Wednesday, 5 September 2012

Jonathan: Criticisms, snake oil, and the way forward – Sabella Abidde.


On August 28, 2012, The Punch quoted President Jonathan as saying he was “the most criticised President in the whole world,” and at the same time vowing that “before I leave I will be the most praised President.” He went on to promise his listening audience that by 2013, the vast majority of Nigerians would come to appreciate him because that is when most would begin to reap the dividend of democracy and the policies he has put in place. A few days earlier, Mr. President was quoted as saying that the media was no longer the voice of the people. The Nigerian media, as the President sees it, has become injuriously partisan, politicised and untrustworthy.
On all counts, I disagree with President Jonathan. I disagree, not merely or necessarily because I think the President is wrong; but because I think he failed to take our modern history into account. And the modern history of leadership, the media, and the people’s aspiration tells us three things. First, every president or head of government have been subjected to all types of criticisms. This was the case in the days of Gen. Yakubu Gowon. He believed, in many instances, that the Nigerian media (especially the Lagos-Ibadan based media) were unduly critical of him. In later years, President Olusegun Obasanjo voiced a similar complaint.
In and out of office, Chief Obasanjo continues to be a target of the media. He is also a target of very sharp tongues within the comedy cycle. Again, if President Jonathan is feeling the sweltering heat and the saline humidity coming from the media, it is principally because of the changing nature of the Nigerian society. Millions of Nigerians now have a stake in their government. In the past, millions grumbled quietly about the government and about inefficiency, waste and corruption. Today, it is no longer enough to grumble. Millions now make their voices heard. And if it so pleases them, they are able to employ the new media: the social media.
If President Jonathan is complaining, what then should Gen. Ibrahim Babangida say or do? After all, this is a man who has been pursued, and continues to be pursued by the media and sections of the Nigerian society. Oh well, maybe this President is looking for sympathy. He is not likely to get it, though. On the other side of the Atlantic Ocean was George Walker Bush. He was perhaps the most reviled and the most abused and most ridiculed US President in the last 50 years. His intelligence was called into question; his political sagacity was doubted; his bravery suspected; and his managerial skills doubted. Yet, he went about his presidency the best he could. Why is our president whining?
Third, President Jonathan can be honestly praised; or, he can be praised by yes-men and by bootlickers. Praises are like trust: they have to be earned. And this President knows what to do in order to earn the people’s trust, love and affection. He said he would end up being the most praised President in the history of Nigeria. Well, let’s wait and see. He also promised democratic and economic miracles by 2013. Did I hear you say 2013? Wasn’t this the same President who told us, while attending the 2012 Seoul Nuclear Security Summit, that he would transform the Nigerian economy to rival those of the four Asian Tigers within the next few years?
In 2000, Obasanjo promised Nigerians and the world that the Millennium Development Goals would be achieved by 2015. The Obasanjo and Yar’Adua administrations wasted millions of dollars touting this dream. In spite of all the bravado and careless talks, we are nowhere near achieving any one of the eight goals: Eradicate poverty and hunger; achieve universal primary education; promote gender equality and empower women; reduce child mortality; improve maternal health; combat HIV/AIDS, and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability; and develop a global partnership for development. This President is promising us 13 bottles of snake oil?
I very much want to heap praises on this President (because) I know he is capable of good and great things. Why his abilities and aspirations have not manifested in his Presidency is what continues to baffle me and a million others. Granted governance is not as easy as most critics think, still, anyone who presents himself before the people as a potential leader ought to know what the intricacies and complexities of leadership are. Public safety and security is the main task. This is followed by what is generally referred to as development: economic, social, cultural and political development
According to James Weaver and his colleagues, “The overriding goal of development is to improve human well-being and to enable humans to achieve their potential.” To this end, therefore, four goals are generally pursued: (1) a healthy, growing economy that’s constantly undergoing structural transformation; (2) an economy in which the benefits are widely distributed; (3) a political system that provides for human rights and freedoms and effective governance; and (4) a political economy that is consistent with preservation of the environment.
For an economy that is basically agrarian and rentier in nature, what President Jonathan should have aimed for, from day one, is what is collectively known as basic needs: quality education and quality health care; potable water and good sanitary conditions; clean physical environment; safety and security from internal and external forces; provision and maintenance of infrastructure; prevalence of the rule of law, etc. If the President had done that – if he had done so – criticisms from the media and public commentators would have been the least of his worries. But as things are, this President must worry. He has to!
He must worry about the general direction the country is headed. For instance, he must worry about Boko Haram and the general state of insecurity. He must worry about the nasty environmental conditions that have come to characterise the country. He must worry about very high rates of unemployment. He must worry about low productivity and the gradual institutionalisation of corruption

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