to be slapped and Paul said wild white sepulchre. And they said, do you revere him as a high priest? And he said ‘I don’t recognise him as a high priest’. Would you fold your hands against a robber, who barges into your home, and he pretends to be your friend, and who is raping your daughters? What language would you speak?

Definitely, I can’t say ‘God bless you…’
Exactly. That is how I feel. I feel sad and mad at the rape of our country by these people. I can feel the people’s wrath. Yet, Mr. President started with the arrogant language “I am ready for mass revolt (rather than allow subsidy to continue)”. People have forgotten he said so. And on January 1, 2012, he slapped the people. Even some of the ministers were saying they were not consulted. He thought he had every man under his rule. But no, there are some exceptions to the rule.

The reason I asked the question about how you felt in your dual role as a pastor and politician is that in a congregation that is as large as yours, you cannot have a monolithic congregation in terms of political ideology.
Yes. I’ve never asked anyone in that church to join any particular party or vote for any candidate. They are free to vote for anybody. There are people in Latter Rain Assembly who did not vote for me. There are people there who voted for Jonathan. That will never offend me. That is their fundamental human right. My freedom stops where theirs begins, and vice versa.

To expect them to just vote for me and just do what I say means they have been manipulated or hypnotized. They have a moral base to choose according to the conscience. They have their own minds. I remember an occasion, in that same church, when someone tried to come and talk about General Buhari, they shouted the person down. And what I said was: ‘Kudos to you all, I taught you well. You must be free to express yourself at all times’. The records are there, go and check. I said this not secretly but in the open. I never canvassed for any of them to support this course.

See, Elijah was a one-man army. People forget. When you are called into prophetic ministry or you are given the opportunity to meet the people, you are to serve them according to the will of God or teach them according to the word of God. Not according to your own personal opinion. Elijah was a one-man army. He was not waiting for the congregation to clap for him. They confuse priesthood. This is the problem of the church in Nigeria. The priesthood of Aaron, which is called Aaronic Priesthood, is one with garment and Bishopric and, with apology to a man of God by name of Bishop Kalejaiye who led the protest in Ekiti. Is Bishop Kalejaiye not a man of God? And he belongs to the Anglican fold. I’m waiting for them to remove him because they said nobody in their fold could do that. I’m waiting to see whether you stop being a Nigerian because you are now a pastor.

But we didn’t do what we did to attract attention or to become popular. The truth of the matter is our priesthood is not that of Aaron, our priesthood after the order Melchizedek; and to operate in that priesthood, you have to be a king. It is not the other way round. Rulership and governance must be upon your shoulder. You must understand what is going on. Melchizedek was a king and a priest. And Jesus said He has made us kings and priests to our God and we shall rule on the earth.

I did not seek any electoral thing, I was invited as one who could contribute to be a running mate. I’ve never stood for any election in Nigeria; I served as a running mate and I have no regrets, no apologies because God called those in government His ministers. It’s because we have left it for the wicked to continue that we are suffering now. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice. What do you say of David who wrote almost the entirety of the Psalms, a man after God’s heart? He was a priest, a prophet and a king.

I heard some people say, ‘Why did you join a Muslim? Why didn’t you even look for a Christian?’ They don’t even understand that neither Islam nor Christianity is a religion started by God. God is interested in relationship with Him and not religion. Jesus did not come to the earth to start a religion. As Webster said, religion is nothing but return to bondage. It is different from a relationship with God and operating with fear of God and understanding that you can’t actually love God except you love your neighbour. When they say some things, I said that I forgot that Nebuchadnezzar was an apostle when Daniel served him.

They’ve forgotten that God has a way of turning the heart of Kings and He will position people like Esther, Joseph, Daniel, Nehemiah in order to change society and to turn history in a particular course that God has mapped out for it. We have no regret for what we are doing and we will do it again and again, God granting us grace.

I wonder how you felt when there were reports, during the protests, that your group was canvassing regime change. And the insinuation that the whole protest had been hijacked by failed politicians?
Again, I’ll say is this: opinions are like noses, everybody has it but they all look different. If they say we are failed politicians and we made so much impact that made them send in soldiers, then, we know the real meaning of failure. If we are failed politicians and we made such impact that shook the nation to its foundation, we know those who have failed the nation. I don’t want to respond to idiotic statements. If I was a failed politician, time will tell.

As for the regime change, let us ask: what is evil in a citizen asking for a regime change? In Section 14 subsection 2 of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, sovereignty resides in the people of the country and if they give it to anybody, it is to serve their interest, welfare and security. And if you are now denying them what they gave you the right for, they are entitled to demand for a regime change.

Even when the regime has not run its course?
I will address this regime change from three different angles. There are those who think what happened in Ojota was an Arab Spring that was coming to Nigeria. And I said, the last time I checked, there are not too many Arabs in Nigeria to give us an Arab Spring against dictators who have ruled their countries and almost running their countries for 30 or more years. What was happening was like what happened in Italy, Spain and Greece. Did it not lead to regime change? When people were badly affected by policies that affected their finance and livelihood, they rose up and regime change took place within the government. We are not asking that you give the power to another person outside the government. That is one.

Two, if regime change is evil, why did Jonathan and his government spearhead the government change in Burkina Faso? If regime change is evil, why was Jonathan and the Nigerian government the first to acknowledge what happened in Libya? So, what is good for the goose is no longer good for the gander? Now, leave that aside. Let’s now come to practical things. Now, what did I say? All I said was that to have voted N240 billion for subsidy and to have gone beyond that to have now spent N1.7trillion, which is now over two trillion, without appropriation, is an impeachable offence and the senate should look into it. But that I don’t expect so much from this senate because they also are legislooters and not legislators.

What gives them the right to perform executive function by increasing the budget every time it affects them? The executive is to prepare the budget, you are to look at it, amend it or reject it. There is nothing in our law that says you should increase the budget. But every time they have increased the budget, it is to take care of them and their constituency allowances. Are they contractors? The constituency you came from, is it not part of a state that the executive government of that state is receiving budgetary allocations to execute different programmes and projects? Why are you getting double pay? Did you see that the person who presided over the talk between labour and the government is David Mark? Is that legislative function?

They all want to cover themselves. We have a government of Ali Baba and the 40 thieves. That is all that is happening in our nation. Because, the House of Representatives passed a motion, the Senate also passed a motion, that the government should reverse the petroleum price to status quo. Which means they were not consulted. It was an executive fiat. Let’s say the executive has the authority to do that. But the legislative arm of government said ‘reverse to status quo’, and the president said it’s a mere expression of opinion, and it is not binding on him. What is that? What is government doing without checks and balances? That’s why I call them Ali Baba and the 40 thieves. There is no future for Nigeria with this government.

Do you feel betrayed by Labour?
Labour did not betray me because I did not enter into any agreement with Labour. Labour called for strike, we called for protests. They can’t betray me, they betrayed themselves.

How did they betray themselves?
Because their word is not good for the Nigerian citizen any more. They said ‘on N65 we stand’. They said ‘We can negotiate after you have reversed to N65’. If they had maintained that, they will be men of honour.

But how would they have sustained the strike beyond that first week bearing in mind that Nigerians are not too patient?
Did Nigerians cry to say they didn’t want the strike any more? In my home- town, they say ‘pata pata laa foju, a fo o fo tan oju, ija ni nda le’ (transliterated, it means: if you want to go blind, go totally blind. Partial blindness causes confusion). …Now, the whole nation is saying they were bribed and they have to come out to refute it. We are hearing some people say it is $34million while some say it is $12million. Some said they heard the president talking to Obasanjo, telling him how much he had given them. I am not interested in those things but had they behaved in a particular pattern that those before them had behaved? We know the stand of the Edo State governor on this issue. When he was leaving, he put his own stooges there to continue what they were doing. This is my personal opinion. And I want them to refute it.

Government always consults labour before they fix any price. What happened in Nigeria on January1, 2012, was not deregulation, it was fuel price hike. The truth of what happened is that they needed money to task Nigerians primitively to recoup the spending that happened during the last general elections. So, what they normally would do is to call labour, tell them there is no money to continue to run government and that they are in trouble. ‘We want to increase fuel price, that is the only way they can make some money.’ And Labour would ask, ‘how much would you want’? They would say, ‘we are thinking between N97 and N100. So, strike from N141, we would give you your share, then, we would reduce it to N97.’ That’s what happened. Let them refute it that it is not so.

But can you prove this?
I can’t prove it. But no labour strike has lasted three days. It’s because the political organisation and the civil society organisations of Nigeria rose up this time to be in charge of the protest and not the strike. And if they had wanted to test the strength of Nigerians, they should not have put the military there. We are sensible not to create mayhem in our nation and we don’t want the limited infrastructure that we have to be further destroyed. That’s why we did not confront them. And we knew it’s a question of time, they will roll out their tanks and live will continue. But have we stopped there, despite their tanks? Have the agitations stopped? No.
A government must responsible and responsive.

Many people went to town when I said the president does not appear to think deeply before he talks. That he should sit back, call all people of goodwill. I’m not asking that he must consult the entire country. But in issues like this, the legislative arm said no; the whole nation said no. And he pretended as if he was still consulting and you gave the impression that the subsidy cannot even be removed until April. If all the things that need to be in place had been in place, namely, an enabling legislation, a safety net that will not rip the life off the poor, I will be one of the people that will carry placards saying we should not continue to support the fat cows in the oil industry. Let’s truly deregulate.

But is this truly deregulation? This is pauperization. This is ripping the life of the poor full scale. They just oppress the poor further. A poor man, who oppresses the poor, is a driving ring that leaves no foot behind. That’s what the scripture says. Jonathan, once a poor boy who had no shoes, and once he became president, quickly forgot his background. We need to remind him. So, how do we turn the page?
Simple, go back to N65. You think Nigerians are buying your N97 fuel? How many stations are selling? How many Nigerians are patronizing them? People are now buying quarter tank, half tank and they are only going to where necessary. You will still not get the sales you are expecting. And please, this government that was so totally arrogant, why did they back down from their high horse and say N97?

And now, let us now take the difference between N65 and N97 and multiply it by the 35 million litres; and let us just assume that all the citizens, not just a few, are going to consume it and see if you will still have enough money to run the economy, because you have created a big hole that cannot be filled by hypocrisy. The government tried to use deregulation and the fat cows in the oil industry as a camouflage, and it reminds me of Webster’s definition of hypocrisy. Webster says a hypocrite is a lion who killed both his parents and when he was about to be sentenced, he said the court should have mercy on him because he is now an orphan. Jonathan has shot himself on his foot. He became extremely arrogant when he said he was ready for mass revolt. How far can he go? He needs to go back to the basis of humility, responsibility and responsiveness to the yearning and aspirations of those who allegedly voted him.

Everybody seems to agree that corruption is the bane of leadership, and economic progress in Nigeria. Do you consider padding of national budgets by the legislature, as you said earlier, is the foundation of corruption in Nigeria?
Behind legislative responsibilities, we need to go back to three major issues, as far as I am concerned. Address the issue of nationhood. And what I’m trying to point out there is federalism in Nigeria has been completely militarized. That’s what gives the executive the power to just wake up one morning and do what they will without even consulting the governors. We need to establish a true federal structure so that the federating units will not only be waiting upon the federal government for monthly allocations to do projects and programmes; and boosting internally generated funds, not only through tax agents but by doing what the regions did in the past.

Secondly, we have a bloated government in Nigeria. I don’t know how far it is true that the last presidential trip caused so many problems about how many people went with Mr. President and Mrs. President. Now, we have 50 ministries, and there is nothing to show for them. Our constitution aids and abates those things by saying a minister must emerge for them but it does not say what the minister will do. So, if they are just there and the constitution does not say they must be paid so much, and are not paid as much as they currently earn, government would be less attractive to the hawks. Only those who truly want to serve would go into government because it would have become so unattractive.

You can check my record at Latter Rain Assembly; it’s not an empty boat. I do not preach forbiddingly. My hands, like Paul’s, provided for my necessities. There would be a drastic reduction in the level of corruption and corrupt tendencies in this country if those who go into government were those who are accomplished in their chosen professions in the society. They are only there to serve the people and are only paid minimum allowances.

The biggest moneymaking venture today in our country is politics. The second is religion. And that’s why you find the two of them co-operating and collaborating. Key players of CAN (Christian Association of Nigeria) and PFN (the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria) must do the bidding of the government because they know they have to wear a long gold chain in order to lead people to Jerusalem or Mecca and Medina at the expense of the state. Why are we sending people on pilgrimage? Is Nigeria not a secular state?

Nigeria, constitutionally, does not identify with any particular religion. So, why do you need to send people on pilgrimage? It is a personal thing. Each citizen can go on pilgrimage to Rome or Jerusalem if he so wishes and is ready to foot the bill, not government doing Father Christmas. I have tourist sites in Abeokuta, my hometown, that they can come and I will tell them the story of our forefathers. But they won’t let them come. Rather, you will find these people with long chains, leading them to Jerusalem, to Mecca and Medina, wasting resources.

Again, we need to define who we are. Are we a republic or a federal republic or a kingdom? Every time, you will see Edwin Clarke running to the Ooni of Ife, saying the south-south are meeting with south-west. This is nonsense. We are neither a kingdom nor a republic nor a federation. So, if they say Nigeria, it has no meaning. So, we need to sit down around the table of brotherhood, and restructure this country. We need a people’s constitution. We need to decrease and deflate and cut to size our bloated government and officials. The cost of governance is punitive upon the people. We must remember that this was what led to some crises somewhere in the bible. A constitution that cannot bend will break. I pray that Nigeria will remain united and we will be able to jaw-jaw and not war-war because together we will serve ourselves and our people better than fighting and shooting ourselves.

You have just prayed that Nigeria will remain united; and that reminds me of General Ibrahim Babangida, who, at a recent leadership forum organized by the Daily Trust newspaper, said the issue of Nigeria staying together is ‘a given’, it’s to be taken for granted. And somebody replied him and said, if he lives in a house, and the house is constantly hot, and it’s always on fire, and he is deprived of basic necessities, he (the respondent) has the option to get out of the house. So, he says people should not say that the issue of Nigeria staying together is settled. But from what you have just said, it is like you are on the same page with General Babangida on this issue.

Maybe, but, with a slight amendment. The man who says if he stays in a house and the house is on fire most of the time, he would get out of the house... He will get out of the house and still relocate to another house located within the same land. When we use our metaphors, we must be clear in our minds. Are we better together?

Are we?
That’s the big question. That’s why we need to restructure. That’s why I said that’s my own slight amendment. The issue of our unity should not be in anybody’s mind that we don’t need ourselves. Which of the federating units can stand alone now? For instance, I was born in Abeokuta, raised in the north; I was a Muslim, I became a Christian afterwards. You think I will ever hold a gun to shoot a Muslim or a Christian? That would be insanity. You think I will ever think evil of any of my Muslim brothers and sisters? I have very many friends among them. We are married from there and they are married from here. Let us apply some wisdom here. If something is wrong, let us locate the root of it and deal with it. Let us not throw away the baby with the bath water. I think that was what General Ibrahim Babangida was counseling.

If we play into the hands of those who are working tirelessly for the disintegration of Nigeria, Nigeria will suffer for it. Our president should never think he’s got that choice. Before that time comes, God will interfere in the affairs of Nigeria. It’s clear in my mind that we are better off as a united nation. A united nation, with each federating unit, or if we decide to go back to regions, with each region being be able to maximize its potentials, the potentials of its people and be able to contribute as well as receive benefits from the entire nation for each according to its ability and use. It is a biblical standard.

Don’t forget, God is the author of nations, nationalities and nationhood. He made mankind from one blood and predetermined the boundaries of their dwelling and the time of their visitation. I believe God is at work in Nigeria and He will help us. We should not be thinking of dividing and shooting ourselves. What’s going on with Boko Haram, MEND, is madness because at the end of the day, the people who are causing the problem are not the ones being shot. They are not the ones being bombed and maimed. Look at the young journalist from Channels TV that was in Kano to carry out his duty and was shot, pointblank, by another person. I wept in my living room when that news broke.

Whoever that person is, that is wickedness. You can’t create life; you have no right to take it. I am not advocating violence in my nation but I am not also for peace in the graveyard. The foundation of peace is justice. You cannot have peace without justice. Finally, how do we resolve the issue of Boko Haram? Because it is like fire in harmattan; it keeps spreading at alarming rate and people are having this impression that if their activities are not checked, and a solution found, it might drive our country to the precipice.