EDO POLLS AND BUHARI'S ALLEGORY.

by Mahmoon Baba-Ahmed.

Nigeria's democratic system is imperfect. It is a corrupted version of the model bequeathed to the world by ancient Greeks. It could also be a bastardised variation copied blindly from American prototype. Invariably it is employed as a tool for the formation of a government of the few, by the privileged, for the powerful. Nigeria’s flawed electoral procedure, which is a direct byeproduct of dysfunctional democracy, makes it impossible for governments to be elected freely and equally by all citizens due mainly to official corruption and other related vices. What simply obtains in Nigeria is a system of government which is often disputed by the people who always have hard feelings about the process of its formation. In Nigeria the rich and the powerful always have their way, while the say of the people is never considered.

That is the prevailing political situation in the country and people are almost becoming used to it. They are no longer bothered by the possibility of ascribing victory to a losing candidate robbed from preferred contestant who had been massively supported. The party bigwigs choose who will contest and also decide the number of votes to be falsely returned in his favour. Under that dispensation it is absolutely necessary for all political parties to indulge in immoral electoral vices if they have to remain afloat. In that respect the ruling or the ‘winning’ party’-- the PDP-- is habitually at the forefront of the unlawful movements that perpetrate electoral fraud. No wonder, therefore, the masses always shout “PeeDeePee” whenever an evil act is committed. Similarly the name PDP is synonymous with all sorts of imaginable malpractices.

Nonetheless the PDP met its Waterloo recently in Edo State when it was decisively defeated in gubernatorial election it had determinedly planned to rig. Its favourite candidate, Retired Major-General Charles Airhiavbere, whose nomination for the contest tore the party apart, was thoroughly humiliated by the indomitable and venerable incumbent, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, favoured by the generality of the masses. He dealt his opponent a devastating blow to secure a landslide victory which obviously hit the final nail on the PDP’s coffin in the state, and may perhaps affect its future electoral fortunes nationwide.

Even before the elections everyone knew that Comrade Oshiomhole was coasting to victory. His campaign rallies were always graced by a mammoth crowd of passionate supporters and well wishers to the chagrin of the ever scheming PDP which was renting crowd for an impressive political outing or distractive jamborees. Avowed critics of Governor Oshiomhole and admirers alike concurred that he had done more than enough for the development of Edo State which he met in shambles, with its people existing in squalid conditions. 

With the advent of the ACN administration under him four years ago, there were serious development efforts in all parts of the state particularly in human, infrastructure, economy and social aspect. These have led to increased prosperity to the people of the state and an important boost to the economic development of the country in general. In addition to these Governor Oshiomhole designed and implemented programmes that helped ameliorate the sufferings of his people, thus paving way for enduring peace that permitted suitable conditions for empowering youths economically. Without doubt these were the credentials Governor Oshiomhole flaunted before the electorates which also convinced them to rally round him once again, trusting him to take them to the Promised Land.

That was why everyone was happy with the misfortunes of the PDP in Edo State, especially as it was occasioned by its vain arrogance and over confidence, for it believed that Governor Oshiomhole was going to be an easy pushover. Leaders of the party had earlier beaten their chests, boasting about their detestable precedents of improperly toppling opposition governments in other states. Consequently it hastily mustered a formidable campaign team under the distinguished chairmanship of Vice President Namadi Sambo; rolled out its war drums, and assembled a fearsome force made up of 3,500 militarised personnel and a squadron of 13,000 policemen to prosecute its ill-fated mission in Edo. The aim was to intimidate the already cowed citizenry by creating tensed atmosphere which induced fear of invasion.

However, despite all the tricks in the books employed by the PDP’s big shot in Abuja, with local officials of the party engaging in coercion, oppression, threats, use of money and undue influence to subdue Oshiomhole’s supporters, yet they remained steadfast in backing him, unwavering in their endorsement and unyielding in their commitment to ensure victory. In fact there were concerns and worries of looming danger, but in the face of all these the people and the security men remained firm and conducted violent free elections. The efforts of the people paid off considerably, thus underscoring the relevance of an age-old Roman saying: Vox populi suprema lex, meaning that the voice of the people is the supreme law. 

It has also shown that once the people vowed to protect their rights with their votes, and ensure their mandate goes to the right candidate, no Jupiter could disrupt them from pursuing the goals of improving their socio-political conditions. They campaigned for free and fair elections and they got more than they bargained for. The reward for their enduring steadfastness and patience has been eternal liberty and emancipation from the yoke of oppression in the hands of uncaring PDP government which had in the past condemned them to abject poverty, penury and want of conducive conditions for decent living.

Here, it is imperative to salute the courage of the Edo people for their exemplary efforts to save democracy. They have now demeaned the PDP and exposed its sinister tricks of begrudging the inalienable right of the people to choose a candidate into whose hands they wish to commit their destiny. If the emerging situation in Edo State had been otherwise, General Buhari’s exhortation in his famous allegory of dog, baboon and the blood would have come to pass. Everyone is grateful to Almighty God now that all is well that ends well in Edo.

WHY PRESIDENT JONATHAN SHOULD BE SUPPORTED - HAKEEM BABA AHMED.

“An empty sack will not stand upright.”

Ghanaian Proverb

It now appears that the nation has missed the real import of the joint statement released two weeks ago by former Presidents Obasanjo and Babangida. In the period since the statement was released, it has been subjected to a deserving torrent of analyses, critical reviews, condemnations and commendations, which is to be expected. After all, this was a joint statement from two of the prime architects of the state of our current political framework, in a context which strongly argues that the present administration is more a victim of our inherited limitations than their designers. Neither President Jonathan nor his legion of spokespersons have even bothered to respond to the statement which draws attention to serious threats to the security of the nation, and widespread doubts over its ability to survive them. But we have heard thundering repudiations against calls for the President to resign, or even, the most laughable of all, against alleged calls by a Muslim group that he becomes a Muslim or face unending violent challenge.

The statement by two former Presidents who are walking encyclopedias on crisis management and mismanagement was a warning that the nation is tottering on the brink, and citizens need to step back and chart a course away from a future which promises nothing but pain and privation. The statement said nothing about the administration’s role in the perilous state of our security situation, a political environment which progressively polarizes the nation, and an economic management style which breeds unprecedented waste and corruption. Perhaps the two elders felt it was not their place to join the bandwagon of critics which President Jonathan seems to expand by the day. Or perhaps they have offered all the advise they can in private, and have decided to absolve themselves of blame for watching the nation burn and disintegrate in silence. So they turn on citizens, victims of a very weak leadership, and appeal to them to raise their levels of patriotism and commitment to the future of the nation.

Alhaji Ahmed Joda also raised his voice, but he went further to make specific demands on President Jonathan. In addition to convening a Constituent Assembly to knock together another constitution which will more appropriately reflect the concerns and challenges of contemporary realities, he asks Jonathan to fight corruption, eliminate waste, improve the quality of governance, address security issues more vigorously, improve the electoral process before 2015, and renounce any intention to run as President again.

Alhaji Joda acknowledges that President Jonathan’s administration has a major role to play in the manner our current challenges are resolved; and his person and political ambition are central to the resolution of these challenges in the long term. Again, the administration has not uttered a word, not even the customary condemnation of criticisms, in response to Alhaji Joda’s reinforcement of the two former leaders’ plea. Instead, it is digging in on a now familiar strategy of ignoring problems, or informing the nation that they do not exist; and if they do, they were created by past administrations, or are products of a northern-based insurgency; or are well on their way to being solved.

It is now imperative that the nation reassesses its approach to the many limitations of this administration. Critics of the administration need to re-evaluate their strategies, and in particular, ask whether criticisms alone can influence the way President Jonathan governs this nation. The simple truth is that the Jonathan administration is being swamped by the challenges it faces, and its capacity to deal with them is woefully inadequate. An attitude which suggests to him that he is doing well, but is not being appreciated by millions of citizens will reinforce a mindset which encourages more of the same. Similarly, critics who think pointing at massive deficits in competence, integrity and vision will be sufficient to raise the bar, or create a critical mass of hostility and resistance in the country are just as much a liability as the administration is to Nigerians.

What the nation needs is a strong push from politicians, civil society, professional groups, organized labour and youth to create a massive momentum towards real change, which will assist this administration with ideas, strategies, options and support to address the most critical of its weaknesses. Instead of accusing Jonathan of indifference towards a nation gradually falling apart, a political summit should be convened by elder statesmen, active and retired politicians, academia and civil society to attempt to rebuild bridges which have been crumbling since 2009. The summit should address the manifest challenges from the effects of JASLIWAJ (Boko Haram) phenomenon, the perilous state of the political economy of much of the north, the incipient challenges to the unity of the country from the south-south, and the issues relating to the clamour for a Constitutional Conference. Former Heads of State and other elders can spearhead this. It will be in the interest of President Jonathan and his administration and his party to work with and in the summit. If he chooses to ignore it, it should still go ahead, and let Nigerians know what it sees and advises.

Instead of accusing Jonathan of being clueless regarding the JASLIWAJ (Boko Haram) insurgency, the Muslim leadership should engage itself in a search over what could possibly have bred this insurgency; what its place is in mainstream Islamic doctrines; and what needs to be done to engage it by Muslims, non-Muslims and the Nigerians State. This challenge can be taken up by a few respected ulama, leaders and groups, but it must have sufficient scope and integrity to guide the Muslim community and the Nigerian state adequately in terms of how to relate to it.

Instead of locking ourselves up against resurging kidnapping, violent crimes, bombs and bullets, our senior retired heads of police and other security agencies should put heads together to examine the basic weaknesses of our law and order institutions. Retired members of the judiciary should examine why our judicial system is too weak to contain massive assaults on its integrity. We need expert and experienced hands to tell us how to re-invent our police, and provide answers to the many questions we ask over federal and state police, and the near-irrelevance of the police as a tool against disorder and crime. Retired Chief Justices can initiate this on their own. If the administration wants to be part of it, fine. If not, let them tell Nigerians what they think is wrong, and what can be done about it.

Instead of lamenting the theft of our nation by pervasive and politically-entrenched corruption, civil society, labour, professional groups and other patriotic citizens should work under a C.S.O umbrella to examine the reasons why corruption has enten so deeply into our value systems and institutions, and what steps the administration should take to begin to roll it back. If the administration wants to be part of this very important work, fine. If not, Nigerians should be told what, in specific terms, needs to be done to deal with current cases of corruption being investigated or being prosecuted, what needs to be done to dilute the intimate linkages between politics and corruption, and what needs to be done in the long term to reduce it to the barest minimum.

Instead of lamenting the sorry state of our economy, its poor management and the possibility that we will be up to our necks in debt once again, economic and business interests should facilitate a thorough soul-search for what is wrong with the way we manage our economy. We need answers to the impact of the size of government on the economy; to our perennial failure to execute our budgets as planned; to the persistence of an enclave economy which is dangerously vulnerable to external stimuli; to decaying and inadequate infrastructure which cannot support a growing economy; and to the search for vision and discipline in pursuit of long-term economic goals.

Our political parties should raise a think tank to identify the weaknesses of our electoral system, and how it can be plugged. Other Nigerians with insights, expertise or experience, as well as C.S.Os and professional groups should be involved in providing a blueprint for a thorough overhaul of our electoral system between now and 2015.

It will be very dangerous to continue to leave the problems of Nigeria on the doorsteps of this administration. The administration is likely to continue to open the door, see the problems, and walk back in locking the door, and preferring to believe it did not see what it saw. It is time for patriots, leaders and those who know about our problems to step up. This is not a favour to President Jonathan, and it should not matter that he may choose to ignore outcomes of some of these activities. This is a service to the fatherland, and there may be no other opportunities to salvage our nation. Those who are content with opportunistic and sterile opposition lose the opportunity to insist that identified viable and practical options must be pursued by the administration. A groundswell of demand for purposeful and strong leadership, strategies and options will provide the necessary pressure for the President to act more decisively.

President Jonathan needs help to govern. Those who love this nation should help him with ideas, suggestions and inputs. The best guarantee that this nation can survive its short term challenges lies in strengthening Jonathan’s capacity to deal with them. We have no future as a united, secure and prosperous nation unless we fix our current challenges. President Jonathan is one of them. He must not be isolated and merely bombarded with criticisms so long as he is leading us. Those who want him to go in 2015 may consider the thought that it will be easier for him not to run again in 2015 if he makes a fairly good job of his current mandate, than if he messes it up. Rulers who mess up big time tend to want to stay on forever, lest they are called to account.

SQUABBLING AT A PROBLEM - HAKEEM BABA AHMED.

“Do not try to lean on a wall that is not near you.”

Ghanaian Proverb.

Northern Governors set up a seemingly powerful committee on reconciliation, healing and security last week, three months into the silence of President Jonathan over the long list of grievances and demands of presented to him by Northern Elders. The governors’ committee is meant to liaise with stakeholders in the states affected by the JASLIWAJ(a.k.a. Boko Haram) insurgency and other security threats, and get to the root of other security challenges and proffer solutions. It also has their mandate to negotiate with indentified groups, liaise with the federal government and agree on best approaches to resolving security challenges, and work out modalities for reconciling warring parties and communities in the north. The governors say recurring incidents of violence in the north have almost crippled the economy and society of the region, and they represent serious challenges to national stability, unity and development. Chairman of the Northern Governors’ Forum, Dr. M.B. Aliyu wants the committee to assist by broadly looking at the issues of religious extremism, intolerance and mutual disrespect which appear to be creating more ethnic and religious cleavages that are damaging northern unity. He lamented the inability of a single northern state to pay one month salary from internally-generated revenue. He hinted at the resolve to sustain resistance by the northern governors against what they see as unfair distribution of oil revenues.

It will be uncharitable to dismiss this latest move by northern governors as a red herring, but it will be equally hypocritical to applaud it as a statesmanship from leaders of people with their backs against many walls. The Northern Elders’ Forum which met and presented a litany of requests and demands to President Jonathan three months ago has to be a backdrop to an assessment of the utility of this move by the governors. Almost bowing to the ground, the leader of the elders appealed to the President to demilitarize the north, curb gross abuses by security agents including extra-judicial killings; discourage official perception of the insurgency as a northern Muslim resistance against the President; revisit many of the reports of investigations into ethno-religious conflicts and implement their recommendations; tackle corruption, address youth unemployment, stop arbitrary and indiscriminate removal of senior officers from the public and security services, and many more demands. There were no reports by the elders that they had approached northern governors earlier to take up these issues with the President, as people with political and legal obligations and clout.

The decision by northern elders to engage Mr President directly on issues that would have been effectively taken up at numerous levels and occasions by governors was a serious indictment of the governors. Even if, as was rumoured, some of the governors had encouraged the elders to go straight to the Villa, they would only have shot themselves in the foot. The desperate, yet unproductive sojourn of the elders may also reinforce a widespread perception that they hold the governors in very low esteem, and would rather appeal to a President seen in many circles as a co-facilitator of the political and security situation of the north, than appeal to them to take up its cause. The President’s silence since their visit also speaks loudly his perception of northern problems.

It is difficult to avoid the impression that northern governors have set up this and two other committees as a belated reaction to control major damage. So much water has passed under the bridge, that you have to wonder whether even members of the committee will believe that they can do any genuinely productive work. The insurgency has taken roots in many parts of the north, and all governors say is that they have no control over security matters. They are substantially its targets, and their influence over the community which can be mobilized against it is virtually nil. So they cannot fight it, and they cannot resist it. Their coterie of the ulaama is politically compromised, and they live behind secure embankments, too removed from the people. The economy in much of the north is well and truly wrecked, but neither the lavish lifestyle of governors nor the army of political hacks paid from public funds is showing evidence of being affected. Governors cannot call each other to order. They cannot set benchmarks for Jang in the manner he relates with some ethnic groups in Plateau State, and they cannot prevail on Yakowa to do something on the consequences of the Zonkwa massacre. They cannot take on the President on the P.I.B; on the on-shore, off-shore dichotomy, on the operations of security agencies and their impact on communities; or on any major policy which affects the north substantially.

For whatever it is worth, many people of impeccable integrity and undoubted commitment have accepted to be part of the governors’ committee. They have a major task ahead of them, particularly given the fact that many of the problems they are being asked to find solutions for have their roots and locations in the manner governors run the north. The committee couldn’t have started at a more inauspicious moment either, with the JASLIWAJ insurgency reportedly denying reports that it is engaged in negotiations with government, and even warning Dr Datti Ahmed to stay clear. They will be well advised to take some of their terms of reference with a pinch of salt. The charge to dialogue with any or all sources of the violence in the north must sound hollow, coming from people who cannot facilitate the most elementary of contacts, or exploit the huge goodwill which exists in their communities towards fighting the insurgency. The task of identifying the roots of the security challenges should not be difficult to accomplish: they are the task masters, who have raised bad governance, corruption and impunity to new levels. Members of the committee should not bother with the term of reference which says they should liaise with the federal government and deliberate on the best approach to resolving security challenges. If the federal government has the slightest clue over how our numerous challenges can be resolved, why would it wait for a security committee to come for them?

The members of the governors’ committee should take their jobs seriously. To do this, they will need to re-write their terms of reference. The sources and the results of the security and economic problems of the north are here in the north. The federal government and the rest of Nigeria are only marginally responsible, the former as a seemingly-willing accomplice in a tragic self-mutilation, the latter, beneficiaries of a weakening competition. They can write their report in a month because combatants, warring communities, JASLIWAJ insurgents or the federal government will not give them the time of day. If governors are content with public relations gimmicks, many of the respected members of this committee should not be. The problems of the north and national security are too important to be handled by governors hiding behind committees.

The fall guy, and other stories - Hakeem Baba Ahmed.

“The difference between a man and his valet: they both smoke the same cigars, but only one pays for them.”

Robert Frost.

Whether you believe former Minister of Power, Professor Barth Nnaji jumped or he was pushed will depend largely on where you stand in your assessment of the general levels of transparency and integrity of the federal administration. If you felt a tug in your heart a few days ago at the passionate lamentation of President Jonathan over the unceasing and near-universal criticism of his administration, you are likely to believe that one of the few bright sparks in the administration was eased out as a part of an effort to commence a roll-back process against corruption. You will then say he was pushed. If, however, you are among the cynics who believe that the administration has neither the will nor the capacity to fight corruption, you are more likely be believe that the good professor resigned to salvage what is left of his good name, rather than save the administration further embarrassment over endemic corruption. You may then believe that he jumped.

Either way, the circumstances around the departure of the former Minister and its implications for some of the policy priorities of the administration do not reflect very well on a government which says it is transforming the nation. There are so many questions and inconsistencies around the whole saga (with the highlights being President Jonathan publicly eulogizing the removed Minister) that it is safer to believe that there is a lot more to the story than has been revealed. But it will not be idle speculation to ask whether Professor Nnaji’s resignation has set a new bar for this administration in terms of accountability and respect for the rule of law, or is challenging it to set one since it does not appear that one has existed. Certainly, in the context of events which have exposed the administration to accusations of being soft on corruption, or at the very least of being indifferent to accusations that some of its frontline ministers and executives are sitting smugly on top of entire systems which will not stand the slightest scrutiny, the circumstances of Nnaji’s departure cannot fail to shake the ground a bit. He could be a fall guy, a man sacrificed for comparatively minor offence of indiscretion and poor judgment, so that the administration can earn a few brownie points on probity. Or he could be the tip of an iceberg of institutional weaknesses, weak political will, and a system in which corruption now inspires and influences all policy. Either way, the administration has lost one of its more capable hands in an episode it could have shrugged off, or made efforts to limit the damage by settling those he had offended in a sensitive bidding process, or simply blaming others for his misjudgment. You now have to wonder if Nnaji, one of the best and brightest could fall so spectacularly on a questionable moral issue, what other Ministers are doing that may not stand up to any scrutiny.

The real test of the value of the President’s removal of Nnaji lies in what happens to the pivotal privatization policy of power stations. Will the entire process now be re-visited afresh, using different institutional mechanisms? Will it be a fresh bidding process, or will existing bids go forward? How much integrity will the entire exercise have, now that Afam has revealed how murky the procurement waters can be? Given the volatility around the entire privatization policy in the power sector, what impact will the revelations from Afam have on the programme as a whole? Can this administration be trusted to undertake sensitive and far-reaching reforms which represent key aspects of its transformation agenda? Will the international and investor community retain the same level of trust now that one of its blue eyed boys appears to have bitten the dust, or has been unfairly sacrificed? Will major labour issues around the privatization programme now disappear, or will labour unions dig in their resistance to key aspects of the policy? Will the new Minister be better than Nnanji, or will he or she avoid pitfall and booby traps in a sector that needs courage and competence?

The Nnaji saga must have a lot more behind it, but for now, it will merely remind Nigerians that corruption in and around government is the most serious problem the nation faces. It will remind Nigerians that it took the most monumental struggle by citizens and civil society groups to open up the subsidy scams, and even with what government claims to be open-and-shut cases against many of the scammers, the nation was recently reminded of its vulnerability to corruption after it was alleged that the scammers were behind a union strike. There are reports of attempts to pay some, and withhold some of the amounts being owed to importers, even when the issues relating to culpability or otherwise are being examined. Trials will take months or years, and with very expensive lawyers lining up to take up costly briefs, no one should hold their breaths over possibilities of convictions. Yet key players who participated in the administration and management of the subsidy policy before the lid was inadvertently blown open by President Jonathan’s decision to remove subsidy are sitting exactly where they have always been, some with even more powers. They straddle the oil and gas sector like colossus, and every decision or appointment in the sector is made by them. The landscape is replete with issues begging for the application of some decisiveness and political will around openness and integrity from the administration.

The shocking revelations around the pensions scams are being dulled by the time-honoured Nigerian strategy of burying one scandal with a bigger one. The involvement of the legislature in probes of suspected scams is now looking like a liability, after it promised so much in terms of prying open the rock-solid defences of the intimate relations behind corruption and the operations of key institutions of the executive arm. Time and time again, legislators have fallen prey to corruption tentacles themselves. It is anyone’s guess where the investigations on the pension scam are. The legislature got its fingers burnt over Oteh, over subsidy probes, and even over constituency projects. If legislators become reluctant to join the fray after another major exposé, some Nigerians will think it is for the better; but the nation would have lost a valuable leverage for demanding higher levels of accountability and openness in governance. As things stand, both legislative and executive arms of government need massive purges to regain public confidence. Both are in the gutter, and it is unclear whether one or both of them are looking up at the stars.

President Jonathan recently cried out to high heavens over criticisms of his administration, basically saying he is not the architect of the problems he is being blamed for. Just when Nigerians were putting those lamentations down as familiar refrain, he concluded by promising Nigerians that he will surprise everyone by 2013 with his achievements. How comforting it will be to believe the President; and how desperately Nigerians will hope that the removal of Professor Barth Nnaji as Power Minister will signal the beginning of a new era in the life of this administration in which drift, incompetence and corruption will be decisively tackled. 2013 is only a few months away, and President Jonathan has no Minister of Defence or Power. He may perform the 2013 miracle groping in the dark to find solutions to the insecurity threatening the very existence of the nation.

THE EDO-KEBBI BRIDGE - HAKEEM BABA AHMED.

“Unity among the cattle makes the lion lie down hungry.”

Nigerian Proverb

In the midst of doom and gloom regarding the future of the nation, a spark of hope was ignited in a small town in Kebbi State. On Saturday 25^th of August the small town of Koko was filled to the brim with Nigerians from every nook and cranny of the nation, and a rich assortment of representatives of the international community. Even the Emir and Governor of Kebbi State said they had never seen anything like it in the history of Koko town. Everything you would expect in the circumstances of our existence today was there. There were thousands of locals, horses and camels, musicians, praise singers and many, many politicians. There were also hundreds of soldiers and policemen, and a curious group in bright red obviously organized around law and order and security put together by the state government. In short, a small army and thousands of curious and cautious locals gathered around an occasion which was entirely novel: the turbanning of a man from Edo State as the Dan Majen Koko by the Sarkin Koko, Alhaji Salihu Koko.

To get to Koko town, if you were one of the hundreds of the powerful, privileged or foreign diplomats, you flew to Birnin Kebbi or Sokoto, and then drove for about 2 hours on roads that could do with some serious rehabilitation. You drove through the heart of the Muslim north, a rich agricultural land and friendly and hardworking people battling the odds to stay afloat in a rural economy. You saw no evidence of Boko Haram insurgency on the faces of the people, but many villages in danger of being swept away in this year’s heavy rains. You would have seen bumper harvests of millet and guinea corn, and hardworking villagers hoping to survive the rains and harvest them. You would not have seen small or medium-scale agro-allied industries, but hundreds of petrol tankers and lorries which ferret fuel and other goods to neighbouring countries, quite possibly against the law. You would have passed numerous police and army checkpoints, and most probably, you would have been persuaded to part with some money to show appreciation for the diligence of security men under arms, exposed and vulnerable to the elements and enemies they suspect could be anyone.

Then you got to Koko, a town founded in 1907 by 50 people who left Jega to find better farming land. Famous for its sons who reached great heights in western education and public service, you may be taken aback by its relatively small size and predominantly rural economy. Driving to the palace, you were stared at by thousands of young people and adults who would not attend the turbanning because security will be too tight for ordinary citizens. But when you got to the palace, you would have been amazed by the huge turn-out of people, hundreds of gaily-dressed camels, horses and donkeys, and an elaborate presence of security personnel equipped to fight a war. If you were not intimidated by the water-tight security, you would have witnessed a truly remarkable event that was profound in its implications for the present state of our nation, and its future.

All that elaborate gathering of the nation and the world was to help the people of Koko and Kebbi State express their appreciation to a man who, at the age of 22, was sent by the federal government in 1976 to Government Secondary School Koko to teach during his N.Y.S.C. He was from Edo State, and had read History at the University of Ibadan. Obviously this young man, who today is Ambassador (Dr) Martin Ohumoibhi, K.S.J and Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, must have left a profound impression on the community and his former students. Thirty six years since then, they honoured him with a title normally reserved for princes, in a ceremony rich with symbolism, sincerity and openness. In those 36 years, the man had acquired a Doctroate degree from Oxford, and served in many capacities, including being Nigerian Ambassador to Switzerland before becoming Permanent Secretary in quite possibly the most difficult Ministry to lead. You could tell from the crowd that followed him to Koko that he led a life which touched a lot more than a young class in 1976.

There was no evidence that Martin lobbied for, or paid in any manner, for this symbolic gesture of appreciation from a community to an individual. The huge entourage of Nigerians from many parts of the nation, particularly those from his home State must have been impressed by the sincerity of the gesture without the usual political trappings. The Koko and Kebbi State community itself must have been pleasantly surprised that such numbers of V.I.Ps, including many foreign diplomats, will disregard the threat and reports of insecurity, and inconveniences of long-distance travels in remote parts of the far north to witness a three-hour event that was largely symbolic, but profound in terms of its statement about the people of Nigeria.

Those who did make the journey will have many tales to tell. First time visitors will marvel at the serenity and beauty and peace of rural Hausaland. They would also have been struck by the poverty of the population living in a simple economy, without the industry to add value to the agricultural products that line every inch of the land. Infrequent visitors will be shocked by the huge explosion of population and the sheer number of young people with little or nothing to do, even making allowances for school holidays. Those who listened to the speeches were struck by the outpouring of sentiments which highlight the values of sacrifice and hard work. Those who listened to the inspiring remarks of Ambassador Ohumoibhi will be struck by the feeling that there are many Nigerians who genuinely believe in the utility of preserving our unity, and are willing to work towards it. Those who listened to Governor Dakingari were struck by his admission that money has corrupted Nigerian politics; but good people in politics can mitigate its damage. Those who noticed the large numbers of local Igbo and Yoruba people (whose chiefs were also turbaned at the ceremony) would draw the conclusion that the roots of this nation go very deep indeed; and they are the artisans, shopkeepers, chemist operators, distributors and millions of other small operators who brave all the odds to travel to and live in communities thousands of miles from their original homes, trusting that they are safe.

Above all, those who attended the event would have come away with the strong impression that a good man will stand out wherever he is. Ambassador (Dr) Martin Uhomoibhi built a bridge all the way from Ewatto in Esan South Local Government Area of Edo State to Koko in Kebbi State. The class he taught during his National Service produced many people who made their marks on the nation, including two State Governors. The people of Koko have preserved that bridge by acknowledging that there is still room in our hearts as a nation for appreciating sacrifice and service. There are profound lessons in the turbanning of the Dan Majen Koko, and it says that the leaders who play the dangerous game of pushing our nation to the brink, can be challenged by others who believe in it, and who work to salvage it. 

Effect of the latest oil finds in the North of Nigeria...By Mahmoon Baba-Ahmed.

Hope for discovery of oil in the North is like pursuing a delusive mirage. It had for long proved to be an unrealistic and impracticable feat, at least to those pessimists who never wish the region well. However, concerted efforts by those concerned to ensure it is found in appreciable quantity yielded satisfactory results in many parts of Northern Nigeria, especially around the productive river basins and the legendary Lake Chad area bordering neighboring countries who had already struck the ‘black gold’ and are now fully exploiting it.
These are not the only areas in the North endowed with oil riches. Similar finds have been recorded in the trough of River Benue, the Niger basin as well as in Gombe and Bauchi states. Recently oil has also been found in Kogi State, and Sokoto state is understood to be sitting on a large deposit of oil reserve. However, whenever it is reported that oil has been discovered in any part of the North, the news is greeted with cynicism by skeptics, while the authorities concerned will be totally indifferent, unbothered to authenticate the discovery or move to exploit the new found deposits. In the twilight of Governor Ibrahim Idris’ tenure, large quantity of oil deposit was realized in Kogi State and after bringing it to the notice of those saddled with the responsibility of utilizing it, and oil prospecting experts confirmed the veracity of the find, nothing was done to ensure it is drilled for the benefit of the nation.
Similarly, when Governor Aliyu Magatakarda Wammako paid Sallah homage to the Sultan he dropped hint that oil has been detected in the Sokoto River basin, but it is a disheartening that despite wide publicity given to that disclosure by the press, neither government officials nor engineers of the prospecting firm uttered a word about that. To them that was a myth or idealized conception, which at best should be disregarded.
Even though the federal government was totally unemotional about oil discovery in certain areas of the North, yet President Goodluck Azikiwe Jonathan was ebullient with enthusiasm as he listed Anambra State as the tenth oil producing state in federation while commissioning a private refinery in the area recently. He announced that substantial deposit of oil, discovered in Oguleri Otu in Anambra East Local Government Area, influenced the siting of the refinery in the state.
Nevertheless, in a swift reaction, the neighboring Kogi State Government refuted claims of Anambra being the tenth oil producing state, and insisted that despite locating the refinery in Anambra State, the oil wells number OPL915 and 916 are undeniably situated in the hinterland of Kogi State. Nevertheless, it is puzzling how the Federal government remained quiet about the quantity and quality of oil deposit in Kogi State. Instead it pretended that it did even not exist. It is a well-known fact that oil find in the North has preceded that in any part of the Eastern states, but nobody cares a hoot about exploiting it, because it is located in the North which everyone in the South loves to hate. The controversial listing of Anambra State among the oil producing states in the federation ought to be reappraised thoughtfully and judiciously with a view to avert unwanted quarrel that may likely arise in the future between Kogi and Anambra states.
Nobody can precisely articulate the reasons behind the government’s hesitation or unwillingness in acknowledging the presence of oil in the North even after it had commissioned productive exploratory expeditions around Lake Chad basin. As a result of that the Northern Nigeria Development Corporation NNDC had been given franchise to acquire two blocks in the region, but it is yet to commence exploiting the oil wells. That may, however, not be difficult to comprehend. The multi-national corporations, which influence and direct the nation’s economic activities, are locked in unhealthy rivalry aimed at controlling the prospective oil fields in the North especially at the Lake Chad basin and the Komadugu-Yobe River which flows into it at the boundaries of Nigeria and Niger Republic. It was established that this nasty competition for the north-east oil by major foreign powers was responsible for the unrest that often devastate the area in the name of religion.
It is quite evident that Northern Nigeria is blessed with variety of mineral deposits including hydrocarbons from which petroleum products are derived, but these remained untapped deliberately, begrudging the northerners the chance to benefit immensely from the divine bequest. The North’s oil should not be a source of concern and difficulty for its citizen as it has been a curse instead of blessing to this nation. If President Jonathan is serious about directing his government toward increased prospecting of oil in the river basins at Nigeria’s borders, he should then be advised to start with areas with known oil reserves in the North. That will surely redress the matter of falsehood and the reality of oil find in the North once and for all.

British varsity moves to save Nigerian students from deportation.

London Metropolitan University is launching legal action against the United Kingdom Border Agency’s decision to revoke its licence to sponsor international students.

The university said it was taking action so its students could return to study “as a matter of urgency,” the British Broadcasting Corporation reports.
The government revoked London Met’s “highly trusted” status last week.
The UKBA found a quarter of its 2,000 overseas students did not have permission to stay in the country.
The revocation of the licence meant that over 2,000 students, mainly Nigerians, risked being deported from Britain.
A task force was set up by the university to help students affected by the decision.
The government says it wants to assess how many students will be successfully reallocated to alternative institutions before the UKBA sends out notices giving them 60 days to leave. At this stage, the Home Office is unable to say when those notices will be issued.
The UKBA says London Met had “failed to address serious and systemic failings” identified six months ago.

The Punch.